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A  SOURCE-BOOK  OF  ANCIENT  HISTORY 


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HK  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

«2  IV  YORK    •    BOSTON    •    CHICAGO 
'./MAS    •    SAN    FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Limited 

LONDON  •  BOMBAY  •  CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA.  Ltd. 

TORONTO 


A  SOURCE-BOOK  OF 

ANCIENT    HISTORY 


BY 
GEORGE  WILLIS  BOTSFORD,  Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR   OF  HISTORY  IN  COLUMBIA   UNIVERSITY;   AUTHOR   OF   "THE 

DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE   ATHENIAN  CONSTITUTION,"  "THE  ROMAN 

ASSEMBLIES,"    "A   HISTORY  OF   GREECE,"    "A     HISTORY  OF 

ROME,"  "A  HISTORY  OF  THE  ANCIENT  WORLD,"  ETC. 

AND 

LILLIE   SHAW  BOTSFORD 

AUTHOR    (WITH    G.    W.    BOTSFORD)   OF 
"THE    STORY   OF   ROME    AS    GREEKS    AND   ROMANS    TELL   IT" 


Nrut  $nrk 

THE  MACMILLAN    COMPANY 

1923 

All  rights  reserved 


;  g  0  g 


Copyright,  1912, 

Hy  THE  MACMILLAN"   COMPANY 

Set  up  and  electrotyped.     Published  December,  1912. 


Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 


2) 


PREFACE 

This  volume  may  be  used  in  connection  with  any  course 
>  in  Ancient  History.  It  is  especially  intended,  however, 
to  serve  as  an  auxiliary  to  Botsford's  "History  of  the 
Ancient  World."  The  material  has  accordingly  been 
arranged  in  chapters  parallel  to  those  of  this  text-book, 
to  which  references  are  constantly  given. 

Some  of  the  selections  have  been  translated  by  friends — 
J     especially  by  Dr.  E.  G.  Sihler  of  New  York  University 
*     and   Miss   Rachel  R.   Hiller— and  others  by  ourselves; 
but  most  of  them  have  been  taken  from  published  trans- 
lations, to  which  credit  is  duly  given.    Particularly  in  the 
case  of  excerpts  from  translations  by  scholars  of  recog- 
nized merit,  we  have  followed  the  policy  of  making  the 
"I .     least  possible  revision,  even  to  the  extent  of  allowing  some 
inconsistencies  in  the  spelling  of  proper  names.    Readers 
will  thus  be  reminded  that  the  spelling  of  Greek  names  is 
far  from  being  standardized. 

As  to  the  use  of  the  volume,  we  advise  that  the  pupils 
$  read  each  chapter  in  connection  with  their  study  of  the 
s;  corresponding  chapter  of  the  text-book.  The  questions, 
which  suggest  the  more  important  facts  to  be  gathered 
from  the  selections,  are  to  be  regarded  merely  as  ex- 
amples. The  teacher  may  modify  or  expand  them  ac- 
cording to  the  needs  of  the  class.  In  the  case  of  the 
more  mature  pupils,  greater  attention  should  be  given 
to  a  study  of  the  authors  and  to  the  critical  appreciation 
of  the  selections  than  these  illustrative  questions  indicate. 
In  such  work  the  pupils  could  advantageously  use  Mur- 
ray's "History  of  Ancient  Greek  Literature;"  Mahaffy's 


vi  Preface 

'History  of  Classical  Greek  Literature;"  Mackail's 
"Latin  Literature;"  Duff's  "Literary  History  of  Rome;" 
TeuiUl  and  Schwabe's  ''History  of  Roman  Literature;" 
and  the  histories  of  Greece  and  of  Rome  by  Grote,  Cur- 
tins,  Holm,  Mommsen,  Duruy,  and  others.  Historical 
criticism,  however,  involving  the  careful  weighing  of  evi- 
dence and  the  valuation  of  the  reliability  of  authors  and 
documents,  is  an  exceedingly  complex  and  difficult  work, 
which  must  in  the  main  be  reserved  for  students  of  Uni- 
versity grade. 

It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  questions  rarely  call  for  an 
expression  of  opinion  as  to  the  right  or  wrong,  the  folly 
or  wisdom,  of  an  action.  It  is  true  that  when  an  act  is 
obviously  right  or  wrong,  the  character  of  the  pupil  may 
be  strengthened  by  his  being  called  upon  to  pronounce 
judgment;  but  nothing  so  conduces  to  superficial  self- 
sufficiency  as  the  practice  of  declaring  off-hand  opinions 
on  subjects  but  partially  and  one-sidedly  known.  The 
power  of  discrimination,  most  essential  to  a  well-developed 
mind,  may  be  better  cultivated  by  exercise  in  determin- 
ing, for  instance,  what  is  relevant  and  what  irrelevant 
to  a  given  subject,  what  are  the  facts  in  the  case  and 
what  is  merely  opinion,  what  are  the  essential  elements 
of  a  given  subject,  and  what  are  its  connections  with  re- 
lated subjects.  In  text-books  the  material  is  so  selected 
and  arranged  as  to  train  the  memory  more  than  any  other 
mental  faculty.  The  sources,  on  the  other  hand,  while 
bringing  the  reader  into  close,  almost  personal  touch  with 
the  individuals  and  events  treated,  have  the  advantage 
of  presenting  a  body  of  raw  material,  on  which  the  mind 
may  exercise  itself,  especially  in  discrimination.  The 
selections  would  be  robbed  of  this  value  by  excessive 
comment  and  by  the  elimination  of  all  obscurities,  un- 


Preface  vii 

familiar  names,  and  other  difficulties.  It  will  be  a  great 
advantage  to  the  pupil  to  learn  by  experience  that,  with- 
out being  able  to  pronounce  every  proper  name  or  to 
clear  up  every  difficulty  in  a  given  passage,  he  may  yet 
extract  useful  information  from  it.  With  no  detriment 
to  himself  or  to  others,  he  may  learn,  too,  at  an  early  age 
that  neither  teacher  nor  author  is  omniscient. 

There  are  already  in  existence  good  source-books  for 
Greece  and  Rome,  to  which  references  are  given  in  Bots- 
ford's  text-books  in  ancient  history.  To  those  who  wish 
a  greater  amount  of  source  material  on  Rome,  woven  into 
a  connected,  readable  narrative  extending  from  the  found- 
ing of  the  city  to  the  death  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  and 
abounding  in  interesting  sketches  of  characters  and  cus- 
toms, wre  recommend  our  "Story  of  Rome  as  Greeks  and 
Romans  tell  it."  The  present  volume  may  claim  the 
unique  merit  of  rendering  Oriental  sources  available  for 
high-school  and  college  courses  in  ancient  history.  It 
includes,  too,  certain  classes  of  sources  for  Greece  and 
Rome  not  represented  in  other  books  of  the  kind.  The 
aim,  however,  has  been  not  novelty  but  usefulness. 

EXPLANATIONS 

Greece,  Rome,  and  Ancient  World  are  abbreviated  titles 
of  Botsford,  History  of  Greece,  History  of  Rome,  and  His- 
tory of  the  Ancient- World,  respectively. 

Words  supplied  by  the  editors  are  enclosed  in  paren- 
theses. 

The  design  on  the  cover  represents  a  herm  of  Herodotus 
now  in  the  Berlin  Museum. 

George  Willis  Botsford 
Lillie  Shaw  Botsford 

Mount  Vernon,  New  York, 
October  30,  1912. 


CONTENTS 
BOOK  I 

THE  ORIENTAL  NATIONS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.  Introduction  to  the  Sources i 

II.  Egypt 5 

III.  The  Tigris-Euphrates  Valley 27 

IV.  Syria:  The  Phoenicians  and  the  Hebrews 42 

V.  The  Median  and  Persian  Empires 55 

BOOK  II 

HELLAS 

VI.  Introduction  to  the  Sources 67 

VII.  The  Cretan  and  Mycenaean  Civilizations 77 

VIII.  The  Epic  or  Homeric  Age 81 

IX.  Myth  and  Religion 88 

X.  The  City-State  and  its  Development 97 

XL  Economy  and  Colonization 103 

XII.  The  Rise  of  Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian  League  hi 

XIII.  Athens:  From  Monarchy  to  Democracy 123 

XIV.  The  Poets  and  the  Philosophers 141 

XV.  The  Ionic  Revolt 152 

XVI.  The  War  Between  Greece  and  Persia 162 

XVII.  The  Delian  Confederacy  and  the  Athenian  Empire  175 

XVIII.  The  Ace  of  Pericles 180 

XIX.  The  Peloponnesian  War  to  the  Sicilian  Expedi- 
tion    211 

XX.  From  the  Sicilian   EXPEDITION  to  the  End  of  the 

War 218 

XXI.  Sicily:  The  Tyrant  and  the  Liberator 241 

ix 


X  Contents 

(  II  U'TER  PAGE 

XXII.   Till     Si  im:i  U  VC1    OF   SPARTA 247 

XXIII.  Thebes  Attempts  to  Gain  the  Supremacy 258 

XXIV.  The  Rise  of  Macedon 266 

XXV.  Alexander's  Empire 276 

XXVI.  Greek  Life  and  Thought 283 

XXVII.  The  Hellenistic  Age 297 


BOOK  III 

ROME 

XXVIII.  A.  Introduction  to  the  Sources 313 

B.  Italy  and  Her  People 326 

XXIX.  Rome  Under  the  Kings 334 

XXX.  The  Early  Republic:   (I)  The  Plebeians  Win 

Their  Rights 348 

XXXI.  The   Early  Republic:   (II)  Rome  Becomes  Su- 
preme in  Italy 361 

XXXII.  Roman  Organization:  Progress  in  Culture.  ..  371 

XXXIII.  The  First  and  Second  Punic  Wars 379 

XXXIV.  The  End  of  Greek  Freedom 389 

XXXV.  (Irowth  of  Plutocracy;  Progress  in  Civilization  397 

XXXVI.  The  Revolution:  (I)  From  Plutocracy  to  Mili- 
tary Rule 417 

XXXVII.  The  Revolution:  (II)  The  Military  Power  in 

(   1  INFLICT   WITH   THE    REPUBLIC 433 

XXXVIII.  Tin:  Founding  of  the  Principate;  Augustus  and 

Tiberius 464 

XXXIX.  From  Principate  to  Monarchy:  The  Claudian 

and  Flavian  Princes 480 

XL.  The  Period  of  the  Five  Good  Emperors 502 

XI. I.  Early  History  of  Christianity 521 

XLII.  The  Absolute  Monarchy 527 

XLHI.  Some  Aspects  of  the  Decline 537 

XLIV.  The  Northern  Barbarians 544 

XLV.  Roman  Life  Under  the  Late  Empire 558 

XLVl.  The  Mohammedans  and  the  Prankish  Power.  .  574 
Index 585 


A  Source-Book  of  Ancient  History 

BOOK  I 
The   Oriental   Nations 

CHAPTER  I 

INTRODUCTION   TO   THE   SOURCES 

At  the  opening  of  the  last  century  almost  our  only   Greek 

sources 

sources  of  information  for  ancient  Egypt,  Babylonia, 
and  Assyria  were  the  works  of  the  Greeks.  For  the  earlier 
history  of  the  first  two  countries  here  named  these  writers  See  chapter 
had  to  depend  largely  on  folk  tales,  which  though  not  real 
history  throw  a  clearer  light  on  the  customs  and  thought 
of  the  Orientals  than  could  any  narrative  of  events  how- 
ever detailed.  Even  at  the  present  day,  notwithstanding 
the  vast  accumulation  of  other  sources,  we  are  attracted 
to  Herodotus,  "the  Father  of  History,"  who  visited 
Egypt  and  Babylon  about  the  middle  of  the  fifth  cen- 
tury B.C.  In  simple,  charming  style,  he  wrote  down  what 
he  himself  saw  and  what  the  priests  and  others  told  him  of 
native  history,  religion,  social  customs,  and  achievements 
in  engineering  and  architecture.  Although  we  can  place 
little  dependence  upon  his  account  of  earlier  times,  his 
own  age  he  portrays  with  great  fidelity.  For  geography, 
products,  and  to  some  extent  customs  we  may  still  use 
Strabo,  the  famous  Greek  geographer  who  wrote  in  the 
first  century  of  the  Christian  era.  Scattered  through 
Greek  and  Roman   literature  are  many   incidental   but 

i 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


Native 
sources    for 
Egypt,  Bab- 
ylonia,  and 
Assyria. 


valuable  references  to  the  Orient,  with  here  and  there 
more  extended  summaries  of  history  and  chronology. 

Our  knowledge  of  that  part  of  the  world,  however,  has 
been  vastly  increased  since  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth 
century  by  the  decipherment  of  ancient  scripts,  first  the 
Egyptian  and  afterward  the  Babylonian.  The  great  value 
of  these  native  sources  lies  in  the  facts  (i)  that  they  are 
nearly  always  contemporary  with  the  persons,  events,  or 
conditions  to  which  they  refer,  (2)  that  they  are  composed 
by  natives  and  present  therefore  the  native  attitude  of  mind 
and  mode  of  thought,  (3)  that  their  abundance  and  variety 
enable  us  to  examine  with  great  minuteness  and  accuracy 
all  the  activities  of  these  nations  in  war,  commerce  and 
industry,  the  useful  and  fine  arts,  religion,  morals,  and 
science — in  brief  every  field  of  thought  and  endeavor  of 
the  poor  and  lowly  as  well  as  of  kings  and  officials.  We  are 
therefore  especially  well  provided  with  the  means  of  study- 
ing the  Egyptians,  Babylonians  and  Assyrians. 

Of  the  peoples  of  Syria  we  have  almost  no  early  writ- 
ten records  in  addition  to  the  letters  found  at  Tel-el- 
Amarna,  Egypt,  described  below.  These  letters,  written 
in  the  fifteenth  century  by  various  governors  of  the  Syrian 
cities  to  the  Egyptian  king,  throw  an  interesting  light 
especially  on  Palestine  before  its  conquest  by  the  Hebrews. 
Almost  nothing  has  reached  us  from  the  Phoenicians, 
whereas  the  Hebrews  created  a  rich  literature  in  the  books 
of  the  Old  Testament. 

The  Persians  were  a  race  of  warriors,  and  the  inscrip- 
tions of  their  kings  are,  like  those  of  Assyria,  mainly  a 
record  of  conquest  and  building.  There  remains,  however, 
a  considerable  part  of  their  sacred  books  comprised  in  the 
Avesta.  The  beginnings  of  these  writings  belong  to  Media. 
From  that  country  they  were  adopted  by  the  Persians, 


Bibliography  3 

who  gradually  added  to  them  as  their  religion  expanded. 
This  entire  body  of  writings,  however,  purported  to  be  a 
revelation  of  God  to  his  prophet  Zoroaster  (native  name 
Zarathrustra).  Although  some  modern  scholars  look 
upon  this  figure  as  a  myth,  it  seems  more  probable  that 
he  was  a  historical  person  who  lived  in  the  latter  half  of 
the  seventh  century  B.C.  The  religion  he  taught  is  j™"** 
called  Zoroastrianism  after  himself,  or  Mazdeism,  after 
his  supreme  God,  Ahura  Mazda.  It  is  an  interesting 
fact  that  of  all  the  pagan  worships  which  flourished  in 
Egypt  and  southwestern  Asia  Mazdeism  alone  has  sur- 
vived to  the  present  day.  It  is  held  by  a  sect  called  the 
Parsis,  who,  when  the  Mohammedans  conquered  Persia,  643  A.D. 
fled  to  India,  where  they  are  still  settled. 

BOOKS  FROM  WHICH  SELECTIONS  HAVE  BEEN  MADE 

The  Holy  Bible.    New  York:  Hurst  and  Co. 

Birch,  S.,  editor,  Records  of  the  Past:  Being  English  Translations  of 
the  Assyrian  and  Egyptian  Monuments,  i-xii  (1875-1881). 
London:  Samuel  Bagster  and  Sons. 

Sayce,  A.  H,  editor,  Records  of  the  Past:  Being  English  Translations 
of  the  Ancient  Monuments  of  Egypt  and  Western  Asia.  New 
Series,  i-vi  (1888-1892).  Bagster  and  Sons.  This  series  is  in- 
dicated thus,  i,2  ii,2  hi,3  etc. 

Baum,  H.  M.,  and  Wright,  F.  B.,  editors,  Records  of  the  Past.  Wash- 
ington, D.  C:  Exploration  Society  (a  volume  annually,  beginning 
1902).  Referred  to  as  (American)  Records  of  the  Past.  It  is 
devoted  mainly  to  brief  studies,  but  contains  an  occasional 
translation. 

Breasted.  J.  IT.,  editor  and  translator,  Ancient  Records  of  Egypt, 
5  vols.    Chicago:  University  Press  (1906). 

King,  L.  W.,  Studies  in  Eastern  History,  3  vols.  London:  Luzac  and 
Co.  (1904-1907). 

King,  L.  \V.,  The' Letters  and  Inscriptions  of  Hammurabi,  vol.  iii. 
Luzac  and  Co.  (1900). 


4  Introduction  to  the  Sources 

Harper,  R.  I'..  The  Code  of  Hammurabi  King  of  Babylon.  Chicago: 
University  Press  (1904).    Translation  and  commentary. 

Darmesteter,  J.,  The  Zend-Avesta,  2  pts.  in  I".  Max  Midler's  Sacred 
Books  of  the  East,  vols.  iv.  xxiii.  Oxford:  Clarendon  Press 
(1880,  1883). 

Herodotus,  see  p.  75. 

Strabo,  see  p.  76. 


1.4- 


CHAPTER  U 

EGYPT 

I.  The  Nile 

The  Nile,  when  it  leaves  the  boundaries  of  Ethiopia,  The  Delta. 
flows  in  a  straight  line  toward  the  North,  to  the  tract 
called  the  Delta,  then,  cloven  at  the  head,  as  Plato  says,  Strabo  xvii. 
it  makes  this  point  the  apex  of  a  triangle,  the  sides  of 
which  are  formed  by  streams.  .  .  .  An  island  is  thus 
formed  by  the  sea  and  the  two  streams  of  the  river, 
called  the  Delta  from  its  resemblance  to  the  letter  of  that 
name  A. 

At  the  time  of  the  rising  of  the  Nile  the  whole  valley 
is  covered  and  resembles  the  sea,  except  the  inhabited 
parts,  which  are  on  natural  hills  or  mounds;  the  larger 
cities  and  the  villages  appear  like  islands  on  the  distant 
prospect. 

After  having  continued  on  the  ground  more  than  forty 
days  in  Summer,  the  water  subsides  by  degrees  in  the  same 
manner  as  it  arose.  In  sixty  days  the  plain  is  entirely 
exposed  to  view  and  dries  up.  The  sooner  the  land  is  dry, 
so  much  the  sooner  the  plowing  and  sowing  are  ac- 
complished, and  it  dries  earlier  in  those  parts  where  the 
heat  is  greater.  The  country  above  the  Delta  is  irrigated 
in  the  same  manner,  except  that  the  river  flows  in  a  straight 
channel  to  the  distance  of  about  four  thousand  stadia 
unless  where  some  island  intervenes. 

In  later  times  persons  learned  by  experience  as  eye- 
witnesses that  the  Nile  owes  its  rise  to  summer  rains,  which 

5 


Egypt 


Farm  labor 
is  easy. 


Herodotus 
ii.  14. 


fall  in  great  abundance  in  Upper  Ethiopia,  especially 
in  the  most  distant  mountains.  When  the  rains  cease, 
the  fulness  of  the  river  gradually  subsides.  This  was 
particularly  observed  by  those  who  navigated  the  Arabian 
Gulf  on  their  way  to  the  Cinnamon  country  and  by  those 
who  wire  sent  to  hunt  elephants,  or  for  such  other  pur- 
poses  as  induced  the  Ptolemies  to  send  persons  in  that 
direction. 

II.  Fertility 

They  (the  Egyptians)  gather  the  fruit  of  the  earth  with 
far  less  labor  than  any  other  people.  .  .  .  For  they  do  not 
toil  in  breaking  furrows  with  the  plow  nor  in  hoeing  it, 
nor  in  doing  any  other  work  in  which  men  are  employed 
in  raising  a  crop;  but  when  the  river  of  its  own  accord 
comes  up  over  the  field  and  waters  it  and  then  withdraws 
to  its  bed,  each  farmer  sows  his  field  with  seed  and  turns 
the  swine  into  it;  and  when  the  swine  have  trodden  the 
seed  down,  he  awaits  the  harvest.  Then  he  threshes  by 
means  of  the  swine  and  gathers  in  his  crop. 


The  greatest 
pyramid. 


Herodotus 
ii.  1  24. 


The  remains 
of  two  cause- 

.Lrc 
extant. 


III.  The  Pyramids 

After  Cheops  had  ascended  the  throne,  he  brought  the 
country  into  every  manner  of  evil.  First  closing  all  the 
temples,  he  forbade  sacrificing  there,  then  ordered  all  the 
Egyptians  to  work  for  him.  Some  he  bade  draw  stones 
from  the  quarries  in  the  Arabian  mountains  about  the 
Nile;  others  were  ordered  to  receive  them  after  they  had 
been  carried  over  the  river  in  boats,  and  to  draw  them  to 
the  Libyan  mountains.  And  they  worked  in  groups  of 
100,000  men,  each  group  for  three  months  continually. 
Ten  years  of  oppression  for  the  people  wrere  required  for 
making  the  causeway  by  which  they  dragged  the  stones. 


The  Greatest  Pyramid  7 

This  causeway  which  they  built  was  not  a  much  inferior 
work  to  the  pyramid  itself,  as  it  seems  to  me;  for  the 
length  is  five  stades  and  the  breadth  ten  fathoms;  its  high-  A  stade 

...,-',  .     .  r       ,.  ,  '  ,     (stadium) 

est  point  is  eight  fathoms;  it  is  made  of  polished  stones  and  was  600  feet. 

engraved  with  the  figures  of  living  beings.    Ten  years  were 

required  for  this,  and  for  the  works  on  the  mound,  where 

the  pyramids  stand,  and  for  the  underground  chambers 

in  the  island,  which  he  intended  as  sepulchral  vaults  for  No  trace  of 

his  own  use,  and  lastly  for  the  canal  which  he  dug  from  the  now  be  found 

Nile.    The  pyramid  was  building  20  years;  it  is  square; 

each  side  measures  800  feet  and  its  height  is  the  same; 

the  stones  are  polished  and  fitted  together  with  the  utmost 

exactness.    Not  one  of  them  is  less  than  30  feet  in  length. 

The  pyramid  was  built  in  steps,  battlement-wise,  or  Lifting   ma- 

^  chines. 

as  some  say,  altar-wise.    After  laying  the  base,  they  lifted 

the  remaining  stones  to  their  places  by  means  of  machines,  lb.  125. 
made  of  short  pieces  of  wood.  The  first  machine  raised 
them  from  the  ground  to  the  top  of  the  first  step;  and  when 
the  stone  had  been  lifted  thus  far,  it  was  drawn  to  the  top 
of  the  second  step  by  another  machine;  for  they  had  as 
many  machines  as  steps,  or  they  lifted  the  same  machine, 
which  was  made  so  as  to  be  easily  carried,  from  one  step 
to  the  other  for  the  purpose  of  elevating  the  stones;  for  I 
give  both  methods  as  they  were  told  me.  At  any  rate, 
the  highest  parts  were  finished  first,  then  the  next,  and  so 
on  till  they  came  to  the  parts  resting  on  the  ground, 
namely  the  base.  It  is  set  down  in  Egyptian  writing  on  the 
pyramid  how  much  was  spent  on  radishes  and  leeks  and 
onions  for  the  workmen;  and  I  remember  well  the  in- 
terpreter read  the  sum  of  1600  talents  of  silver.  Now  if 
these  figures  are  correct,  how  much  more  must  have  been 
spent  on  the  iron  which  with  they  worked,  and  on  the  food 
and  clothing  of  the  workmen,  considering  the  length  of 


Egypt 

time  which  the  work  lasted,  and  an  additional  period, 
as  i  understand,  during  which  they  cut  and  brought  the 
stones,  and  made  the  excavations. 

IV.    Tl:l    \1V    II   [WEEN    RAMESES  II  AND  THE  HlTTITES 

A  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  between  Rameses  II  and  the  Ilittite 
Kin^,  1 272,  the  earliest  treaty  now  extant.  The  following  is  the  more 
important  part  of  it.    Br<    sted,  Records  of  Ancient  Egypt,  iii.    pp.  C65- 


Thc  lrcat\'  which  the  great  chief  of  the  Hittites,  Khet- 
asar,  the  valiant,  the  son  of  Merasar,  the  great  chief  of 
the  Hittites,  the  valiant,  the  grandson  of  Seplel,  the  great 
chief  of  the  Hittites,  the  valiant,  made  upon  a  silver  tab- 
let for  Rameses  II,  tlje  great  ruler  of  Egypt,  the  valiant; 
.  .  .  the  good  treaty  of  peace  and  of  brotherhood,  setting 
peace  between  them  forever.  .  .  . 

Behold,  then,  Khetasar,  the  great  chief  of  the  Hittites, 
is  in  a  treat}-  relation  with  Rameses  II,  the  great  ruler  of 
Egypt,  beginning  with  this  day,  in  order  to  bring  about 
good  peace  and  good  brotherhood  between  us  forever, 
while  he  is  in  brotherhood  with  me;  and  I  am  in  brother- 
hood with  him,  and  I  am  in  peace  with  him  forever. 
Since  Metella,  the  great  chief  of  the  Hittites,  my  brother, 
succumbed  to  his  fate,  and  Khetasar  sat  as  great  chief 
of  the  Hittites  upon  the  throne  of  his  father,  behold,  I  am 
together  with  Rameses-Meriamon,  the  great  ruler  of 
Egypt,  and  he  is  with  me  in  our  peace  and  our  brother- 
hood. It  is  better  than  the  former  peace  and  brotherhood 
which  were  in  the  land.  Behold,  I,  even  the  great  chief 
of  the  Hittites,  am  with  Rameses,  the  great  ruler  of 
Egypt,  in  good  peace  and  in  good  brotherhood.  The 
children  of  the  children  of  the  great  chief  of  the  Hittites 
shall  be  in  brotherhood  and  peace  with  the  children  of  the 


The  Earliest  Extant  Treaty  9 

children  of  Rameses-Meriamon,  the  great  ruler  of  Egypt, 

being  in  our  relations  of  brotherhood  and  our  relations 

of  peace,  that  the  land  of  Egypt  may  be  with  the  land  of 

the  Hittites  in  peace  and  brotherhood,   like  ourselves, 

forever. 

There  shall  be  no  hostilities  between   them  forever.   Neither 

party  shall 
The  great  chief  of  the  Hittites  shall  not  pass  over  into  the  attack  the 

land  of  Egypt,  forever,  to  take  anything  therefrom.  Ram- 
eses-Meriamon, the  great  ruler  of  Egypt,  shall  not  pass 
over  into  the  land  of  the  Hittites  to  take  anything  there- 
from, forever.  .  .  . 

If  another  enemy  come  against  the  lands  of  Rameses,  Defensive 

alliance, 
the  great  ruler  of  Egypt,  and  he  shall  send  to  the  great 

chief  of  the  Hittites,  saying,  "Come  with  me  as  reinforce- 
ment against  him,"  the  great  chief  of  the  Hittites  shall 
come,  and  the  great  chief  of  the  Hittites  shall  slay  his 
enemy.  But  if  it  shall  not  be  the  desire  of  the  great  chief 
of  the  Hittites  to  come,  he  shall  send  his  infantry  and  his 
chariotry,  and  shall  slay  his  enemy. 

Or  if  Rameses-Meriamon,  the  great  ruler  of  Egypt,  be 
provoked  against  delinquent  subjects,  when  they  have 
committed  some  other  fault  against  him,  and  he  come  to 
slay  them,  then  the  great  chief  of  the  Hittites  shall  act 
with  the  lord  of  Egypt. 

If  another  enemy  come  against  the  great  chief  of  the 
Hittites  and  he  shall  send  to  the  great  chief  of  Egypt, 
Rameses  for  reinforcements,  then  he  shall  come  to  him 
as  reinforcement,  to  slay  his  enemy.  But  if  it  be  not  the 
desire  of  Rameses-Meriamon,  the  great  ruler  of  Egypt 
to  come,  he  shall  send  his  infantry  and  his  chariotry  and 
shall  slay  his  enemy.  .  .  . 

If  any  great  man  of  the  land  of  Egypt  shall  flee  and 
shall  come  to  the  great  chief  of  the  Hittites,  from  either  a 


io 


Egypt 


Extrad  tion 
clause 

The  'locu- 
im-nt  con 
tains  a  suni- 
l.i r  i  lause  in 
favor  of  the 
Hittites. 

The  gods  are 
witnesses. 


town  or.    .    .    of  til 
ruler  of  Eg)  pt, 
the  Elittite 


mils  of  Rameses-Meriamon,  the  great 

ind  they  shall  come  to  the  greal  chief  of 
then  the  great  chief  of  the  Hittites  shall  not 


receive  them,  but  the  great  chief  of  the  Hittites  shall  cause 
them  to  be  brought  to  Rameses,  the  great  ruler  of  Egypt, 
their  lord  therefor.  .  .  . 

As  for  the  words  of  this  contract  of  the  great  chief 
of  the  Hittites  with  Rameses- Mcriamon,  the  great  ruler 
iA  Kgypt,  written  upon  this  silver  tablet;  as  for  these 
words,  a  thousand  gods  of  the  male  gods  and  of  the  female 
gods,  of  those  of  the  land  of  the  Hittites,  together  with  a 
thousand  gods,  of  the  male  and  of  the  female  gods  of  those, 
of  the  land  of  Egypt,  they  are  with  me  as  witnesses  to 
these  words. 


Ptah  ad- 
dresses 
Rameses  II. 

Ptah    artist- 

hief 
deity  of  Mem- 
phis; \"um 
(Khnuni) 
i  reator  and 
prote<  tor; 
Hathoi 
dess  of  love 
and  pleasure, 
in  form 
of  a  cow. 


V.  Rameses  II,  Son  and  Second  Self  of  the  God  Ptah- 

TOTUNEN 

This  extract  from  a  much  longer  inscription  found  at  Abu-Simbel, 
Egypt,  gives,  perhaps  better  than  any  other  passage,  an  idea  of  the 
divine  perfection,  majesty,  and  almighty  power  of  the  Egyptian  king 
a-  the  son  ami  incarnation  of  the  chief  deity.  Interesting  is  the  in- 
cidental reference  to  the  successful  close  of  the  war  with  the  Hittites 
and  to  the  king's  marriage  with  the  Hittite  princess.  Records  of  the 
Past.  xii.    85-89. 

Thus  speaks  Ptah-Totunen  with  the  high  plumes, 
armed  with  horns,  the  father  of  the  gods,  to  his  son  who 
love-  him.    .   .   . 

Xum  and  Ptah  have  nourished  thy  childhood,  they  leap 
with  joy  when  they  see  thee  made  after  my  likeness,  noble, 
; .  exalted.  The  great  princesses  of  the  house  of  Ptah 
and  the  Hathors  of. the  temple  of  Tern  are  in  festival, 
their  hearts  are  full  of  gladness,  their  hands  take  the  drum 
with  joy,  when  thev  see  thy  person  beautiful  and  lovely 


Rameses  II  n 

like  my  Majesty.  .  .  .  King  Rameses,  I  grant  thee  to 
cut  the  mountains  into  statues  immense,  gigantic,  ever- 
lasting; I  grant  that  foreign  lands  find  for  thee  precious 
stone  to  inscribe  the  monuments  with  thy  name. 

I  give  thee  to  succeed  in  all  the  works  which  thou  hast  Success  in 
done.  I  give  thee  all  kinds  of  workmen,  all  that  goes  on  takings, 
two  or  four  feet,  all  that  flies  and  all  that  has  wings.  I 
have  put  in  the  heart  of  all  nations  to  offer  thee  what  they 
have  done;  themselves,  princes  great  and  small,  with  one 
heart  seek  to  please  thee,  King  Rameses.  Thou  hast  built 
a  great  residence  to  fortify  the  boundary  of  the  land, 
the  city  of  Rameses;  it  is  established  on  the  earth  like  the 
four  pillars  of  the  sky;  hast  constructed  within  a  royal 
palace,  where  festivals  are  celebrated  to  thee  as  is  done 
for  me  within.  I  have  set  the  crown  on  thy  head  with  my 
own  hands,  when  thou  appearest  in  the  great  hall  of  the 
double  throne;  and  men  and  gods  have  praised  thy  name 
like  mine  when  my  festival  is  celebrated. 

Thou  hast  carved  my  statues  and  built  my  shrines  as  Rameses 
xi  i  ••  <-iiT1  •  i  i        the  incarna- 

1  have  done  in  times  of  old.     1  have  given  thee  years  by  tion  of  Ptah. 

periods  of  thirty;  thou  reignest  in  my  place  on  my  throne; 

I  fill  thy  limbs  with  life  and  happiness,  I  am  behind  thee  to 

protect  thee;  I  give  thee  health  and  strength;  I  cause 

Egypt  to  be  submitted  to  thee,  and  I  supply  the  two 

countries  with  pure  life.    King  Rameses,  I  grant  that  the 

strength,  the  vigor,  and  the  might  of  thy  sword  be  felt 

among  all  countries;  thou  castest  down  the  hearts  of  all 

nations;  I  have  put  them  under  thy  feet;  thou  comest 

forth  every  day  in  order  that  be  brought  to  thee  the  foreign 

prisoners;  the  chiefs  and  the  great  of  all  nations  offer  thee 

their  children.    I  give  them  to  thy  gallant  sword  that  thou 

mayest  do  with  them  what  thou  likest.     King  Rameses, 

I  grant  that  the  fear  of  thee  be  in  the  minds  of  all  and  thy 


12 


Egypt 


Power  of  the 
king's  name. 


He  marries 
the  Ilittite 
princess. 


command  in  their  hearts.  I  grant  that  thy  valor  reach  all 
countries,  and  that  the  dread  of  thee  be  spread  over  all 
lands;  the  princes  tremble  at  thy  remembrance,  and  thy 
majesty  is  fixed  on  their  heads;  they  come  to  thee  as  sup- 
plicants to  implore  thy  mercy.  Thou  givest  life  to  whom 
thou  wishest,  and  thou  puttest  to  death  whom  thou  pleas- 
est ;  the  throne  of  all  nations  is  in  thy  possession.  .  .  . 

King  Rameses,  I  have  exalted  thee  through  such  marvel- 
ous endowments  that  heaven  and  earth  leap  for  joy  and 
those  who  are  within  praise  thy  existence;  the  mountains, 
the  water,  and  the  stone  walls  which  are  on  the  earth 
are  shaken  when  they  hear  thy  excellent  name,  since  they 
have  seen  what  I  have  accomplished  for  thee;  which  is 
that  the  land  of  the  Hittites  should  be  subjected  to  thy 
palace;  I  have  put  in  the  heart  of  the  inhabitants  to  an- 
ticipate thee  themselves  by  their  obeisance  in  bringing 
thee  their  presents.  Their  chiefs  are  prisoners,  all  their 
property  is  the  tribute  in  the  dependency  of  the  living  king. 
Their  royal  daughter  is  at  the  head  of  them;  she  comes  to 
soften  the  heart  of  King  Rameses;  her  merits  are  marvel- 
ous, but  she  does  not  know  the  goodness  which  is  in  thy 
heart. 


When  Thebes 
became  the 
residen 

phar.; 

Amon  I  Am- 
nion, or 
Amen),  chief 
god  of  the 
city,  became 
the  supreme 
deity  of  Egypt, 
and  a  stupen- 
dous temple 
was  built  to 
him;  Ancient 
World.  16. 


VI.  Hymn  to  Amon  (Ammon) 

Records  of  the  Past,  vi.  99  f. 

I  cry,  the  beginning  of  wisdom  is  the  way  of  Amon,  the  rudder  of 

truth. 
Thou  art  he  that  giveth  bread  to  him  who  lias  none, 
That  sustaineth  the  servant  of  his  house. 
Let  no  prince  be  my  defender  in  all  my  troubles. 
Let  not  my  memorial  be  placed  under  the  power 
Of  any  man  who  is  in  the  house     .     .     .     My  Lord  is  my  defender; 
I  know  his  power,  to  wit,  he  is  a  strong  defender; 
There  is  none  mighty  except  him  alone- 


The  Nile  a  Deity 


i3 


Strong  is  Anion,  knowing  how  to  answer, 
Fulfilling  the  desire  of  him  who  cries  to  him; 
The  Sun  the  true  King  of  Gods, 
The  Strong  Bull,  the  mighty  lover  of  power. 


VII.  Hymn  to  the  Nile 

By  the  scribe  Ennana.  It  represents  the  idea  that  "the  Nile  is  the 
source  of  all  life  in  Egypt,  that  it  is  the  supreme  god,  mysterious,  un- 
created, the  father  of  the  gods  and  all  things  else,  into  whose  secrets 
none  can  penetrate.  He  describes  in  a  lofty  style  the  benefits  con- 
ferred by  the  Nile  when  it  spreads  its  waters  over  the  country  at  its 
nnnual  return."    Records  of  the  Past,  iii.2  48_54- 

Adoration  to  the  Nile! 

Hail  to  thee,  O  Nile! 

Who  manifestest  thyself  over  this  land, 

And  comest  to  give  life  to  Egypt ! 

Mysterious  is  thy  issuing  forth  from  the  darkness, 

On  this  day  whereon  it  is  celebrated! 

Watering  the  orchards  created  by  Re 

To  cause  all  the  cattle  to  live, 

Thou  givest  the  earth  to  drink,  inexhaustible  one! 

Path  that  descendest  from  the  sky, 

Loving  the  bread  of  Seb  and  the  first  fruits  of  Nepera, 

Thou  causest  the  workshops  of  Ptah  to  prosper!     .     .     . 

He  brings  the  offerings,  as  chief  of  provisioning; 

He  is  creator  of  all  good  things, 

As  master  of  energy,  full  of  sweetness  in  his  choice. 

If  offerings  are  made  it  is  thanks  to  him. 

He  brings  forth  the  herbage  for  the  flocks, 

And  sees  that  each  god  receives  his  sacrifices. 

All  that  depends  on  him  is  a  precious  incense. 

He  spreads  himself  over  Egypt, 

Pilling  the  granaries,  renewing  the  marts, 

Watching  over  the  goods  of  the  unhappy. 

lie  is  prosperous  to  the  height  of  all  desires, 
Without  fatiguing  himself  th  r<  for. 
He  brings  again  his  lordly  bark; 


Giver  of 
Life. 


Its  sources 
were  un- 
known. 


Re,   the  sun- 


Seb,  god  of 
earth;  Ptah, 
chief  god  of 
Memphis. 

Creator  of 
all  good. 


Incessantly 
active. 


H 


Egypt 


Uraeus,  He  is  not  sculptured  in  stone,  in  the  statues  crowned  with  the  uraeus 

\mlH''  serpent, 

of  divinity  or  ' 

royalty,  worn    He  cannot  be  contemplated. 

on  headdress.    \,,  >lTN  jtors  ]ias  be,  no  bearers  of  offerings! 

He  is  not  enticed  by  incantatioi 

None  knows  the  place  where  lie  dwells, 

None  discovers  his  retreat  by  the  power  of  a  written  spell    .    .    . 

Ifourisher  of    Establisher  of  justice!  mankind  desires  thee, 

mankind.  Supplicating  thee  to  answer  their  prayers;  thou  answerest  them  by 

the  inundation! 

Men  offer  the  first  fruits  of  corn; 

All  the  gods  adore  thee! 

The  birds  descend  not  on  the  soil. 

It  is  believed  that  with  thy  hand  of  gold 

Thou  makest  bricks  of  silver! 

But  we  are  not  nourished  on  lapis  lazuli; 

Corn  alone  gives  vigor.     .     .     . 


Offerings   to 
thee. 


Tuau,  the 
other  world. 


O  inundation  of  the  Nile, 

Offerings  are  made  to  thee, 

Oxen  are  immolated  to  thee, 

Great  festivals  are  instituted  for  thee. 

Birds  are  sacrificed  to  thee, 

Gazelles  are  taken  for  thee  in  the  mountain. 

Pure  flames  are  prepared  for  thee. 

Sacrifice  is  made  to  every  god  as  it  is  made  to  the  Nile. 

The  Nile  has  made  its  retreats  in  Southern  Egypt, 

It-  name  is  not  known  beyond  the  Tuau. 

The  god  manifests  not  his  forms, 

He  baffles  all  conception. 


Prosper,  O 
giver  of 
prosperity  1 

His  son  is 
pharaoh. 


Men  exalt  him  like  the  cycle  of  the  gods, 

They  dread  him  who  creates  the  heat, 

Even  him  who  has  made  his  son  the  universal  master 

In  order  to  give  prosperity  to  Egypt. 

Come  and  prosper!  come  and  prosper! 

0  Nile,  come  and  prosper! 

O  thou  who  makest  men  to  live  through  his  flocks, 

And  his  flocks  through  his  orchards! 


Tombs;   Precepts  15 

Come  and  prosper,  come, 
O  Nile,  come  and  prosper! 

This  work  has  been  successfully  finished  and  dedicated  to  the 
scribe  of  the  treasury  Qaqabu  (by  the  scribe  Ennana). 

VIII.  Spoliation  of  Tombs 

This  extract  is  a  single  clause  in  an  extensive  report  made  by  a 
commission  for  examining  into  the  condition  of  cemeteries  appointed 
by  Rameses  IX  (about  noo).  From  this  and  other  sources  we  learn 
that  tomb  robbery  was  an  oft-committed  crime.  Records  of  the  Past, 
xii.  107. 

Sepulchres  and  chapels  in  which  repose  the  chanters 
and  mourners,  the  women  and  men  of  the  country,  in  the 
west-quarter  of  the  city.  It  was  found  that  the  thieves 
had  violated  them  all,  that  they  had  torn  their  occupants 
away  from  their  coffins  and  cases,  had  thrown  them  into 
the  dust  and  had  stolen  all  the  funeral  objects  which  had 
been  given  to  them,  as  well  as  the  gold  and  silver  and  the 
ornaments  which  were  in  their  coffins. 

IX.  Egyptian  Precepts 

The  following  precepts  are  taken  from  the  "oldest  book  in  the 
world,"  written  on  papyrus.  It  was  discovered  in  the  necropolis  of 
Thebes  and  first  published  in  1847.  It  is  now  in  the  National  Library 
in  Paris. 

The  first  part,  in  which  we  find  some  precepts  concerning  manners   The  third  and 

and  morals,  was  composed  in  the  reign  of  Senoferu  (third  dynasty).    fi.ftn.^yn?s.\ 

.       ,  .         ties  he  within 

The  last  part  was  composed  by  the  prefect  Ptah-hotep  in  the  reign    2900-2540. 

of  Assa  (fifth  dynasty).    (American)  Records  of  the  Past,  i.  311-320. 

If  thou  sittest  down  to  eat  with  a  number,  despise  the  0n  eating  in 

company. 
dishes  which  thou  lovest;  it  is  but  a  short  time  to  restrain 

thyself;  and  voracity  is  something  degrading,  for  there  is 

bestiality  in  it.    As  a  glass  of  water  quenches  thirst,  as  a 


i6 


Egypt 


Moral 

proverbs  and 
precepts; 
A  ncient 

World,  19. 


Conduct  to- 
ward chil- 
dren. 


Treatment 
of  the  quar- 
relsome. 


mouthful  of  vegetables  strengthens  the  heart,  as  one  good 
takes  the  place  of  another  good,  as  a  very  little  takes  the 
place  of  much,  he  who  is  drawn  away  by  his  stomach  when 
he  is  not  on  the  watch  is  a  worthless  man.  With  such 
people  the  stomach  is  master.  However,  if  thou  sittest 
down  to  eat  with  a  glutton,  to  keep  up  with  him  in  eating 
will  lead  afar;  and  if  thou  drinkest  with  a  great  drinker, 
accept  to  please  him.  Do  not  reject  the  meats,  even  from 
a  man  repugnant  to  thee;  take  what  he  gives  thee,  and  do 
not  leave  it;  truly  that  is  disagreeable. 

Do  not  harden  the  hearts  of  thy  children.  Instruct 
those  who  will  be  in  thy  place;  but  when  he  does  not  per- 
mit, none  knows  the  events  which  God  brings  to  pass.  Let 
the  chief  talk  to  his  children,  after  he  has  accomplished 
the  human  condition;  they  will  gain  honor  for  themselves 
by  increasing  in  well  doing,  starting  from  that  which  he 
has  told  them. 

He  says  to  his  son:  Be  not  proud  because  of  thy  knowl- 
edge; converse  with  the  ignorant  as  with  the  scholar;  for 
the  barriers  of  art  are  never  closed,  no  artist  ever 
possessing  that  perfection  to  which  he  should  aspire. 
But  wisdom  is  more  difficult  to  find  than  the  emerald; 
which  is  found  by  slaves  among  the  rocks  of  pegma- 
tite. 

If  thou  hast  to  do  with  a  disputer  while  he  is  in  his  heat, 
and  if  he  is  superior  to  thee  in  ability,  lower  the  hands, 
bend  the  back,  do  not  get  into  a  passion  with  him.  As 
he  will  not  permit  thee  to  spoil  his  speech,  it  is  very  wrong 
to  interrupt  him;  that  shows  thou  art  not  able  to  keep 
quiet  when  thou  art  contradicted.  If  then  thou  hast  to  do 
with  a  disputer  while  he  is  in  his  heat,  act  as  one  not  to  be 
moved.  Thou  hast  the  advantage  over  him,  if  only  in 
keeping  silent  when  his  speech  is  bad.    "  Better  is  he  who 


Precepts  17 

refrains,"  says  the  audience;  and  thou  art  right  in  the 

opinion  of  the  great.  .  .  . 

If  thou  art  in  the  position  of  leader,  to  decide  the  con-  Treatment 

of  those 
dition  of  a  large  number  of  men,  seek  the  best  way,  that  under  your 

thine  own  position  may  be  without  reproach.  Justice  is 
great,  unchangeable  and  assured;  it  has  not  been  dis- 
turbed since  the  time  of  Osiris.    To  put  an  obstacle  in  the  0s™>  once'a 

.  tttmi    ruleron  earth, 

way  of  the  laws,  is  to  open  the  way  before  violence.    Will  now  the  god 
the  low  be  exalted  if  the  unjust  does  not  succeed  to  the  the°deadSeS 
place  of  justice,  he  who  says:       "I  take  for  myself,  ac- 
cording to  my  will,"  but  does  not  say,  "I  take  by  my 
authority."    The  limits  of  justice  are  unchangeable;  this 
is  a  precept  which  each  man  receives  from  his  father. 

Do  not  intimidate  men;  or  God  will  likewise  contend 
with  thee.  .  .  . 

If  thou  art  among  persons  who  are  sitting  down  to  eat  ^^"upe-" 
at  the  house  of  one  greater  than  thyself,  take  what  he  gives  riors. 
thee,  bowing  low.  Look  at  what  is  before  thee,  bowing  pro- 
foundly. Look  at  what  is  before  thee;  but  do  not  stare  at 
it:  do  not  look  at  it  frequently;  he  is  blameworthy  who 
breaks  this  rule.  Do  not  speak  to  him  (the  great  man) 
more  than  he  asks,  for  one  does  not  know  what  might  dis- 
please him.  Speak  when  he  invites  thee  to  do  so,  and  thy 
word  will  please.  .  .  . 

If  thou  art  one  of  those  who  carry  messages  from  one  Conduct  as  a 

J  messenger. 

great  man  to  another,  keep  exactly  to  that  he  has  enjoined 
upon  thee.  Beware  of  altering  in  speaking  the  repulsive 
things  which  one  great  man  addresses  to  another.  He  who 
distorts  the  fidelity  of  his  message  by  repeating  only  what 
is  pleasing  in  the  words  of  any  man,  great  or  small,  is  a 
detestable  being.  .  .  . 

Be  active  during  the  time  of  thy  existence,  in  doing  faezfnaersesof 
more  than  is  commanded.     Do  no  wrong  in  the  time  of 


[8 


Egypt 


Have  cour- 
age to  give 
sound  ad- 
vice. 


Govern  your 
temper. 


Conduct    to- 
ward a  wife. 


Conduct  of 
one  in  com- 
mand. 


activity;  he  is  blameworthy  who  wastes  his  hour.  Do  not 
lose  the  daily  opportunity  for  the  increase  of  that  which 
thy  house  possesses.  Activity  produces  riches,  and  riches 
do  not  last  when  it  (activity)  slackens.  .  .  . 

Declare  thy  line  of  conduct  without  reserve;  give  thine 
advice  in  the  council  of  thy  lord;  there  are  people  who  take 
all  sides  when  they  speak,  so  that,  by  not  replying,  they 
may  not  grieve  the  one  who  has  made  a  statement.  .  .  . 

If  thou  desiresl  that  thy  conductsbe  good  and  kept  from 
all  evil,  beware  of  all  fits  of  bad  temper.  This  is  a  sad 
malady  which  leads  to  discord,  and  there  is  no  more  life 
at  all  for  the  one  who  falls  into  it.  For  it  brings  quarrels 
between  fathers  and  mothers,  as  between  brothers  and 
sisters;  it  makes  the  wife  and  the  husband  abhor  each  other, 
it  contains  all  wickedness,  it  encloses  all  injuries.  When  a 
man  takes  justice  for  his  rule,  walks  in  her  ways,  and  dwells 
with  her,  there  is  no  room  left  for  bad  temper.  .  .  . 

If  thou  art  wise,  take  care  of  thy  house;  love  thy  wife 
purely.  Fill  her  stomach;  clothe  her  back;  these  are  the 
cares  to  give  to  her  body.  Caress  her,  fulfill  her  desire 
during  the  time  of  thine  existence;  it  is  a  kindness  which 
honors  its  master.  Be  not  brutal;  consideration  will  lead 
her  better  than  force;  .  .  .  this  is  her  breath,  her  aim,  her 
gaze.  This  establishes  her  in  thy  house;  if  thou  repellest 
her,  it  is  an  abyss.  Open  thine  arms  to  her  for  her  arms; 
call  her,  show  her  thy  love.  .  .  . 

If  thou  art  powerful,  pay  respect  to  knowledge  and 
calm  speech.  Command  only  to  direct;  to  be  absolute  is  to 
enter  into  evil.  Let  not  thy  heart  exalt  itself,  let  it  not  be 
cast  down.  Make  thine  orders  heard,  and  make  thy  re- 
plies understood;  but  speak  without  heat;  let  thy  face  be 
stern.  As  for  the  vivacity  of  a  warm  heart,  temper  it;  the 
gentle  man  overcomes  obstacles.     The  man  who  hurries 


Precepts  19 

all  day  long  has  not  one  good  moment;  but  he  who  amuses 

himself  all  day  long  does  not  retain  his  house.    Aim  at  the 

right  point  as  do  the  pilots;  while  one  sits  down,  another 

works,  and  applies  himself  to  obeying  the  command. 

Do  not  disturb  a  great  man;  do  not  distract  the  at-  Attitude   to- 
0  _  >  ward  the 

tention  of  the  busy  man.     His  care  is  to  accomplish  his  great  or 

task,  and  he  strips  his  body  for  love  of  the  work.  Love  for 
the  work  they  do  brings  men  near  to  God.  Therefore  com- 
pose thy  face,  even  in  the  midst  of  trouble,  so  that  peace 
may  be  with  thee.  .  .  .  These  are  the  people  who  suc- 
ceed where  they  apply  themselves.  .  .  . 

If  thou  art  great  after  having  been  low,  if  thou  art  rich  The  d.uty  of 
°  °  one  who  has 

after  having  been  straitened,  when  thou  art  at  the  head  of  risen  to 

Dower, 
the  city,  learn  not  to  take  advantage  of  thy  having  risen  to 

the  first  rank;  do  not  harden  thy  heart  on  account  of  thine 

elevation ;  thou  hast  only  become  the  steward  of  the  goods 

belonging  to  God.    Do  not  put  behind  thee  the  neighbor 

who  is  thine  equal;  be  to  him  as  a  companion.  .  .  . 

Let  thy  face  be  bright  during  all  the  time  of  thy  life,  ^erfut-7  °* 
When  one  of  those  who  entered  carrying  his  products  ness. 
comes  out  of  the  place  of  toll  with  a  drawn  face,  that  shows 
that  his  stomach  is  empty,  and  that  the  authorities  are  an 
abhorrence  to  him.    May  that  never  happen  to  thee.  .  .  . 

Distinguish  the  overseer,  who  directs,  from  the  laborer; 
for  manual  labor  is  degrading,  and  inaction  is  honora- 
ble. .  .  . 

When  a  son  receives  the  word  of  his  father,  there  is  no  ^teacha"1'1 
error  in  all  his  plans.    So  instruct  thy  son  that  he  shall  be  bie. 
a  teachable  man  whose  wisdom  shall  be  pleasant  to  the    ** 
great.    Let  him  direct  his  mouth  according  to  that  which 
has  been  told  him;  in  the  teachableness  of  a  son  is  seen 
his  wisdom.     His  conduct  is  perfect,  while  error  carries 
away  him  who   will   not   be   taught;   to-morrow  knowl- 


20  Egypt 

edge    shall    uphold    him,    while    the    ignorant    shall    be 
crushed. 
Jhe  u""  As  for  the  man  without  experience,  who  hearkens  not, 

t6fl.Cll8.Dl6 

man.  he  does  nothing  at  all.    He  seeks  knowledge  in  ignorance, 

profit  in  injury;  he  commits  all  sorts  of  errors,  seizing  always 
whatever  is  the  opposite  of  praiseworthy.  Thus  he  lives 
only  on  the  perishable.  His  food  is  the  evil  word  that 
charms  him.  He  lives  every  day  on  what  the  great  know 
to  be  perishable;  fleeing  what  is  best  for  him,  because  of 
the  many  errors  which  are  before  him  each  day.  .  .  . 

Obey  a  fa-         j)Q  ^\mi  which  thy  master  tells  thee.    Doubly  good  is 

ther  or  mas-  J  J    ° 

ter.  the  precept  of  our  father,  from  whose  flesh  we  come  forth. 

May  what  he  tells  us  be  in  our  hearts;  do  for  him  more 

than  he  has  said  and  satisfy  him  wholly.    Surely  a  good 

son  is  one  of  the  gifts  of  God,  a  son  doing  better  than  he 

has  been  told.     For  his  master  he  does  what  is  right, 

throwing  his  whole  heart  into  the  ways. 

Value  of  By  following  these  lessons  I  secure  that  thy  body  shall 

cepts.  be  in  health,  that  the  king  shall  be  satisfied  with  thee  in  all 

things,  and  that  thou  shalt  gain  years  of  life  without  failures. 

They  have  gained  for  me  upon  earth  one  hundred  and 

ten  years  of  life,  with  the  gift  of  the  favor  of  the  king, 

among  the  first  of  those  whose  works  have  made  them 

noble,  doing  the  pleasure  of  the  king  in  an  honored  place. 

X.  Epitaph  of  Beka 

This  inscription  is  on  a  pillar  in  the  Museum  of  Turin.  Beka,  the 
deceased,  was  the  great  steward  of  the  Public  Granary.  Its  value 
lies  chiefly  in  the  enumeration  of  virtues  attributed  to  the  deceased, 
representing  him  as  a  perfect  model  of  conduct  in  private  and  official 
life.    Records  of  the  Past,  x.  7-10. 

A  royal  gift  of  offerings  to  the  person  of  the  Stew- 
ard of  the  public  granary,  Beka,  the  justified.    He  says,  I 


An  Epitaph  21 

myself  was  just  and  true,  without  malice,  having  put  God  ^j  ^s1^~ 
in  my  heart,  and  having  been  quick  to  discern  his  will,  fore  the 
I  reach  the  city  of  those  who  are  in  eternity.  I  have  done  theSDead. 
good  upon  earth;  I  have  harbored  no  prejudice;  I  have  not 
been  wicked;  I  have  not  approved  of  any  offense  or  in- 
iquity. I  have  taken  pleasure  in  speaking  the  truth;  I 
have  perceived  the  advantage  it  is  to  conform  to  this 
practice  upon  the  earth  from  the  first  action  of  my  life 
even  to  the  tomb.  My  sure  defence  shall  be  to  speak 
it  (truth)  in  the  day  when  I  reach  the  divine  judges,  the 
skilful  interpreters,  discoverers  of  all  actions,  the  chastisers 
of  sins.  Pure  is  my  soul.  While  living,  I  bear  no  malice. 
There  are  no  errors  attributable  to  me,  no  sins  of  mine 
are  before  their  hand.  I  am  come  out  of  this  trial  with  the 
help  of  truth,  and  behold  I  am  in  the  place  of  the  ancients. 
Bring  ye  the  food  of  truth  to  the  Steward  of  the  public 
granary,  Beka,  the  justified. 

He  savs,  It  was  I  who  filled  the  heart  of  the  Lord  of  the  His  relations 

.  T  withpharoah 

Two  Regions,  who  was  the  beloved  of  the  King  of  Upper  and  the 

Egypt,  the  favorite  of  the  King  of  Lower  Egypt,  on  ac-  court> 
count  of  my  preeminent  merits,  which  were  the  cause 
of  my  promotion.  Great  was  I  in  the  place  of  millions 
of  true  perfections.  Wherever  the  King  proceeded,  I  al- 
ways approached  his  person,  and  went  joyfully  around 
him  adoring  his  goodness  each  day,  and  did  homage  to  Double  asp, 

,.     ,  1  i  11   x-  emblem  of 

the  double  asp  on  his  diadem  throughout  all  time.  .  .  .  the  king's  inv 
I  have  not  made  myself  master  over  the  lowly;  I  have  done  mortality. 
no  harm  to  men  who  honored  their  gods.  I  have  spent 
my  lifetime  in  the  life  of  truth,  until  I  have  attained  the 
age  of  veneration,  being  in  favor  with  the  King,  and  be- 
loved by  the  great  ones  about  him.  The  royal  dwelling, 
those  who  dwelt  there,  no  ill  will  towards  me  was  in  their 
heart.     The  men  of  the  future,  while  they  live,  will  be 


22 


Eg3  pt 


charmed  by  my  remarkable  merits.     He  who  inhabits 
the  place  of  the  fulness  of  health  had  given  me  an  import- 
ant post. 
■t  to-       ]\]y  sincerity  and  my  goodness  were  in  the  heart  of  my 
ts  and   latlur  and  mother;  my  affection  was  in  them.    Never  have 
his  idiows.      !  outrage<j  j,  in  niv  mo(je  of  action  towards  them  from  the 
beginning  of  the  time  of  my  youth.    Though  great,  yet 
have  I  acted  as  if  1  had  been  a  little  one.    I  have  not  dis- 
abled anyone  worthier  than  myself.  .  .  . 

XI.  Products  of  Arabia 

oup  of  inscriptions  <>n  the  inner  walls  of  an  Egyptian  temple 
gi\es  an  account  of  the  conquest  of  Arabia  Felix  by  the  Regent 
c  of  Thothmes  III.     It  includes  a  description  of  the 
spoils  brought  home  by  the  expedition.    Naturally  these  same  prod- 
were  imported  from  Arabia  in  lime  of  peace.    Records  of  the  Past, 
x.  14. 

Tin'  loading  of  the  ships  of  transport  with  a  great  quant- 

tnt  World,  15.   ity  of  the  magnificent  products  of  Arabia,  with  all  kinds 

of  precious  woods  of  the  Holy  Land,  with  heaps  of  incense 

in,  with  verdant  incense  trees,  with  ebony,  with  pure 

ivory,  with  gold  and  silver  from  the  land  of  Amu,  with  the 

p-WOod,  and  the  cassia-hark,  aham-incense  and  mes- 

temkohl,  and  hounds,  with  skins  of  leopards  of  the  South, 

and   monkeys,   with   women  and  children.     Never 

ha-  a  convoy  been  made  like  this  one  by  any  king  since 

t he  creation  of  the  world. 

XII.  The  Laboring  Classes 

From  a  papyrus  in  the  British  Museum,  copied  in  the  nineteenth 

dynasty  from  an  original  of  the  twelfth  dynasty  or  earlier.     The 

unent   v'b'es  an  account  of  the  various  occupations,  and  with 

quaint  humor  pictures  their  hardships  ;is  contrasted  with  the  easy 

life  of  the  scribe.    Records  of  the  Past,  viii.  147-156. 


Miseries  of  Labor  23 

I  have  not  seen  a  blacksmith  on  a  commission,  a  founder  The  hard  lot 

or    mecnan- 
who  goes  on  an  embassy.     I  have  seen  the  blacksmith  ics. 

at  his  work  at  the  mouth  of  his  furnace,  his  fingers  like 

the  skin  of  a  crocodile;  he  smells  worse  than  the  roe  of  a  ^icif'lt    ' 

'  n  or  id,  14  1. 

fish.    Every  carpenter  carrying  tools — is  he  more  at  rest 

than  the  common  laborers?    His  fields  are  of  wood,  his  Cutting 

wood. 

tools  of  metal;  at  night  when  he  is  free,  he  works  his  hands 
further  in  making  at  night  the  lighting  of  his  house.  The 
stone-cutter,  he  searches  for  employment  in  all  kinds  of 
hard  stones.  When  he  has  completed  his  task,  his  arms 
are  fatigued;  when  he  is  at  rest,  his  knees  and  his  back  are 
broken.  The  barber  is  shaving  till  evening;  when  he  places 
himself  to  eat,  he  reclines  on  his  elbows.  He  betakes  him- 
self from  street  to  street  to  seek  after  his  shaving;  he 
wearies  his  hands  to  feed  his  stomach,  as  bees  feed  by  their 
labors.  The  boatman,  he  navigates  to  At'hu  that  he  may 
have  his  price.  He  has  done  beyond  the  power  of  his  hands 
in  doing,  to  kill  geese  and  flamingoes;  he  has  suffered  his 
suffering;  he  approaches  his  orchard;  he  approaches  his 
house  at  night,  for  he  must  go  again  to  his  labors  on  the 
morrow. 

The  little  laborer  with  a  field,  he  passes  his  life  among  The  field- 

.  .  .  1     laborer, 

rustics.    He  is  worn  down  for  vines  and  pigs,  to  furnish  builder, 

his  kitchen  with  what  his  fields  have.     His  clothes  are  fnd  farmer. 

heavy  with  weight;  he  is  tied  as  a  forced  laborer;  he  goes 

into  the  air  and  he  suffers  though  coming  forth  well  from 

his  fireplace.     He  is  bastinadoed  with  a  stick  on  his  legs, 

but  escapes  with  his  life.    Shut  against  him  is  the  wall  of 

every  house — drawn  are  the  chambers.     I  tell  you  also 

of  the  builder  of  precincts.    Disease  tastes  him,  for  he  is 

in  draughts  of  air.  .  .  .    Togo  on  to  his  end,  his  hands  are 

worn  with  labor.      Disordered  are  his  clothes.     He  eats 

himself,  the  bread  his  lingers;  he  washes  himself  at  one 


24  Egypt: 

time  only.  He  lowers  himself  to  examine  all  directions. 
His  passage  is  from  place  to  place,  which  is  from  ten  to  six 
cubits;  his  passage  is  from  month  to  month  upon  the 
beams  of  the  lotuses  of  the  houses,  while  he  does  all  its 
work.  Should  there  be  bread  for  him,  he  gives  it  his 
house.  Exhausted  are  his  children.  The  gardener  brings 
me  wreaths  (?);  all  his  yokes  are  heavy;  his  hands  are 
chiefly  on  his  neck.  When  he  has  done  the  fertilizing,  he 
passes  the  morning  watering  vegetables,  the  evening  vines. 
He  has  worked  day  by  day;  his  stomach  is  wretched. 
Ignorant  of  his  mother  is  his  name — more  tranquil  than 
any  employment.  The  farmer,  his  garments  are  for  eter- 
nity. He  elevates  his  voice  like  a  bird.  His  fingers  aid  me, 
for  his  arms  are  dry  in  the  wind.  He  reposes  at  the  middle 
of  the  marshes,  for  he  is  a  forced  laborer.  He  is  in  good 
health  with  the  beasts.  Illnesses  taste  him;  he  resides 
among  them.  He  arrives  at  his  garden;  he  comes  to  his 
house  in  the  evening;  he  must  go  out  next  morning. 
The  weaver,  The  weaver  inside  the  houses  is  more  wretched  than  a 
courier,  and  woman;  his  knees  are  at  the  place  of  his  heart;  he  has  not 
other  work-  taLSted  the  air>  Should  he  have  done  little  in  a  day  of  his 
weaving,  he  is  dragged  as  a  lily  in  a  pool.  He  gives  bread 
to  the  porter  that  he  may  be  allowed  to  behold  the  light. 
The  maker  of  weapons  suffers  extremely,  going  forth  to 
foreign  countries.  He  gives  a  great  deal  for  his  asses, 
more  than  the  labors  of  his  hands;  he  gives  a  great  deal 
for  their  pasturing  in  a  field.  He  gives  on  the  road;  he 
arrives  at  his  garden;  he  reaches  his  house  at  night;  he 
must  be  off  in  the  morning.  The  courier,  going  to  foreign 
countries,  bequeaths  his  goods  to  his  children,  because 
of  the  fears  of  beasts  and  Asiatics.  What  happens  to  him 
when  he  is  at  Kam ;  he  arrives  at  his  garden ;  he  goes  to  his 
house  in  the  evening;  he  must  be  off  on  the  morrow.    His 


Miseries  of  Labor  25 

heavy  bond  comes  forth;  no  joys  come.  The  dyer,  his 
fingers  smell — the  smell  of  bad  fish.  His  two  eyes  are 
weary  with  very  fatigue;  his  hand  does  not  stop;  he  watches 
at  the  rent  of  the  old  garment — abominable  are  the  clothes. 
The  sandal-maker  is  very  miserable,  he  is  always  begging; 
his  health  is  as  the  health  of  a  bad  fish;  he  gnaws  the 
leather.  The  washerman,  washing  on  the  quay,  traverses 
the  ground  approaching  the  crocodiles.  The  father  of 
the  water  brings  out  the  dirt:  his  hand  does  not  stop.  A 
quiet  employment  is  not  before  you,  no  easier  than  other 
employment.  His  draughts  are  mixed  up  with  his  clothes: 
not  a  limb  of  him  is  clean.  There  is  given  to  him  the  bonds 
of  women,  for  he  is  in  misfortunes.  I  lament  to  thee  that 
he  passes  his  time  with  a  bat.  .  .  .  The  fowler  of  birds 
suffers  very  much.  The  confines  of  Num  are  before  thee, 
when  he  says,  "Let  the  net  refuse."  The  god  will  not 
show  his  forms;  vain  are  his  plans.  I  tell  you  the  fisher- 
man suffers  more  than  any  employment.  Consider:  is  he 
not  toiling  on  the  river?  he  is  mixed  up  with  the  crocodiles. 
Should  the  clumps  of  papyrus  diminish,  then  he  is  crying 
out  for  help.  If  he  has  not  been  told  a  crocodile  is  there, 
terrors  blind  him. 

STUDIES 

1.  Who  was  Strabo,  and  what  did  he  write?.  Who  was  Plato 
(ch.  vi)?  How  did  they  get  their  information  as  to  Egypt?  Describe 
the  overflow  of  the  Nile  and  explain  its  cause. 

2.  Who  was  Herodotus  (ch.  vi)?    What  made  the  Nile  so  fertile? 

3.  Describe  the  building  of  the  greatest  pyramid.  How  was 
Cheops  able  to  build  so  grandly?  What  did  the  people  probably 
think  of  such  undertakings? 

4.  Write  in  the  simplest  form  the  terms  of  treaty  between  Ram- 
eses  II  and  the  Hittites.  Who  were  the  Hittites?  What  is  meant  l>\ 
extradition? 


26  Egypt 

5.  Why  did  the  King  of  Egypt  think  himself  a  god?  What  benefits 
did  he  derive  from  I'tah?    On  what  did  he  especially  pride  himself? 

6.  Who  was  Anion?  What  qualities  and  powers  are  ascribed  to  him 
in  this  poem? 

7.  Why  did  the  Egyptians  worship  the  Nile?  In  this  Hymn  what 
benefits  do  they  say  come  from  it? 

8.  What  valuables  did  robbers  find  in  tombs? 

9.  Write  a  list  of  the  precepts  in  this  extract  from  "the  oldest  book 
in  the  world."  How  do  these  ideas  of  right  and  propriety  compare 
with  ours? 

10.  Of  what  virtues  does  Beka  boast  in  his  epitaph?  Is  it  likely 
that  he  lived  up  to  this  standard? 

11.  From  this  list  of  the  spoils  of  Arabia  what  do  we  infer  as  to  the 
Egyptian  motive  to  conquest? 

1  2.  -Make  a  list  of  the  laboring  classes  found  in  this  selection  com- 
posed by  a  scribe.  What  was  the  scribe's  attitude  toward  manual 
labor? 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  TIGRIS-EUPHRATES  VALLEY 

I.  Chronicle  of  the  Reign  of  Sargon 

The  tablet  translated  below  is  in  the  British  Museum.  Although 
this  chronicle  was  composed  in  the  second  Babylonian  period  (after 
606  B.C.),  it  is  known  to  be  a  faithful  epitome  of  a  far  earlier  narra- 
tive.    King,  Chronicles,  ii.  3-9. 

Sargon,  King  of  Agade,  through  the  royal  gift  of  Ishtar  His  reign, 

was  exalted,  and  he  possessed  no  foe  nor  rival.    His  glory  b.c. 
over  the  world  he  poured  out.    The  Sea  in  the  East  he 

crossed,  and  in  the  eleventh  year  the  Country  of  the  West  Ancient 

World   24 

in  its  full  extent  his  hand  subdued.    He  united  them  under 

one  control;  he  set  up  his  images  in  the  West;  their  booty  The  Sea  in 

.  the  East  is  the 

he  brought  over  at  his  word.    The  sons  of  his  palace  for  Persian  Gulf, 
five  kasbu  around  he  settled,  and  over  the  hosts  of  the  **|^bout 
world  he  reigned  supreme.    Against  Kasalla  he  marched, 
and  he  turned  Kasalla  into  mounds  and  heaps  of  ruins;  he  A  Babylonian 
destroyed  the  land  and  left  not  enough  for  a  bird  to  rest 
thereon.    Afterward  in  his  old  age  all  the  lands  revolted 
against  him,  and  they  beseiged  him  in  Agade;  and  Sargon 
went  forth  to  battle  and  defeated  them;  he  accomplished 
their  overthrow,  and  their  widespreading  host  he  destroyed. 
Afterward  he  attacked  the  land  of  Subartu  in  his  might, 
and  they  submitted  to  his  arms,  and  Sargon  settled  that 
revolt,  and  defeated  them;  he  accomplished  their  over- 
throw, and  their  widespreading  host  he  destroyed,  and 
he  brought  their  possessions  into  Agade.    The  soil  from 
the  trenches  of  Babylon  he  removed,  and  the  boundaries 

27 


28  The  Tigris-Euphrates  Valley 


Probably  he 
made  the  ter- 
ritory of 
Agade  as 

-.  that 
of  Babylon. 


of  Agade  he  made  like  those  of  Babylon.  But  because  of 
the  evil  which  he  had  committed  the  great  lord  Marduk 
was  angry,  and  he  destroyed  his  people  by  famine.  From 
the  rising  of  the  Sun  unto  the  setting  of  the  sun  they  op- 
posed him  and  gave  him  no  rest. 


Hammurabi, 
king  of  Bab- 
ylon, igs8- 
1916. 

Ancient 
World,  25. 

Marduk,  chief 
god  of  Baby- 
lon.   Bel 
(Baal)  means 
"lord." 

Sumer  and 
Accad, 
countries  of 
the  Sumer- 
ians  and  the 
Accadians; 
Ancient 
World,  23. 

Such  assem- 
blies of  the 
people  are 
unusual  in 
the  Orient. 

The  divine 
right  of  kings 
is  extremely 
ancient. 


II.  Achievements  of  Hammurabi 

An  inscription  in  the  Babylonian  language,  a  dialect  of  the  Semitic, 
in  the  Museum  of  Paris.  All  the  inscriptions  of  Oriental  kings  lay 
stress  on  their  gnat  piety  and  on  the  favor  of  the  gods  through  which 
they  rule  and  win  victories  in  war.  This  document  attests  further 
the  paternal  care  of  Hammurabi  for  his  people.    Records  of  the  Past,  i.2 

Hammurabi,  the  exalted  King,  the  King  of  Babylon, 
the  King  renowned  throughout  the  world,  conqueror  of 
the  enemies  of  Marduk,  the  King  beloved  by  his  heart  am  I. 

The  favor  of  god  and  Bel  gave  the  people  of  Sumer  and 
Accad  unto  my  government.  Their  celestial  weapons 
unto  my  hand  they  gave.  The  canal  Hammurabi,  the 
joy  of  men,  a  stream  of  abundant  waters,  for  the  people 
of  Sumer  and  Accad  I  excavated.  Its  banks,  all  of  them, 
I  restored  to  newness;  new  supporting  walls  I  heaped  up; 
perennial  waters  for  the  people  of  Sumer  and  Accad  I 
provided. 

The  people  of  Sumer  and  Accad,  all  of  them,  in  general 
assemblies  I  summoned.  A  review  and  inspect  ion  of  them  I 
ordained  every  year.  In  joy  and  abundance  I  watched 
over  them,  and  in  peaceful  habitations  I  caused  them  to 
dwell. 

By  the  divine  favor  I  am  Hammurabi,  the  exalted  King, 
the  worshipper  of  the  supreme  deity. 

With  the  prosperous  power  which  Marduk  gave  me, 
I  built  a  lofty  citadel  on  a  high  mound  of  earth,  whose 


The  Oldest  Extant  Code  29 

summits  rose  up  like  mountains,  on  the  bank  of  Ham- 
murabi river,  the  joy  of  men. 


III.  Laws  of  Hammurabi 

If  a  man  bring  an  accusation  against  a  man  and  charge  Capital  of- 

fences 
him  with  a  (capital)  crime,  but  cannot  prove  it,  he,  the 

accuser,  shall  be  put  to  death. 

If  a  man  in  a  case  (pending  judgment)  bear  false  wit-  As  an  intr°- 

ii-ii-  11  •  -r    ductionto 

ness,  or  do  not  establish  the  testimony  he  has  given,  if  this  extract, 

that  case  be  a  case  involving  life,  that  man  shall  be  put  to  TwoM,  §§34. 

death.  4*. 

If  a  man  steal  the  property  of  a  god  or  palace,  that  man  This  code 

shall  be  put  to  death;  and  he  who  receives  from  his  hand  markabiyfree 

the  stolen  (property)  shall  also  be  put  to  death.  ^th  pe^_ 

If  a  man  aid  a  male  or  female  slave  of  a  freeman  to  alty- 
escape  from  the  city  gate,  he  shall  be  put  to  death. 

If  a  man  practice  brigandage  and  be  captured,  that  man 

shall  be  put  to  death. 

If  the  brigand  be  not  captured,  the  man  who  has  been  State  insur- 
i  ,      1       1    T,    •        1  r         ,  1  ...    ance  against 

robbed,  shall  in  the  presence  01  god  make  an  itemized  robbery. 

statement  of  his  loss,  and  the  city  and  the  governor,  in 
whose  province  and  jurisdiction  the  robbery  was  com- 
mitted, shall  compensate  him  for  whatever  was  lost. 

If  a  son  be  too  young  and  be  not  able  to  conduct  the  Women  in 

.  .  business, 

business  of  his  father,  they  shall  give  one  third  of  the  field 

and  of  the  garden  to  his  mother,  and  his  mother  shall  rear 

him. 

A  woman,  merchant  or  other  property  holder  may  sell 
field,  garden  or  house.  The  purchaser  shall  conduct  the 
business  of  the  field,  garden  or  house  which  he  has  pur- 
chase). 

If  outlaws  collect  in  the  house  of  a  wine-seller,  and  she 


30  The  Tigris-Euphrates  Valley 

do  not  arrest  these  outlaws  and  bring  them  to  the  police, 
the  wine-seller  shall  be  put  to  death. 
Family  law.  n  a  nian  be  in  debt  and  sell  his  wife,  son  or  daughter,  or 
bind  them  over  to  service,  for  three  years  they  shall  work 
in  the  house  of  their  purchaser  or  master;  in  the  fourth 
year  they  shall  be  given  their  freedom. 

If  a  man  take  a  wife  and  do  not  arrange  with  her  the 
proper  contracts,  that  woman  is  not  a  (legal)  wife. 

If  a  woman  hate  her  husband  and  say:  "Thou  shalt  not 
have  me,"  they  shall  inquire  into  her  antecedents  for  her 
defects;  and  if  she  have  been  a  careful  mistress  and  be 
without  reproach  and  her  husband  have  been  going  about 
greatly  belittling  her,  that  woman  has  no  blame.  She 
shall  receive  her  dowry  and  shall  go  to  her  father's 
house. 

If  she  have  not  been  a  careful  mistress,  have  gadded 
about  and  have  belittled  her  husband,  they  shall  throw  that 
woman  into  the  water. 

If  a  son  strike  his  father,  they  shall  cut  off  his  fingers. 

"  An  eye  *or       If  a  man  destroy  the  eye  of  another  man,  thev  shall 

an  eye  and  a  -1  J  '  J 

tooth  for  a      destroy  his  eye. 

If  one  break  a  man's  bone,  they  shall  break  his  bone. 

If  one  destroy  the  eye  of  a  man's  slave  or  break  a  bone 

of  a  man's  slave,  he  shall  pay  one  half  his  price. 

Compensa-         if  a  physician  operate  on  a  man  for  a  severe  wound 

tion  for 

work.  (or  make  a  severe  wound  on  a  man)  with  a  bronze  lancet 

and  save  the  man's  life;  or  if  he  open  an  abscess  (in  the 

eye)  of  a  man  with  a  bronze  lancet  and  save  that  man's 

eye,  he  shall  receive  ten  shekels  (as  a  fee). 

If  with  a  bronze  lancet  a  physician  operate  on  a  man 

for  a  severe  wound  and  cause  the  man's  death;  or  with  a 

bronze  lancet  open  an  abscess  (in  the  eye)  of  a  man  and 

destroy  the  man's  eye,  they  shall  cut  off  his  fingers. 


Assyria  31 


If  a  man  hire  a  field  laborer,  he  shall  pay  8  gur  of  grain 

per  year. 

If  a  male  slave  say  to  his  master:  "Thou  art  not  my  Slave  and 
....  .  master, 

master,     his  master  shall  prove  him  to  be  his  slave  and 

shall  cut  off  his  ear. 


IV.    TlGLATH-PlLESER   I 

This  document  is  inscribed  on  four  large  octagonal  cylinders  of 
clay,  originally  buried  under  the  foundations  of  the  four  corners  of  a 
temple  in  the  ancient  city  of  Assur,  and  now  in  the  British  Museum. 
Records  of  the  Past,  i.  92-121. 

Ye  great  gods,  guiders  of  heaven  and  earth,  whose  on-  Tigiath- 
set  is  opposition  and  combat,  who  have  magnified  the  circa  112's_ 
kingdom  of  Tiglath-Pileser,  the  prince,  the  chosen,  of  the 
desire  of  your  hearts,  the  exalted  shepherd,  whom  you  The  first  not- 
have  conjured  in  the  steadfastness  of  your  hearts,  with  a  conqueror"411 
crown  supreme  you  have  clothed  him;  to  rule  over  the  w^f'27 
land  of  Bel  mightily  you  have  established  him;  priority 
of  birth,  supremacy  and  heroism  have  you  given  him;  the 
destiny  of  his  lordship  for  his  increase  and  supremacy,  to 
inhabit  Bit-kharsag-kurkurra  forever  you  have  summoned. 

May  Assur  and  the  great  gods  who  have  magnified  my  Conquest 
kingdom,  who  have  given  increase  and  strength  to  my  tion. 
fetters,  who  have  ordered  the  boundary  of  their  land  to  be 
enlarged,  cause  my  hand  to  hold  their  mighty  weapons,  Assur,  the  su- 
even  the  deluge  of  battle.      Countries,  mountains,  for-  Assyria. 
tresses,  and  kinglets,  the  enemies  of  Assur,  I  have  con- 
quered, and  their  territories  I  have  made  submit.     With 
sixty  kings  I  have  contended  furiously,  and  power  and 
rivalry  over  them  I  displayed.    A  rival  in  the  combat,  a 
confronter  in  the  battle  have  I  not.    To  the  hmd  of  As- 
syria I  have  added  land,  to  its  men  I  have  added  men;  the 


Treatment 
of    the   con- 
quered. 


He  spares 
suppliants. 


Zoological 
collection. 


32  The  Tigris-Euphrates  Valley 

boundary  of  my  own  land  I  have  enlarged,  and  all  their 
lands  I  have  conquered.  .  .  . 

Trusting  in  Assur  my  lord  I  assembled  my  chariots 
and  armies.  Thereupon  I  delayed  not.  The  mountain  of 
Kasi-Yara,  a  difficult  region,  I  crossed,  with  their  twenty 
thousand  fighting  men,  and  their  live  kings  in  the  land 
of  kummukh  I  contended.  A  destruction  of  them  I  made. 
The  bodies  of  their  warriors  in  destructive  battle  like  the 
inundator  (Rimmon)  I  overthrew;  their  corpses  I  spread 
over  the  valleys  and  the  high  places  of  the  mountains. 
Their  heads  I  cut  off;  at  the  sides  of  their  cities  I  heaped 
them  like  mounds.  Their  spoil,  their  property,  their  goods, 
to  a  countless  number  I  brought  forth.  Six  thousand  men, 
the  relics  of  their  armies,  which  before  my  weapons  had 
fled,  took  my  feet.  I  laid  hold  upon  them  and  counted 
them  among  the  men  of  my  own  country.  .  .  . 

Under  the  protection  of  Uras,  who  loves  me,  120  lions 
with  my  stout  heart,  in  the  conflict  of  my  heroism  on  my 
feet,  I  slew;  and  800  lions  in  my  chariot  with  javelins  I 
slaughtered.  All  the  cattle  of  the  field  and  the  birds  of 
heaven  that  fly,  among  my  rare  ties  I  placed.  .  .  . 


Site  and 
building  ma- 
terials. 


A  ncient 

World,  27. 


V.  Nebuchadnezzar's  Palace 

This  brief  reference  to  the  building  of  a  palace  in  Babylon  is  taken 
from  a  long  inscription  by  that  monarch,  whose  chief  interest  was  in 
the  construction  of  public  works  and  other  internal  improvements. 
Records  of  the  Past,  v.  130  f. 

A  palace  of  My  Royalty  for  the  land  of  Babylon,  in 
the  midst  of  the  city  of  Babylon.  .  .  . 

Opposite  the  waters  I  laid  its  foundations  and  with 
brick  and  cement  I  skilfully  surrounded  it;  tall  cedars  for 
its  porticoes  I  fitted — ikki  and  cedar  woods  with  layers  of 
copper;  domes  and  arches  were  c<  >vered  with  bronze  work.    I 


Babylon  S3 

strongly  overlaid  its  gates  with  silver,  gold,  precious  stones, 
whatsoever  they  call  them,  in  heaps;  I  valiantly  collected 
spoils;  as  an  adornment  of  the  house  were  they  arranged, 
and  were  collected  within  it;  trophies,  abundance,  royal 
treasures,  I  accumulated,  and  gathered  together. 

VI.  Babylon 

Babylon  itself  also  is  situated  in  a  plain.     The  wall  is  Walls.  and 

.  Hanging 

385  stadia  in  circumference,  and  32  feet  in  thickness.    The  Gardens. 

height  of  the  space  between  the  towers  is  50,  and  of  the 

towers  60  cubits.    The  roadway  upon  the  walls  will  allow  Strabo  xvi. 

chariots  with  four  horses  when  they  meet  to  pass  each  other 

with  ease.    Whence,  among  the  seven  wonders  of  the  world, 

are  reckoned  this  wall  and  the  hanging  garden:  the  shape 

of  the  garden  is  a  square,  and  each  side  of  it  measures  Ancient 

°  li  odd,  27  f. 

four  plethra.  It  consists  of  vaulted  terraces,  raised  one 
above  another,  and  resting  upon  cube-shaped  pillars. 
These  are  hollow  and  filled  with  earth  to  allow  trees  of  the 
largest  size  to  be  planted.  The  pillars,  the  vaults,  and  the 
terraces  are  constructed  of  baked  brick  and  asphalt. 

The  ascent  to  the  highest  story  is  by  stairs,  and  at  their 
side  are  water  engines,  by  means  of  which  persons,  ap- 
pointed expressly  for  the  purpose,  are  continually  em- 
ployed in  raising  water  from  the  Euphrates  into  the  gar- 
den. For  the  river,  which  is  a  stadium  in  breadth,  flows 
through  the  middle  of  the  city,  and  the  garden  is  on  the 
side  of  the  river. 

VII.  The  Chaldean  Account  of  the  Deluge 

This  account  of  the  flood  is  found  inscribed  on  some  Assyrian 
tablets  in  the  Britii  li  Museum.  The  origin,  age,  and  history  of  the 
legend  are  not  known.  It  forms  a  pari  of  the  "  Epic  of  Gilgamesh" 
jn  twelve  books.    Ancient  World,  ,■;..>.     It  is  interesting  to  lomparc 


34  The  Tigris-Euphrates  Valley 


The  gods 
order  the 
building  of  a 
ship. 

Nuh-napish- 

tim  is  the 
Babylonian 
Noah;  Gil- 

gamcsh,  to 
whom  he  tells 
the  story,  is 
a  hero,  like 
the  Greek. 
Hercules. 


Shurippak  is 
a  city-state 
of  Babylonia; 
Anu,  god  of 
heaven;  Bel 
(Baal), 
"Lord," 
epithet  of 
Ellil,  god  Mi- 
earth;  Ea, 
the  sea  god. 

Building  and 
freighting 
the  ship. 


A  common 
cubit  is  about 
18  inches. 


this  account  of  the  deluge  with  that  of  (icncsis,  chs.  vi-ix.    (Amer- 
ican) Records  of  the  Past,  i.  376-380. 

Nuh-napishtim  saith  to  him,  even  to  Gilgamesh:  let 
me  unfold  to  thee,  Gilgamesh,  a  secret  story,  and  the  decree 
of  the  gods  let  me  tell  thee!  Shurippak,  a  city  thou  know- 
est.  On  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  it  lieth;  that  city  was 
full  of  violence,  and  the  gods  within  it — to  make  a  flood 
their  heart  urged  them,  even  the  mighty  gods.  Their 
father  was  Anu,  their  counsellor  the  warrior  Bel,  their 
throne-bearer  Ninib,  their  champion  Innugi.  Nin-igi- 
azeg,  even  la,  had  sat  near  them,  and  their  talk  he  re- 
peated to  the  reed-fence : ' '  Reed-fence,  reed-fence !  House- 
wall!  house-wall!  Reed-fence  listen!  and  house-wall, 
give  heed!  Man  of  Shurippak,  son  of  Ubara-Tutu,  pull 
down  the  house,  and  build  a  ship!  Leave  goods,  seek  life! 
Property  forsake,  and  life  preserve!  Cause  seed  of  life 
of  every  sort  to  go  up  into  the  ship !  The  ship  which  thou 
shalt  build,  exact  be  its  dimensions;  equal  be  its  length  and 
breadth!    On  the  ocean  launch  it! " 

I  understood,  and  said  unto  la,  my  lord,  "The  command, 
my  lord,  which  thou  spakest  thus,  I  honor,  I  will  do  it! 
But  what  shall  I  answer  the  city,  the  people,  and  the  el- 
ders? "  la  framed  his  mouth  and  answered,  He  saith  unto 
me,  his  slave,  "Answer  thus  thou  shalt  make  unto  them, 
'Bel  hath  rejected  and  hateth  me,  and  I  may  no  longer 
dwell  in  your  city,  and  toward  Bel's  ground  I  may  no 
longer  turn  my  face;  but  I  will  go  down  to  the  ocean,  and 
with  la  my  lord  will  I  dwell!  Upon  you  it  will  rain 
heavily.'"  .  .  . 

On  the  fifth  day  I  laid  down  the  frame  of  it;  at  its  bul- 
warks its  sides  were  140  cubits  high;  the  border  of  its  top 
equaled  140  cubits.  I  laid  down  its  form,  I  figured  it;  T 
constructed  it  in  six  stories,  dividing  it  into  seven  com- 


The  Great  Flood  35 

partments;  its  floors  I  divided  into  nine  chambers  each. 
Water-pegs  inside  it  I  drove  to  stop  leaks.  I  chose  a  mast 
and  supplied  what  was  necessary:  six  sars  of  bitumen  I 
poured  over  the  outside,  three  sars  of  bitumen  I  poured 
over  the  inside.  While  the  basket-bearers  were  carrying 
three  sars  of  oil  abroad,  I  reserved  one  sar  of  oil,  which  the 
libations  consumed;  two  sars  of  oil  the  shipmen  stored 
away.  For  the  men's  food  I  slaughtered  oxen;  I  slew  small 
cattle  every  day;  new  wine,  sesame  wine,  oil  and  grape 
wine,  the  people  I  gave  to  drink,  like  the  water  of  a  river. 
A  feast  I  made,  like  New  Year's  Day.  With  all  that  I 
possessed  I  freighted  it;  with  all  that  I  had  of  silver  I 
freighted  it;  with  all  that  I  had  of  gold  I  freighted  it;  with 
all  that  I  had  of  seed  of  life  of  every  sort  I  freighted  it; 
I  put  on  board  all  my  family  and  clan;  cattle  of  the  field, 
wild  beasts  of  the  field,  all  the  craftsmen,  I  put  on  board. 

A  time  Samas  appointed,  saying,  "When  the  Lord  of  The  flood. 
Storm  at  eventide  causes  the  heavens  to  rain  heavily,  enter 
into  the  ship,  and  shut  thy  door!"    That  time  came;  the  Samas  is  the 
Lord  of  Storm  at  eventide  caused  the  heavens  to  rain  sun  g0 
heavily.     I  dreaded  the  appearance  of  day;  I  was  afraid 
of  beholding  day;  I  entered  the  ship  and  shut  my  door. 
For  the  steering  of  the  ship,  to  Bezur-Bel,  the  shipman, 
the  great  vessel  I  handed  over,  with  its  freight.    When  the 
first  light  of  dawn  appeared  there  rose  from  the  foundation 
of  heaven  a  black  cloud:  Rimmon  in  the  heart  of  it  thun-  Rimmon,  god 
ders,  and  Nebo  and  Marduk  march  before;  the  Throne-  Marduk, 'god 
Bearers  march  o'er  mountain   and   plain.     The  mighty  NebojSn. 
Dibbarra  wrenches  away  the  helm;  Ninib  goes  on,  pouring 

out  ruin.    The  Anunnaki  (earth  spirits)  lift  torches;  with  Ninib,  chief 

,     .       ,  ,  ,  ■   ,  1  ,  1       -r>-  >        •  1  of  the  eartn 

their  sheen  they  lighten  the  world.     Rimmon  s  violence  spirits. 

reacheth  heaven;  whatever  is  bright  he  turneth  into  dark- 
ness.   One  day  the  southern  blast  hard  it  blew,  and  like  a 


36  The  Tigris-Euphrates  Valley 


Ishtar,  god- 
dess of  love 
and  beauty, 
like  the  1  treek 
Aphrodite 
(Lat.  Venus). 


The  flood 
abates. 


battle-charge  upon  mankind  rush  the  waters.  One  no 
longer  sees  another;  no  more  are  men  discerned  in  heaven. 
The  gods  were  dismayed  at  the  flood,  and  sought  refuge 
in  ascending  to  the  highest  heaven;  the  gods  cowered  like 
dogs;  on  the  battlements  of  heaven  they  crouched.  Ishtar 
screamed  like  a  woman  in  travail,  the  loud-voiced  Lady  of 
the  gods  exclaims,  "  Yon  generation  is  turned  again  to  clay! 
As  I  in  the  assembly  of  the  gods  foretold  the  evil — like 
as  I  foretold  in  the  assembly  of  the  gods  the  evil;  a  tempest 
for  the  destruction  of  the  people  I  foretold.  But  I  will 
give  birth  to  my  people  again,  though  like  the  fry  of  fishes 
they  fill  the  sea! "  Because  of  the  Anunnaki,  the  gods  wept 
with  her;  the  gods  were  downcast,  they  sat  weeping; 
closed  were  their  lips.  During  six  days  and  nights  wind, 
flood,  storm,  ever  more  fiercely  whelmed  the  land. 

When  the  seventh  day  came,  storm  and  flood  ceased  the 
battle,  wherein  they  had  contended  like  a  host:  the  sea 
lulled,  the  blast  fell,  the  flood  ceased.  I  looked  for  the 
people  with  a  cry  of  lamentation;  but  all  mankind  had 
turned  again  into  clay;  the  tilled  land  was  becoming  like 
the  waste.  I  opened  the  window,  and  daylight  fell  upon 
my  cheeks;  crouching  I  sit  and  weep;  over  my  cheeks  course 
my  tears.  I  looked  at  the  heavens,  the  borders  of  the  sea; 
toward  the  twelfth  point  rose  the  land.  To  the  country 
of  Nizir  the  ship  made  way;  the  mountain  of  the  country 
of  Nizir  caught  the  ship,  and  suffered  it  not  to  stir.  One 
day,  a  second  day,  the  mountains  of  Nizir  caught  the 
ship;  a  third  day,  a  fourth  day,  the  mountains  of  Nizir 
caught  the  ship;  a  fifth,  a  sixth,  the  mountains  of  Nizir 
caught  the  ship.  But  when  the  seventh  day  was  come,  I 
brought  out  a  dove  and  let  it  go.  The  dove  went  to  and 
fro,  but  found  no  foothold,  and  returned.  Then  I  brought 
out  a  swallow  and  let  it  go;  the  swallow  went  to  and  fro. 


The  Great  Flood  37 

but  found  no  foothold  and  returned.  Then  I  brought  out 
a  raven  and  let  it  go;  the  raven  went  off,  noticed  the  dying 
of  the  water,  and  feeding,  wading,  croaking,  returned  not. 

Then  I  brought  out  everything  to  the  four  winds,  sacri-  JJg^JJ 
ficed  victims,  made  an  offering  of  incense  on  the  mountain  the  ship, 
top;  seven  and  seven  tripods  I  set,  into  their  bowls  I 
poured  calamus,  cedar,  fragrant  herbs;  the  gods  snuffed 
the  odor,  the  gods  snuffed  the  pleasant  odor,  the  gods  like 
flies  swarmed  above  the  sacrificer.  But  when  Ishtar  was 
come  from  afar,  she  lifted  up  the  Great  Gems,  which 
Anu  had  made  to  adorn  her.  "These  gods,"  she  cried, 
"by  mine  azure  collar  I  will  never  forget!  These  days  will 
I  bear  in  mind  and  nevermore  forget!  Let  the  gods  go  to 
the  incense  offering!  But  let  Bel  never  go  to  the  incense 
offering.  Forasmuch  as  he  took  no  counsel,  but  caused 
the  flood  and  delivered  my  people  to  destruction."  But 
when  Bel  was  come  from  afar,  he  saw  the  ship,  and  Bel 
waxed  wrathful;  he  was  filled  with  wrath  at  the  gods,  and 
the  Igigi  (spirits  of  heaven):  "Some  soul,"  he  cried,  "hath 
escaped!  Let  not  a  man  survive  the  destruction! "  Ninib 
frameth  his  mouth  and  speaketh — he  saith  to  the  warrior 
Bel:  "Who  then  but  la  doeth  the  thing?  la  is  versed  in 
every  wile." 

la  frameth  his  mouth  and  speaketh— he  saith  to  the  °fthedreg°rrm.* 
warrior  Bel,  "Thou,  0  sage  of  the  gods  and  warrior,  in  no-  tion  for  men. 
wise  hast  thou  been  well-counselled  in  causing  a  flood! 
On  the  sinner  lay  his  sin!  On  the  guilty  lay  his  guilt! 
But  remit  somewhat!  Let  him  not  be  cut  off!  forbear! 
let  him  not  be  swept  away!  Instead  of  thy  causing  a 
flood,  let  the  lion  come  and  minish  mankind!  Instead  of 
thy  causing  a  flood,  let  the  leopard  come  and  minish  man- 
kind! Instead  of  thy  causing  a  flood,  let  famine  break 
out  and  desolate  the  land!    Instead  of  thy  causing  a  flood. 


gods 


38  The  Tigris- Euphrates  Valley 

let  pestilence  come  and  slay  mankind!  I  divulged  not 
the  decision  of  the  mighty  gods;  someone  caused  Atranasis 
to  see  visions,  and  so  he  heard  the  decisions  of  the  gods." 
Thereupon  he  took  counsel  with  himself;  Bel  came  on 
board  the  ship,  seized  my  hand  and  led  me  up  out  of  the 
ship,  let  up  my  wife  and  made  her  kneel  beside  me;  he 
turned  us  face  to  face,  and  standing  between  us,  blessed 
Nuh-napish-     us    saying    "Ere  this,  Nuh-napishtim  was  human;  but 

tim  and  Ins  '        ^      °'  * 

wife  become  now  Nuh-napishtim  and  his  wife  shall  be  like  us  gods! 
Nuh-napishtim  shall  dwell  far  away  from  men,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  rivers!"  Then  they  took  me,  and  made  me 
dwell  far  away,  at  the  mouth  of  the  rivers. 

VIII.  The  Descent  of  Ishtar  to  Hades 

This  legend  is  from  a  tablet  in  the  British  Museum.  The  begin- 
ning of  it  is  here  given  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the  Babylonian  and 
Assyrian  view  of  the  future  world  and  of  the  condition  of  the  dead. 
Records  of  the  Past,  i2.  145  ff. 

To  the  land  of  Hades,  the  region  of  her  desire,  Ishtar 
daughter  of  the  Moon-god  San  turned  her  mind,  and  the 
daughter  of  San  fixed  her  mind  to  go  there;  to  the  house 
where  all  meet,  the  dwelling  of  the  god  Irkalla,  to  the  house 
men  enter,  but  cannot  depart  from;  to  the  road  men  go, 
but  cannot  return.  The  abode  of  darkness  and  famine, 
where  earth  is  their  food;  their  nourishment  is  clay;  light 
is  not  seen;  in  darkness  they  dwell;  ghosts,  like  birds,  flut- 
ter their  wings  there;  on  the  door  and  gate-posts  the  dust 
lies  undisturbed. 

IX.  Prayers  for  the  Soul  of  a  Dying  Man 

Records  of  the  Past,  iii.  134. 

I.  Like  a  bird  may  it  fly  to  a  lofty  place!  To  the  holy 
lands  of  its  god,  may  it  ascend! 


Astronomy ;   Magic  39 

II.  The  man  who  is  departing  in  glory:  may  his  soul  These  prayers 

„:■,«.  afford  a  far 

shine  radiant  as  brass,  lo  that  man  may  the  bun  give  happier  out- 
life!  and  Marduk,  eldest  Son  of  heaven,  grant  him  an  fu^ureTfe.1  6 
abode  of  happiness! 


X.  An  Astronomical  Observation 

Report  of  the  astronomer  Ablua  to  the  king  of  Accad.  Records  of 
the  Past,  i2.  159. 

The  15th  day  the  Moon  and  Sun  with  one  another 
are  seen.  The  face  is  stedfast.  The  heart  of  land  is  good. 
Joy  possesses  the  heart  of  the  inhabitants.  The  gods  of 
Accad  to  prosperity  consign  it.  The  Moon  and  the  Sun 
are  clear;  the  King  of  the  land  his  ears  enlarges.  The  re- 
port of  Ablua. 

XI.  Babylonian  Charms 

The  Babylonians  and  Assyrians  believed  in  hosts  of  noxious 
spirits  which  attacked  different  parts  of  the  body.  The  charms  were 
repeated  to  keep  them  away  or  to  expel  them  from  the  body.  Records 
of  the  Past,  i3.  135-7. 

Wasting,  want  of  health,  the  evil  spirit  of  the  ulcer,  The  aim  of 

spreading  quinsey  of  the  gullet,   the  violent  ulcer,   the  to  expel  the 

noxious  ulcer.    Spirit  of  heaven  remember,  spirit  of  earth  ^ibed  de~ 
remember. 

He  who  makes  an  image  which  injures  the  man,  an  evil  This  charm 

..  ,  .,  .,  ,.  is  to  counter- 

face,  an  evil  eye,  an  evil  mouth,  an  evil  tongue,  evil  lips,  act  the  evil 

an  evil  poison.    Spirit  of  heaven  remember,  spirit  of  earth  suciTim.^e 

remember. 

On  the  sick  man  by  the  sacrifice  of  mercy  may  perfect  Charmforthe 
J  .         ,  ,  cure  oi  the 

health  shine  like  bronze;  may  the  Sun-god  give  this  man  sick. 

life;  may  Marduk,  the  eldest  son  of  the  deep  give  him 


40  The  Tigris-Euphrates  Valley 


Dress. 


Herodotus 
195- 


Marriage. 


lb.  196. 


strength,   prosperity,  and  health.     Spirit  of  heaven  re- 
member, spirit  of  earth  remember. 

XII.  Babylonian  Customs 

The  following  is  the  manner  of  dress  which  they  use, 
namely  a  linen  tunic  reaching  to  the  feet,  and  over  this 
they  put  on  another  of  wool,  and  then  a  white  mantle 
thrown  around,  Awhile  they  have  shoes  of  native  fashion 
rather  like  the  Boeotian  slippers.  They  wear  their  hair 
long  and  bind  their  heads  around  with  fillets,  and  they 
are  anointed  over  the  whole  of  their  bodies  with  perfumes. 
Each  man  has  a  seal  and  staff  carved  by  hand,  and  on  each 
staff  is  carved  either  an  apple  or  a  rose  or  a  lily  or  an  eagle 
or  some  other  device,  for  it  is  not  their  custom  to  have  a 
staff  without  a  device  upon  it. 

Such  is  the  equipment  of  their  bodies:  and  the  customs 
which  are  established  among  them  are  as  follows,  the  wis- 
est in  our  opinion  being  this,  which  I  am  informed  that 
the  Enetoi  in  Illyria  also  have.  In  every  village  once  in 
each  year  it  was  done  as  follows: — when  the  maidens  grew 
to  the  age  for  marriage,  they  gathered  these  all  together 
and  brought  them  in  a  body  to  one  place,  and  round  them 
stood  a  company  of  men:  and  the  crier  caused  each  one 
severally  to  stand  up,  and  proceeded  to  sell  them,  first 
the  most  comely  of  all,  and  afterwards,  when  she  had  been 
sold  and  had  fetched  a  large  sum  of  money,  he  would  put 
up  another  who  was  the  most  comely  after  her:  and  they 
were  sold  for  marriage.  Now  all  the  wealthy  men  of  the 
Babylonians  who  were  ready  to  marry  vied  with  one  an- 
other in  bidding  for  the  most  beautiful  maidens;  those 
however  of  the  common  sort  who  wrere  ready  to  marry 
did  not  require  a  fine  form,  but  they  would  accept  money 
together  with  less  comely  maidens.     For  when  the  crier 


Babylonian  Marriage  41 

had  made  an  end  of  selling  the  most  comely  of  the  maidens, 
then  he  would  cause  to  stand  up  the  one  who  was  least 
shapely,  or  any  one  of  them  who  might  be  crippled  in  any 
way,  and  he  would  make  proclamation  of  her,  asking  who 
was  willing  for  least  gold  to  have  her  in  marriage,  until 
she  was  assigned  to  him  who  was  willing  to  accept  least; 
and  the  gold  would  be  got  from  the  sale  of  the  comely 
maidens,  and  so  those  of  beautiful  form  provided  dowries 
for  those  who  were  unshapely  or  crippled;  but  to  give  in 
marriage  one's  own  daughter  to  whomsoever  each  man 
would,  was  not  allowed,  nor  to  carry  off  the  maiden  after 
buying  her  without  a  surety;  for  it  was  necessary  for  the 
man  to  provide  sureties  that  he  would  marry  her,  before 
he  took  her  away;  and  if  they  did  not  agree  well  together, 
the  law  was  laid  down  that  he  should  pay  back  the  money. 

STUDIES 

1.  Describe  in  simple  language  the  achievements  of  Sargon.  What 
does  the  writer  suppose  to  have  been  the  cause  of  the  famine? 

2.  Of  what  especial  achievements  does  Hammurabi  boast? 

3.  How  were  crimes  punished  under  his  code?  What  legal  rights 
were  enjoyed  by  women?  by  children? 

4.  What  had  the  Assyrian  gods  to  do  with  conquest?  What  are 
all  the  motives  to  conquest  mentioned  in  this  selection?  How  were 
the  conquered  treated? 

5.  Describe  Nebuchadnezzar's  palace. 

6.  Describe  the  two  greatest  "Wonders"  of  Babylon. 

7.  Where  in  the  Bible  is  the  account  of  the  flood?  Compare  it 
in  detail  with  the  Chaldean  account. 

8.  What  view  of  the  future  life  do  we  find  in  this  selection? 

9.  Compare  this  view  of  the  future  world  with  that  in  the  selection 
above. 

10.  Explain  the  meaning  of  this  selection. 

11.  What  light  does  this  selection  throw  on  Babylonian  character? 

12.  What  is  your  opinion  of  the  marriage  custom  of  the  Babylonians 
here  described  by  Herodotus? 


CHAPTER  IV 


SYRIA:  THE   PHCENICIANS   AND  THE  HEBREWS 


Comparative 
importance. 


Strabo  xvi.  2. 
22-4. 


A  ncient 

World,  38  f. 


Tyre:  its 
Iwellings 
ind  dye- 
vorks. 


I  ncient 
Yorld,  280  f. 


I.  Sidon  and  Tyre 

Next  to  Sidon  is  Tyre,  the  largest  and  most  ancient 
city  of  the  Phoenicians.  This  city  is  the  rival  of  Sidon  in 
magnitude,  fame,  and  antiquity,  as  recorded  in  many 
fables.  For  although  poets  have  celebrated  Sidon  more 
than  Tyre  (Homer  does  not  even  mention  Tyre),  yet 
the  colonies  sent  into  Africa  and  Spain,  as  far  as,  and 
beyond  the  pillars,  extol  much  more  the  glory  of  Tyre. 
Both  however  were  formerly,  and  are  at  present,  dis- 
tinguished and  illustrious  cities,  but  which  of  the  two 
should  be  called  the  capital  of  Phoenicia  is  a  subject  of 
dispute  among  the  inhabitants.  Sidon  is  situated  upon  a 
fine  naturally-formed  harbor  on  the  mainland. 

Tyre  is  wholly  an  island,  built  in  nearly  the  same  man- 
ner as  Aradus.  It  is  joined  to  the  continent  by  a  mound, 
which  Alexander  raised,  when  he  was  besieging  it.  It  has 
two  harbors,  one  close,  the  other  open,  which  is  called  the 
Egyptian  harbor.  The  houses  here,  it  is  said,  consist  of 
many  stories,  of  more  than  at  Rome;  on  the  occurrence, 
t  hcrefore,  of  an  earthquake,  the  city  was  nearly  demolished. 
It  sustained  great  injury  when  it  was  taken  by  siege  by 
Alexander,  but  it  rose  above  these  misfortunes,  and  recov- 
ered itself  both  by  the  skill  of  the  people  in  the  art  of  navi- 
gation, in  which  the  Phoenicians  in  general  have  always 
excelled  all  nations,  and  by  (the  export  of)  purple-dyed 
manufactures,  the  Tyrian  purple  being  in  the  highest  esti- 

42 


Sea-Purple  and  Tin  43 

mation.  The  shell-fish  from  which  it  is  procured  is  caught 
near  the  coast,  and  the  Tyrians  have  in  great  abundance 
other  requisites  for  dyeing.  The  great  number  of  dyeing 
works  renders  the  city  unpleasant  as  a  place  of  residence, 
but  the  superior  skill  of  the  people  in  the  practice  of  this 
art  is  the  source  of  its  wealth.  Their  independence  was 
secured  to  them  at  a  small  expense  to  themselves,  not  only 
by  the  kings  of  Syria,  but  also  by  the  Romans,  who  con- 
firmed what  the  former  had  conceded.  They  pay  extrava- 
gant honors  to  Hercules.  The  great  number  and  magni- 
tude of  their  colonies  and  cities  are  proofs  of  their  mari- 
time skill  and  power.    Such  then  are  the  Tyrians. 

The  Sidonians  are  said  by  historians  to  excel  in  various  Intellectual 

Life. 
kinds  of  art,  as  the  words  of  Homer  also  imply.  Be- 
sides, they  cultivate  science  and  study  astronomy  and 
arithmetic,  to  which  they  were  led  by  the  application  of  Strabo  1.  c. 
numbers  (in  accounts)  and  night  sailing,  each  of  which 
(branches  of  knowledge)  concerns  the  merchant  and  sea- 
man. 

II.  The  Cassiterides  Islands 

The  Cassiterides  are  ten  in  number,  and  lie  near  each  The  Natives 
other  in  the  ocean  towards  the  north  from  the  haven  of  trade, 
the  Artabri.     One  of  them  is  desert,  but  the  others  are 
inhabited  by  men  in  black  cloaks,  clad  in  tunics  reaching 

to  the  feet,  girt  about  the  breast,  and  walking  with  staves,  Strabo  iii.  5, 

11. 
thus  resembling  the  Furies  we  see  in  tragic  representa- 
tions. They  subsist  by  their  cattle,  leading  for  the  most 
part  a  wandering  life.  Of  the  metals  they  have  tin  and 
lead;  which  with  skins  they  barter  with  the  merchants 
for  earthenware,  salt,  and  bra/.en  vessels.  Formerly  the 
Phoenicians  alone  carried  on  this  traffic  from  Cades,  con- 
cealing the  passage  from  every  one;  and  when  the  Romans 


44  Syria 

followed  a  certain  ship-master,  that  they  also  might  find 
the  market,  the  ship-master  in  jealousy  purposely  ran 
his  vessel  upon  a  shoal,  leading  on  those  who  followed  him 
into  the  same  destructive  disaster;  he  himself  escaped  by 
means  of  a  fragment  of  the  ship,  and  received  from  the 
state  the  value  of  the  cargo  he  had  lost.  The  Romans 
nevertheless  by  frequent  efforts  discovered  the  passage, 
and  as  soon  as  Publius  Crassus,  passing  over  to  them,  per- 
ceived that  the  metals  were  dug  out  at  a  little  depth  and 
that  the  men  were  peaceably  disposed,  he  declared  it  to 
those  who  already  wished  to  traffic  in  this  sea  for  profit, 
although  the  passage  was  longer  than  that  to  Britain. 

III.  Phcenicians  Work  the  Iberian  Silver  Mines 

The  Silver  Almost  all  this  country  is  full  of  such  mines,  whence 

is  dug  very  good  and  pure  silver;  so  that  those  who  deal 
in  that  metal,  gain  great  profit.    And  in  the  former  book 

Diodorusv.  2.  we  have  spoken  of  the  Pyrenees  mountains  in  Iberia,  when 
we  treated  of  the  acts  and  achievements  of  Hercules;  these 
are  the  highest  and  greatest  of  all;  for  from  the  south  sea, 

Ancient  almost  as  far  as  the  northern  ocean,  they  divide  Gaul  from 

II  orld,  30  f.        rl  ,    _    .    .,  .  .  .     . 

Iberia  and  C  eltibena,  running  out  for  the  space  of  three 
thousand  furlongs.  As  these  places  are  full  of  woods, 
it  is  reported  that  in  ancient  time  this  mountainous  tract 
was  set  on  fire  by  some  shepherds,  and  continued  burning 
for  many  days  together,  whence  the  mountains  were  called 
Pyrenees.  The  parched  surface  of  the  earth  sweated, 
abundance  of  silver,  the  ore  being  melted,  flowed  down  in 
pure  streams  like  a  river.  Its  use  being  unknown  to  the 
inhabitants,  the  Phoenician  merchants  bought  it  for  trifles 
given  in  exchange,  and  by  transporting  it  into  Greece, 
Asia,  and  all  other  nation-,  greatly  enriched  themselves; 
and  such  was  their  covetousness,  that  when  they  had  fully 


ig6. 


Colonization  and  Commerce  45 

loaded  their  ships,  and  had  much  more  silver  to  bring 
aboard,  they  cut  off  the  lead  from  their  anchors,  and  made 
use  of  silver  instead  of  the  other  metal. 

For  a  long  time  using  this  trade,  and  so  growing  more 
and  more  wealthy,  the  Phoenicians  sent  many  colonies 
into  Sicily  and  the  neighboring  islands,  and  at  length  into 
Africa  and  Sardinia. 

IV.  Phoenician  Trade 

The  Carthaginians  say  also  this,  namely,  that  there  A  peculiar 
is  a  place  in  Libya  and  men  dwelling  there,  outside  the  barter. 
Pillars  of  Heracles,  to  whom  when  they  have  come  and 
have  taken  the  merchandise  forth  from  their  ships,  they  Herodotus  iv. 
set  it  in  order  along  the  beach  and  embark  again  in  their 
ships,  and  after  that  they  raise  a  smoke;  and  the  natives 
of  the  country  seeing  the  smoke,  come  to  the  sea,  and  then 
they  lay  down  gold  as  an  equivalent  for  the  merchandise 
and  retire  to  a  distance  away  from  the  merchandise.  The 
Carthaginians  upon  that  disembark  and  examine  it,  and 
if  the  gold  is,  in  their  opinion,  sufficient  for  the  value  of  the 
merchandise,  they  take  it  up  and  go  their  way;  but  if  not, 
they  embark  again  in  their  ships  and  sit  there;  and  the 
others  approach  and  straightway  add  more  gold  to  the 
former,  until  they  satisfy  them;  and  they  say  that  neither 
party  wrongs  the  other;  for  neither  do  the  Carthaginians 
lay  hands  on  the  gold  until  it  is  made  equal  to  the  value 
of  their  merchandise,  nor  do  the  others  lay  hands  on  the 
merchandise  until  the  Carthaginians  have  taken  the  gold. 

V.  The  Commerce  of  Tyre 

0  Tyrus,  thou  hast  said,  I  am  of  perfect  beauty.  industries 

Thy  borders  arc  in  the  midst  of  the  seas,  thy  builders 
have  perfected  thy  beauty. 


and  imports. 


46  Syria 

Ezekid  \xvii.  They  have  mack'  all  thy  ship  boards  of  fir  trees  of  Senir; 
they  have  taken  cedars  from  Lebanon  to  make  masts  for 
thee. 

Of  the  oaks  of  Bashan  they  have  made  thine  oars;  the 
company  of  the  Ashurites  have  made  thy  benches  of  ivory, 
brought  out  of  the  isles  of  Chittim. 

Fine  linen  with  broidered  work  from  Egypt  was  that 
which  thou  spreadest  forth  to  be  thy  sail;  blue  and  purple 
from  the  isles  of  Elishah  was  that  which  covered  thee. 

The  inhabitants  of  Zidon  and  Arvad  were  thy  mar- 
iners: thy  wise  men,  O  Tyrus,  that  were  in  thee,  were  thy 
pilots.  .  .  . 

Tarshish  was  thy  merchant  by  reason  of  the  multitude 
of  all  kind  of  riches;  with  silver,  iron,  tin,  and  lead,  they 
traded  in  thy  fairs. 

Javan,  Tubal,  and  Meshech,  they  were  thy  merchants; 
they  traded  the  persons  of  men  and  vessels  of  brass  in  thy 
market. 

They  of  the  house  of  Togarmah  traded  in  thy  fairs  with 
horses  and  horsemen  and  mules. 

The  men  of  Dedan  were  thy  merchants;  many  isles  were 
the  merchandise  of  thy  hand;  they  brought  thee  for  a 
present  horns  of  ivory  and  ebony. 

Syria  was  thy  merchant  by  reason  of  the  multitude  of 
the  wares  of  thy  making:  they  occupied  in  thy  fairs  with 
emeralds,  purple,  and  broidered  work,  and  fine  linen,  and 
coral,  and  agate. 

Judah,  and  the  land  of  Israel,  they  were  thy  merchants; 
they  traded  in  thy  market  wheat  of  Minnith  and  Pannag, 
and  honey,  and  oil,  and  balm. 

Damascus  was  thy  merchant  in  the  multitude  of  the 
wares  of  thy  making,  for  the  multitude  of  all  riches;  in  the 
wine  of  Helbon,  and  white  wool. 


The  Gift  of  the  Alphabet  47 

Dan  also  and  Javan  going  to  and  fro  occupied  in  thy 
fairs;  bright  iron,  cassia,  and  calamus,  were  in  thy  market. 


VI.  They  Gave  the  Alphabet  to  Greece 

Now  these  Phoenicians  brought  in  among  the  Hellenes 
many  arts  when  they  settled  in  this  land  of  Boeotia,  and 
especially  letters,  which  did  not  exist,  as  it  appears  to  me, 
among  the  Hellenes  before  this  time;  and  at  first  they 
brought  in  those  which  are  used  by  the  Phoenician  race  gen- 
erally, but  afterwards,  as  time  went  on,  they  changed  with  Herodotus  v. 
their  speech  the  form  of  the  letters  also.  During  this  time 
the  Ionians  were  the  race  of  Hellenes  who  dwelt  near  them 
in  most  of  the  places  where  they  were;  and  these  having 
received  letters  by  instruction  of  the  Phoenicians,  changed 
their  form  slightly  and  so  made  use  of  them,  and  in  doing 
so  they  declared  them  to  be  called  "phenicians"  as  was 
just,  seeing  that  the  Phoenicians  had  introduced  them  into 
Hellas.  Also  the  Ionians  from  ancient  times  call  paper 
"skins,"  because,  formerly  paper  being  scarce,  they  used 
skins  of  sheep  and  goats;  nay,  even  in  my  own  time  many 
of  the  Barbarians  write  on  such  skins. 

VII.  Letter  of  Ebed-Tob,  Governor  of  Jerusalem, 
to  the  King  of  Egypt 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the  successors  of  Thoth- 
mes  III  weakened  and  his  great  empire  declined;  Ancient  World,  12. 
Syria,  his  chief  dependency,  fell  into  anarchy.  The  petty  princes 
and  governors  of  cities  warred  against  one  another  and  rebelled 
against  pharaoh.  Letters  poured  into  his  hands  from  them,  accusing 
one  another  of  disloyalty  and  imploring  military  protection.  A 
great  number  of  these  letters  have  been  found  in  excavations  at 
Tel-cI-Amarna,  Egypt.  Written  in  the  Babylonian  language  and  the 
cuneiform  script,  they  prove  the  dominance  of  Babylonian  culture 


48  Syria 

over  Syria  in  the  fifteenth  century  and  the  use  of  the  Babylonian 
language  for  general  diplomatic  purposes.  The  following  letter  was 
addressed  to  pharaoh  by  Ebed-Tob,  priest-king  of  Jerusalem  long 
before  the  Hebrew  conquest  of  Canaan.    Records  of  the  Past,  v2.  66-8. 

Letter  of  To  the  king  my  lord  speak  thus:  I  Ebed-tob,  thy  serv- 

pharaoh.  ant,  at  the  feet  of  my  lord  the  king,  seven  times  seven 

Someone  has  prostrate  myself.    What  have  I  done  against  the  king  my 

Ebed-Tob  of  h)rd?    They  have  slandered  myself,  laying  wait  for  me  in 

disloyalty  to  trie  presence  of  the  king,  the  lord,  saying:  Ebed-tob  has 

He  has  re-  revolted  from   the  king  his  lord.     Behold,   neither  my 

kingdom,  not  father  nor  my  mother  has  exalted  me  in  this  place;  the 

ance^ but di-  Prophecy  of  the  mighty  King  has  caused  me  to  enter  the 

rectly  from  house  of  my  father.    Why  should  I  have  committed  a  sin 

protests  his  against  the  king  the  lord?    With  the  king  my  lord  is  life. 
I  say  to  the  Commissioner  of  the  king  my  lord :  Why  dost 

sioner,  an  thou  love  the  Confederates,  and  the  governors  thou  hat- 

pharao'h-  es^  an<^  constantly  I  am  sending  to  the  presence  of  the 

confederates,  king  my  lord  to  say  that  the  countries  of  the  king  my  lord 

people  of  i.    •        j  j 

Hebron,  a  are  being  destroyed.  .  .  . 

Jerusalem6  °  All  the  governors  are  destroyed;  no  governor  remains 

Governors,  to  the  king  the  lord.    May  the  king  turn  his  face  to  the 

pharaoh  toby  men>  anc^  may  ne  send  auxiliaries,  even  the  troops  of  the 

rule  the  cities,  king  my  lord.     No  countries  remain  unto  the  king:  the 

The  country,  .  ° 

wasted  by  Confederates  have  wasted  all  the  countries  of  the  king. 
needsmm-  ^  auxiliaries  come  this  year,  the  countries  of  the  king  the 
tary  protec-     \0Tr\  w[\\  De  preserved ;  but  if  no  auxiliaries  come  the  coun- 


tion 


tries  of  the  king  my  lord  are  destroyed. 


VIII.  The  Ten  Commandments 

And  God  spake  all  these  words,  saying, 
I  am  the  Lord  thy  God,  which  have  brought  thee  out 
of  the  land  of  Egypt,  out  of  the  house  of  bondage. 


The  Ten  Commandments  49 

Thou  shalt  have  no  other  gods  before  me. 

Thou  shalt  not  make  unto  thee  any  graven  image,  or  Exodus  xx. 

I~~  17. 

any  likeness  of  anything  that  is  in  heaven  above,  or  that  is 
in  the  earth  beneath,  or  that  is  in  the  water  under  the  earth : 

Thou  shalt  not  bow  down  thyself  to  them  nor  serve 
them:  for  I  the  Lord  thy  God  am  a  jealous  God,  visiting 
the  iniquity  of  the  fathers  upon  the  children  unto  the  third 
and  fourth  generation  of  them  that  hate  me; 

And  shewing  mercy  unto  thousands  of  them  that  love 
me  and  keep  my  commandments. 

Thou  shalt  not  take  the  name  of  the  Lord  thy  God  in 
vain;  for  the  Lord  will  not  hold  him  guiltless  that  taketh 
his  name  in  vain. 

Remember  the  sabbath  day,  to  keep  it  holy. 

Six  days  shalt  thou  labor,  and  do  all  thy  work ; 

But  the  seventh  day  is  the  sabbath  of  the  Lord  thy  God; 
in  it  thou  shalt  not  do  any  work,  thou,  nor  thy  son,  nor 
thy  daughter,  thy  manservant,  nor  thy  maidservant,  nor 
thy  cattle,  nor  thy  stranger  that  is  within  thy  gates: 

For  in  six  days  the  Lord  made  heaven  and  earth,  the 
sea,  and  all  that  in  them  is,  and  rested  the  seventh  day: 
wherefore  the  Lord  blessed  the  sabbath  day  and  hal- 
lowed it. 

Honor  thy  father  and  thy  mother:  that  thy  days  may 
be  long  upon  the  land  which  the  Lord  thy  God  giveth  thee. 

Thou  shalt  not  kill. 

Thou  shalt  not  commit  adultery. 

Thou  shalt  not  steal. 

Thou  shalt  not  bear  false  witness  against  thy  neighbor. 

Thou  shalt  not  covet  thy  neighbor's  house,  thou  shalt 
not  covet  thy  neighbor's  wife,  nor  his  manservant,  nor 
his  maidservant,  nor  his  ox,  nor  his  ass,  nor  any  thing  that 
is  thy  neighbor's. 


5° 


Syria 


IX.  The  Building  of  Solomon's  Temple 

And  king  Solomon  raised  a  levy  out  of  all  Israel;  and 
the  levy  was  thirty  thousand  men. 

And  be  sent  them  to  Lebanon,  ten  thousand  a  month  by 
courses;  a  month  they  were  in  Lebanon,  and  two  months 
at  home;  and  Adoniram  was  over  the  levy. 

And  Solomon  had  three  score  and  ten  thousand  that 
bare  burdens,  and  fourscore  thousand  hewers  in  the  moun- 
tains; 

Beside  the  chief  of  Solomon's  officers  which  were  over 
the  work,  three  thousand  and  three  hundred,  which  ruled 
over  the  people  that  wrought  in  the  work. 

And  the  king  commanded,  and  they  brought  great 
stones,  costly  stones,  and  hewed  stones,  to  lay  the 
foundation  of  the  house. 

And  Solomon's  builders  and  Hiram's  builders  did  hew 
them,  and  the  stonesquarers;  so  they  prepared  timber  and 
stones  to  build  the  house. 

And  it  came  to  pass  in  the  four  hundred  and  eightieth 
year  after  the  children  of  Israel  were  come  out  of  the  land 
of  Egypt,  in  the  fourth  year  of  Solomon's  reign  over  Israel, 
in  the  month  Zif,  which  is  the  second  month,  that  he  began 
to  build  the  house  of  the  Lord. 

And  the  house  which  king  Solomon  built  for  the  Lord, 
the  length  thereof  was  threescore  cubits,  and  the  breadth 
thereof  twenty  cubits,  and  the  height  thereof  thirty  cubits. 

And  the  porch  before  the  temple  of  the  house,  twenty 
cubits  was  the  length  thereof,  according  to  the  breadth  of 
the  house;  and  ten  cubits  was  the  breadth  thereof  before 
the  house. 

And  for  the  house  he  made  windows  of  narrow  lights. 

And  against  the  wall  of  the  house  he  built  chambers 


Solomon's  Temple  51 

round  about,  against  the  walls  of  the  house  round  about, 
both  of  the  temple  and  the  oracle;  and  he  made  chambers 
round  about: 

The  nethermost  chamber  was  five  cubits  broad,  and 
the  middle  was  six  cubits  broad,  and  the  third  was  seven 
cubits  broad;  for  without  in  the  wall  of  the  house  he  made 
narrowed  rests  round  about,  that  the  beams  should  not  be 
fastened  in  the  walls  of  the  house. 

And  the  house  when  it  was  in  building,  was  built  of 
stone  made  ready  before  it  was  brought  thither;  so  that 
there  was  neither  hammer  nor  ax  nor  any  tool  of  iron  heard 
in  the  house,  while  it  was  in  building. 

The  door  for  the  middle  chamber  was  in  the  right  side 
of  the  house;  and  they  went  up  with  winding  stairs  into 
the  middle  chamber,  and  out  of  the  middle  into  the  third. 

So  he  built  the  house,  and  finished  it;  and  covered  the 
house  with  beams  and  boards  of  cedar. 

And  then  he  built  chambers  against  all  the  house,  five 
cubits  high;  and  they  rested  on  the  house  with  timber  of 
cedar. 

And  the  word  of  the  Lord  came  to  Solomon,  saying,         The  promise 

,  .  1  •   t       1  t      m  t  •£   of  the  Lord. 

Concerning  this  house  which  thou  art  in  building,  it 
thou  wilt  walk  in  my  statutes,  and  execute  my  judgments, 
and  keep  all  my  commandments  to  walk  in  them;  then 
will  I  perform  my  word  with  thee,  which  I  spake  unto 
David  thy  father; 

And  I  will  dwell  among  the  children  of  Israel,  and  will 
not  forsake  my  people  Israel. 

So  Solomon  built  the  house,  and  finished  it. 

And  he  built  the  walls  of  the  house  within  with  boards  The  interior, 
of  cedar,  both  the  floor  of  the  house,  and  the  walls  of  the 
ceilinq;  and  he  covered  them  on  the  inside  with  wood,  and 
covered  the  floor  of  the  house  with  planks  of  fir. 


5  2  Syria 

And  he  built  twenty  cubits  on  the  sides  of  the  house, 
both  the  floor  and  the  walls  with  boards  of  cedar;  he  even 
built  them  for  it  within,  even  for  the  oracle,  even  for  the 
most  holy  place. 

And  the  house,  that  is  the  temple  before  it,  was  forty 
cubits  long. 

And  the  cedar  of  the  house  within  was  carved  with  knops 
and  open  flowers;  all  was  cedar;  there  was  no  stone  seen. 

And  the  oracle  he  prepared  in  the  house  within,  to 
set  there  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  the  Lord. 

And  the  oracle  in  the  forepart  was  twenty  cubits  in 
length,  and  twenty  cubits  in  breadth,  and  twenty  cubits 
in  the  height  thereof;  and  he  overlaid  it  with  pure  gold; 
and  so  covered  the  altar  which  was  of  cedar. 

So  Solomon  overlaid  the  house  within  with  pure  gold; 
and  he  made  a  partition  by  the  chains  of  gold  before  the 
oracle;  and  he  overlaid  it  with  gold. 

And  the  whole  house  he  overlaid  with  gold,  until  he 
had  finished  all  the  house;  also  the  whole  altar  that  was  by 
the  oracle  he  overlaid  with  gold. 

And  within  the  oracle  he  made  two  cherubims  of  olive 
tree,  each  ten  cubits  high. 

And  five  cubits  was  the  one  wing  of  the  cherub,  and 
five  cubits  the  other  wing  of  the  cherub;  from  the  utter- 
most part  of  the  one  wing  unto  the  uttermost  part  of  the 
other  were  ten  cubits. 

And  the  other  cherub  was  ten  cubits;  both  the  cherubims 
were  of  one  measure  and  one  size. 

The  height  of  the  one  cherub  was  ten  cubits,  and  so  was 
it  of  the  other  cherub. 

And  he  set  the  cherubims  within  the  inner  house;  and 
they  stretched  forth  the  wings  of  the  cherubims,  so  that 
the  wing  of  the  one  touched  the  one  wall,  and  the  wing  of 


Solomon's  Temple  53 

the  other  cherub  touched  the  other  wall;  and  their  wings 
touched  one  another  in  the  midst  of  the  house. 

And  he  overlaid  the  cherubims  with  gold. 

And  he  carved  all  the  walls  of  the  house  round  about 
with  carved  figures  of  cherubims  and  palm  trees  and  open 
flowers,  within  and  without. 

And  the  floor  of  the  house  he  overlaid  with  gold,  within 
and  without. 

And  for  the  entering  of  the  oracle  he  made  doors  of  olive 
tree;  the  lintel  and  side  posts  were  a  fifth  part  of  the  wall. 

And  the  two  doors  were  of  fir  tree;  the  two  leaves  of 
the  one  door  were  folding,  and  the  two  leaves  of  the  other 
door  were  folding. 

And  he  carved  thereon  cherubims  and  palm  trees  and 
open  flowers;  and  covered  them  with  gold  fitted  upon  the 
carved  work. 

And  he  built  the  inner  court  with  three  rows  of  hewed 
stone,  and  a  row  of  cedar  beams. 

In  the  fourth  year  was  the  foundation  of  the  house  of 
the  Lord  laid,  in  the  month  Zif. 

And  in  the  eleventh  year,  in  the  month  Bui,  which  is 
the  eighth  month,  was  the  house  finished  throughout  all 
the  parts  thereof,  and  according  to  all  the  fashion  of  it. 
So  was  he  seven  years  in  building  it. 

X.  The  Goodness  and  Mercy  of  God 

The  Lord  is  my  shepherd;  I  shall  not  want.  The  Lord  is 

He  maketh  me  to  lie  down  in  the  green  pastures:  he  lead-  jfe^d>  ep~ 
eth  me  beside  the  still  waters. 

He  restoreth  my  soul:  he  leadeth  me  in  the  paths  of  Psalm  xxiii. 
righteousness  for  his  name's  sake. 

Yea,  though  I  walk  through  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of 


54  Syria 

death,  I  will  fear  no  evil:  for  thou  art  with  me;  thy  rod  and 
thy  staff  they  comfor!  me. 

Thou  preparesl  a  table  before  me  in  the  presence  of 
mine  enemies:  thou  anointest  my  head  with  oil;  my  cup 
runneth  over. 

Surely  goodness  and  mercy  shall  follow  me  all  the  days 
of  my  life;  and  I  will  dwell  in  the  house  of  the  Lord  for- 
ever. 

STUDIES 

i.  What  was  the  condition  of  Sidon  and  Tyre  in  Strabo's  time? 

2.  Where  were  the  Cassiterides  islands  and  what  were  their  prod- 
ucts? 

1.  What  metals  did  the  Phoenicians  find  in  Iberia  (Spain)?  How 
did  this  wealth  influence  them? 

4.  Describe  the  peculiar  method  of  barter  followed  by  the  Car- 
thaginians in  Libya?     Who  were  the  Carthaginians? 

5.  Who  was  Ezekiel  and  what  did  he  write?  Mention  the  various 
articles  bought  and  sold  in  the  Tyrian  markets. 

6.  What  was  the  chief  benefit  of  the  Phoenicians  to  Greece? 
What  were  the  writing  materials? 

7.  What  position  was  held  by  Ebed-Tob?  Compare  him  with 
Melchizedek  (Genesis  xiv.     18-20),  another  priest-king  of  Jerusalem. 

8.  Where  is  the  book  called  Exodus  found?  Compare  the  Ten 
Commandments  with  the  best  Egyptian  precepts. 

9.  Describe  Solomon's  temple. 

10.  What  conception  of  God  is  given  in  this  psalm?  Contrast  it 
with  the  Assyrian  conception  of  the  deity? 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  MEDIAN  AND  PERSIAN  EMPIRES 

I.  Media:  Country  and  Customs 

It  is  a  Median  custom  to  elect  the  bravest  person  as  The  King. 

king,  but  this  does  not  generally  prevail,  being  confined  to 

the  mountain  tribes.    The  custom  for  the  kings  to  have  Straboxi. 

13.  11. 
many  wives  is  more  general,  it  is  found  among  all  the 

mountaineers  also,  but  they  are  not  permitted  to  have 
less  than  five.  In  the  same  manner  the  women  think  it 
honorable  for  husbands  to  have  as  many  wives  as  possible, 
and  esteem  it  a  misfortune  if  they  have  less  than  five. 

While  the  rest  of  Media  is  very  fertile,  the  northern  and 
mountainous  part  is  barren.  The  people  subsist  upon  the 
produce  of  trees.  They  make  cakes  of  apples,  sliced  and 
dried,  and  bread  of  roasted  almonds;  they  express  a  wine 
from  some  kind  of  roots.  They  eat  the  flesh  of  wild  animals 
and  do  not  breed  any  tame  animals.  So  much  then  respect- 
ing the  Medes.  As  to  the  laws  and  customs  in  common  use 
throughout  the  whole  of  Media,  as  they  are  the  same  as 
those  of  the  Persians  in  consequence  of  the  establishment 
of  the  Persian  empire,  I  shall  speak  of  them  when  I  give 
an  account  of  the  latter  nation. 

II.  Empire  of  Darius 

The  following  account  of  the  Persian  Empire,  composed  by  Darius, 
is  given  in  an  inscription.  It  describes  the  composition  of  the  empire 
and  illustrates  the  King's  reverence  for  Ormazd,  the  supreme  deity 
of  the  Persians.    Records  of  the  Past,  v.  15 1-3. 

55 


Extent  of  his 
empire. 

World,  50  f. 

Ormaz'i     \ 
hura  Ma.-  la  I, 
the  supreme 
deity. 


Map,  Ancient 
World,  before 
p.  I. 


The  empire 
did  not  in 
fact  include 
Sparta. 


Protection 
and  mainte- 
nance of 
peace. 


Notice  his 
hi^h  con- 
ception of 
duty  to  the 
empire. 


56     The  Median  and  Persian  Empires 

Chief  of  the  gods  is  Ormazd,  who  created  heaven  and 
earth,  and  created  mankind;  who  gave  to  men  their  various 
fortunes;  who  created  Darius,  King  of  many  Kings.  I  am 
1  )arius  the  great  King,  the  King  of  Kings,  the  King  of  the 
nations  of  every  different  tongue;  the  King  of  the  vast  and 
wide  world;  son  of  Hystaspes  the  Achaemenian:  a  Persian, 
son  of  a  Persian.  Darius  the  King  says:  Under  the  pro- 
tection of  Ormazd,  these  are  the  countries  which  I  hold 
besides  Persia:  and  whatever  tribute  I  have  commanded 
them  to  bring,  that  they  brought;  and  whatever  things  I 
commanded  them  to  do,  that  they  did;  and  they  fulfilled 
my  laws.  Media,  Susiana,  Parthia,  Aria,  Bactria,  Sog- 
diana,  Chorasmia,  Zarangia,  Arachosia,  Sattagydia,  Gan- 
daria,  India;  those  Cimmerians  who  are  called  the  Hu- 
murga,  those  other  Cimmerians  who  wear  gloves  on  their 
hands,  Babylonia,  Assyria,  Arabia,  Egypt,  Armenia,  Cap- 
padocia,  Sparta,  Ionia,  those  Cimmerians  who  dwell 
beyond  the  seas,  in  the  land  of  Scythia;  those  Ionians 
who  wear  helmets  on  their  heads;  the  Budians,  the  Cos- 
saeans,  the  Masians,  and  the  land  of  Cartha. 

Darius  the  king  says:  When  Ormazd  saw  that  these 
countries  were  at  war  with  each  other  continually,  after 
he  had  given  me  to  them  and  had  appointed  me  to  be  King 
over  them,  then  I  the  king  under  the  protection  of  Ormazd 
kept  them  all  quiet  in  their  right  places.  Whatever  I 
said,  that  they  did,  and  they  wished  the  thing  that  I 
wished.  And  if  thou  shouldst  say  thus,  "Surely  those 
nations  will  quarrel  and  split  asunder  who  now  obey 
Darius  the  King,"  look  well  at  those  statutes  which  sup- 
port my  throne,  and  if  thou  dost  recognize  them,  then  it 
will  be  known  to  thee  that  the  spear  of  the  Persian  reaches 
far!  Then  it  will  be  known  to  thee,  that  the  men  of  Persia, 
far  beyond  their  own  country,  wars  are  wont  to  wage. 


Darius  57 

Darius  the  King  says,  "All  this  that  I  have  done,  under 
the  protection  of  Ormazd,  I  have  done  it.  Ormazd  gave 
me  the  strength  to  do  these  things.  May  Ormazd  protect 
me  from  everything  that  is  evil,  both  my  family  and  my 
country,  this  I  pray  Ormazd:  may  Ormazd  grant  it!  O 
man!  whatever  Ormazd  commands,  do  thou  not  rebel 
against  it! 

III.  The  Achievements  of  Darius 

Near  the  western  border  of  Iran  stands  the  isolated  rock  of  Behis- 
tan,  on  one  side  rising  almost  perpendicular  to  a  height  of  1700  feet. 
More  than  300  feet  above  the  base  Darius  the  king  had  his  artists 
smooth  a  large  irregular  oblong.  On  the  surface  thus  prepared  they 
sculptured  scenes  from  his  religious  and  military  life  and  a  chronicle 
of  his  deeds.  The  selection  given  below  is  from  H.  C.  Tolman,  The 
Behistan  Inscription  of  King  Darius. 

Says  Darius  the  king:  Afterward  there  was  one  man,  a 
Magian,  Gaumata  by  name:  ...  he  thus  deceived  the 
people;  I  am  Bardiya  the  son  of  Cyrus,  brother  of  Cam- 
byses;  afterward  all  the  people  became  estranged  from 
Cambyses  and  went  over  to  him,  both  Persia  and  Media 
and  the  other  provinces;  he  seized  the  kingdom;  9  days  in 
the  month  Garmapada  were  in  course — he  thus  seized 
the  kingdom ;  afterwards  Cambyses  died  by  a  self-imposed 
death. 

Says  Darius  the  king:  This  kingdom  which  Gaumata 
the  Magian  took  from  Cambyses,  this  kingdom  from  long 
ago  was  the  possession  of  our  family;  afterwards  Gaumata 
the  Magian  took  from  Cambyses  both  Persia  and  Media 
and  the  other  provinces;  he  seized  the  power  and  made  it 
his  own  possession;  he  became  king. 

Says  I)arius  the  king:  There  was  not  a  man  neither  a 
Persian  nor  a  Median  nor  any  one  of  our  family  who  could 


58      The  Median  and  Persian  Empires 

make  Gaumata  the  Magian  deprived  of  the  kingdom;  the 
people  feared  his  tyranny;  they  feared  he  would  slay  the 
many  who  knew  Eardiya  formerly;  for  this  reason  he 
would  slay  the  people,  "that  they  might  not  know  me 
that  I  am  not  Bardiya  the  son  of  Cyrus;"  anyone  did 
not  dare  to  say  anything  against  Gaumata  the  Magian 
until  I  came;  afterwards  I  asked  Auramazda  for  help; 
Auramazda  bore  me  aid;  10  days  in  the  month  Bagayadish 
were  in  course — 1  thus  with  few  men  slew  that  Gaumata 
the  Magian  and  what  men  were  his  foremost  allies;  ...  I 
took  the  kingdom  from  him;  by  the  grace  of  Auramazda 
I  became  king;  Auramazda  gave  me  the  kingdom. 

Says  Darius  the  king:  The  kingdom  which  was  taken 
away  from  our  family,  this  I  put  in  its  place;  I  establish 
it  on  its  foundations;  as  it  was  formerly  so  I  made  it;  th* 
sanctuaries  which  Gaumata  the  Magian  destroyed  I  re 
stored;  for  the  people,  the  revenue  and  the  personal  prop- 
erty and  the  estates  and  the  royal  residences  which  Gau- 
mata the  Magian  took  from  them  I  restored;  I  established 
the  state  on  its  foundation,  both  Persia  and  Media  and 
the  other  provinces;  as  it  was  formerly,  so  I  brought  back 
what  had  been  taken  away;  by  the  grace  of  Auramazda 
this  I  did;  I  labored  that  our  royal  house  I  might  establish 
in  its  place;  as  it  was  formerly  so  I  made  it;  I  labored  by 
the  grace  of  Auramazda  that  Gaumata  the  Magian  might 
not  take  away  our  royal  house.  .  .  . 

Says  Darius  the  king:  For  this  reason  Auramazda  bore. 
me  aid  and  the  other  gods  which  are,  because  I  was  not  an 
enemy,  I  was  not  a  deceiver,  I  was  not  a  wrong-doer, 
neither  1  nor  my  family;  according  to  rectitude  I  ruled 
nor  made  I  my  power  an  oppression  to  those  who 
praise  me;  the  man  who  helped  my  house,  him  who 
should  be  well  esteemed  I  esteemed;  the  man  who  would 


Persian  Religion  59 

destroy  it.  him  who  should  deserve  punishment,  I  pun- 
ished. 

IV.  Persian  Customs 

These  are  the  customs,  so  far  as  I  know,  which  the  Per-  Religion. 
sians  practice:  Images  and  temples  and  altars  they  do  not 
account  it  lawful  to  erect,  nay  they  even  charge  with  folly  Herodotus,  i 
those  who  do  these  things;  and  this,  as  it  seems  to  me,  be-  I31- 
cause  they  do  not  account  the  gods  to  be  in  the  likeness  of 
men,  as  do  the  Hellenes.    But  it  is  their  wont  to  perform  Ancient 
sacrifices  to  Zeus,  going  up  to  the  most  lofty  of  the  moun-      °r  ' 54 
tains,  and  the  whole  circle  of  the  heavens  they  call  Zeus: 
and  they  sacrifice  to  the  Sun  and  the  Moon  and  the  Earth, 
to  Fire  and  to  Water  and  to  the  Winds:  these  are  the  only 
gods  to  whom  they  have  sacrificed  even  from  the  first; 
but  they  have  learnt  also  to  sacrifice  to  Aphrodite  Urania, 
having  learnt  it  from  the  Assyrians  and  the  Arabians.  .  .  . 

Now  this  is  the  manner  of  sacrifice  for  the  gods  afore-  Manner  of 
said  which  is  established  among  the  Persians :— they  make 
no  altars,  neither  do  they  kindle  fire;  and  when  they  mean 
to  sacrifice  they  use  no  libation  nor  music  of  the  pipe  nor  Herodotus  i 
chaplets  nor  meal  for  sprinkling;  but  when  a  man  wishes  I32' 
to  sacrifice  to  any  one  of  the  gods,  he  leads  the  animal  for 
sacrifice  to  an  unpolluted  place  and  calls  upon  the  god, 
having  his  tiara  wreathed  round  generally  with  a  branch 
of  myrtle.  For  himself  alone  separately  the  man  who 
sacrifices  may  not  request  good  things  in  his  prayer  but 
he  prays  that  it  may  be  well  with  all  the  Persians  and  with 
the  King;  for  he  himself  also  is  included  of  course  in  the 
whole  body  of  Persians.  And  when  he  has  cut  up  the  vic- 
tim into  pieces  and  boiled  the  flesh,  he  spreads  a  layer  of 
the  freshest  grass  and  especially  clover,  upon  which  he 
places  forthwith  all  the  pieces  of  flesh;  and  when  he  has 


6o      The  Median  and  Persian  Empires 

placed  them  in  order,  a  Magian  man  stands  by  them  and 
chants  over  I  hem  a  theogony  (for  of  this  nature  they  say 
that  their  incantation  is),  seeing  that  without  a  Magian 
it  is  not  lawful  for  them  to  make  sacrifices.  Then  after 
waiting  a  short  time,  the  sacrificer  carries  away  the  flesh 
and  uses  it  for  whatever  purpose  he  pleases. 

And  of  all  their  days  their  wont  is  to  honor  most  that 
on  which  they  were  born,  each  one:  on  this  they  think 
133-  it  right  to  set  out  a  feast  more  liberal  than  on  other  days; 

and  in  this  feast  the  wealthier  of  them  set  upon  the  table 
an  ox  or  a  horse  or  a  camel  or  an  ass,  roasted  whole  in 
an  oven,  and  the  poor  among  them  set  out  small  animals 
in  the  same  way.  They  have  few  solid  dishes,  but  many 
served  up  after  as  dessert,  and  these  not  in  a  single  course; 
and  for  this  reason  the  Persians  say  that  the  Hellenes 
leave  off  dinner  hungry,  because  after  dinner  they  have 
nothing  worth  mentioning  served  up  as  dessert,  whereas 
if  any  good  dessert  were  served  up  they  would  not  stop 
eating  so  soon. 

To  wine-drinking  they  are  very  much  given.  .  .  .  And 
they  are  wont  to  deliberate  when  drinking  hard  about 
the  most  important  of  their  affairs,  and  whatsoever  con- 
clusion has  pleased  them  in  their  deliberation,  this  on  the 
next  day,  when  they  are  sober,  the  master  of  the  house 
in  which  they  happen  to  be  when  they  deliberate  lays 
before  them  for  discussion:  and  if  it  pleases  them  when  they 
are  sober  also,  they  adopt  it,  but  if  it  does  not  please  them, 
they  let  it  go:  and  that  on  w-hich  they  have  had  the  first 
deliberation  when  they  are  sober,  they  consider  again 
when  they  are  drinking. 
Salutations.  When  they  meet  one  another  in  the  roads,  by  this  you 
may  discern,  whether  those  who  meet  are  of  equal  rank, — 
for  instead  of  greeting  by  words  they  kiss  one  another  on 


Opinion  of  Other  Nations  61 

the  mouth;  but  if  one  of  them  is  a  little  inferior  to  the  other, 

they  kiss  one  another  on  the  cheeks,  and  if  one  is  of  much 

less  noble  rank  than  the  other,  he  falls  down  before  him 

and  does  worship  to  him. 

And  they  honor  of  all  most  after  themselves  those  na-  Their  opin- 
■'  i  •  i    10n  °*  otner 

tions  which  dwell  nearest  to  them,  and  next  those  which  nations. 

dwell  next  nearest,  and  so  they  go  on  giving  honor  in  pro- 
portion to  distance;  and  they  hold  least  in  honor  those  who 
dwell  furthest  off  from  themselves,  esteeming  themselves 
to  be  by  far  the  best  of  all  the  human  race  in  every  point, 
and  thinking  that  others  possess  merit  according  to  the 
proportion  which  is  here  stated,  and  that  those  who  dwell 
furthest  from  themselves  are  the  worst.  And  under  the 
supremacy  of  the  Medes  the  various  nations  used  also  to 
govern  one  another  according  to  the  same  rule  as  the 
Persians  observe  in  giving  honor,  the  Medes  governing 
the  whole  and  in  particular  those  who  dwelt  nearest  to 
themselves,  and  these  having  rule  over  those  who  bor- 
dered upon  them,  and  those  again  over  the  nations  that 
were  next  to  them:  for  the  race  went  forward  thus  ever 
from  government  by  themselves  to  government  through 
others. 

The  Persians  more  than  any  other  men  admit  foreign  They  borrow 
usages;  for  they  both  wear  the  Median  dress,  judging  it  to  totas. 
be  more  comely  than  their  own,  and  also  for  fighting,  the 
Egyptian  corslet:  moreover  they  adopt  all  kinds  of  luxu-  ib.  i35. 
ries  when  they  hear  of  them.  .  .  . 

It  is  established  as  a  sign  of  manly  excellence  next  after  Family  and 
excellence  in  fight,  to  be  able  to  show  many  sons;  and  to  educatl0n- 
those  who  have  the  most  the  king  sends  gifts  every  year:  lb.  136. 
for  they  consider  number  to  be  a  source  of  strength.    And 
they  educate  their  children,  beginning  at  five  years  old 
and  going  on  till  twenty,  in  three  things  only,  in  riding, 


62      The  Median  and  Persian  Empires 


138. 


shooting,  and  In  speaking  the  truth;  but  before  the  boy  is 
five  years  old  he  does  not  come  into  the  presence  of  his 
father,  but  lives  with  the  women;  and  it  is  so  done  for  this 
reason,  that  if  the  child  should  die  while  he  is  being  bred 
up,  he  may  not  be  the  cause  of  any  grief  to  his  father. 
I  commend  this  custom  of  theirs,  and  also  the  one  which  is 
next  to  be  mentioned,  namely  that  neither  the  king  him- 
self shall  put  any  to  death  for  one  cause  alone,  nor  any  of 
the  other  Persians  for  one  cause  alone  shall  do  hurt  that 
is  irremediable  to  any  of  his  own  servants;  but  if  after 
reckoning  he  find  that  the  wrongs  done  are  more  in  num- 
ber and  greater  than  the  services  rendered,  then  only  he 
gives  vent  to  his  anger.  Moreover  they  say  that  no  one 
ever  killed  his  own  father  or  mother,  but  whatever  deeds 
have  been  done  which  seemed  to  be  of  this  nature,  if  ex- 
amined must  necessarily,  they  say,  be  found  to  be  due 
either  to  changelings  or  to  children  of  adulterous  birth; 
for,  say  they,  it  is  not  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  true 
parent  would  be  killed  by  his  own  son. 

Whatever  things  it  is  not  lawful  for  them  to  do,  these  it 
is  not  lawful  for  them  even  to  speak  of:  and  the  most 
disgraceful  thing  in  their  estimation  is  to  tell  a  lie,  and 
next  to  this  is  to  owe  money,  this  last  for  many  other 
reasons,  but  especially  because  it  is  necessary,  they  say, 
for  him  who  owes  money,  also  sometimes  to  tell  lies;  and 
whosoever  of  the  men  of  the  city  has  leprosy  or  whiteness 
of  skin,  he  does  not  come  into  a  city  nor  mingle  with  the 
other  Persians;  and  they  say  that  he  has  these  diseases 
because  he  has  in  some  way  offended  against  the  Sun: 
but  a  stranger  who  is  taken  by  these  diseases,  in  many 
regions  they  drive  out  of  the  country  altogether,  and  also 
white  doves,  alleging  against  them  the  same  cause.  And 
into  a  river  they  neither  spit,  neither  do  they  wash  their 


The  Dead  63 

hands  in  it,  nor  allow  any  other  to  do  these  things,  but 
they  reverence  rivers  very  greatly.  .  .  . 

So  much  am  I  able  to  say  for  certain  from  my  own  .Treatment 
knowledge  about  them:  but  what  follows  is  reported  about 
their  dead  as  a  secret  mystery  and  not  with  clearness,  lb.  140. 
namely  that  the  body  of  a  Persian  man  is  not  buried  until 
it  has  been  torn  by  a  bird  or  a  dog.  (The  Magians  I  know 
for  a  certainty  have  this  practice,  for  they  do  it  openly). 
However  that  may  be,  the  Persians  cover  the  body  with 
wax  and  then  bury  it  in  the  earth.  Now  the  Magians  are 
distinguished  in  many  ways  from  other  men,  as  also  from 
the  priests  of  Egypt;  for  these  last  esteem  it  a  matter  of 
purity  to  kill  no  living  creature  except  the  animals  which 
they  sacrifice;  but  the  Magians  kill  with  their  own  hands 
all  creatures  except  dogs  and  men,  and  they  even  make  this 
a  great  end  to  aim  at,  killing  both  ants  and  serpents  and 
all  other  creeping  and  flying  things. 

V.  Treatment  of  the  Dead 

Ahura  Mazda  answered:  "Thirty  paces  from  the  fire;  The  question 

thirty  paces  from  the  water;  thirty  paces  from  the  conse-  sh'all  be 

crated  bundles  of  baresma;  thirty  paces  from  the  faithful:  on"6^^ 

On  that  place  they  shall  dig  a  grave,  half  a  foot  deep  if  di.es  in 

the  earth  be  hard,  half  the  height  of  a  man  if  it  be  soft;  a  storm? 

they  shall  cover  the  surface  of  it  with  dust  of  bricks,  or  of  Avesia. 

stones,  or  of  dry  earth.  He  is  buried 

And  they  shall  let  the  lifeless  body  lie  there  for  two  temporarily 

ma  dwelling. 

nights,  or  three  nights,  or  a  month  long,  until  the  birds 
begin  to  fly,  the  plants  to  grow,  the  floods  to  flow,  and  the 
wind  to  dry  up  the  waters  from  off  the  earth. 

And  when  the  birds  begin  to  fly,  the  plants  to  grow,  the 
floods  to  flow,  and  the  wind  to  dry  up  the  waters  from  off 
the  earth,  then  the  worshippers  of  Mazda  shall  make  a 


The  dead  and 
the  living 

must  not  i  kiss 
the  same 
way. 


In  practice, 
spots  on  the 
face  of  a  dog 
were  con- 
sidered eyes. 


The  Drug 
Nasu  was 
a  demon  rep- 
resenting the 
impurity  of 
death. 


64      The  Median  and  Persian  Empires 

breach  in  the  wall  of  the  house,  and  they  shall  call  for  two 
men,  strong  and  skilful,  and  those  having  stripped  their 
clothing  off,  shall  take  the  body  to  the  building  of  clay, 
stones,  and  mortar,  raised  on  a  place  where  they  know 
there  are  always  corpse-eating  dogs  and  corpse-eating 
birds.  .  .  . 

Can  the  way  whereupon  the  carcasses  of  dogs  or  the 
corpses  of  men  have  been  carried,  be  passed  through  again 
by  flocks  and  herds,  by  men  and  women.  .  .  .? 

You  shall  cause  the  yellow  dog  with  four  eyes  or  the 
white  dog  with  yellow  ears  to  go  three  times  through  that 
way.  When  either  the  yellow  dog  with  four  ears  or  the 
white  dog  with  yellow  ears  is  brought  there,  then  the  Drug 
Nasu  flies  away  to  the  regions  of  the  north,  in  the  shape  of  a 
raging  fly,  with  knees  and  tail  sticking  out,  all  stained  with 
stains,  and  like  unto  the  foulest  Khrafstras  (servants  of 
the  Evil  One). 

VI.  Mithra 


Mithra  as 
worthy  as 
his  creator. 

Zarathrustra 
is  Zoroaster. 

Avesta. 

He  is  god  of 
truth. 


As  god  of 
light.   Mithra 
sees  and  hears 
everything. 


Ahura  Mazda  spake  unto  Spitama  Zarathrustra,  say- 
ing: "Verily  when  I  created  Mithra,  lord  of  wide  pastures, 
O  Spitama,  I  created  him  as  worthy  of  sacrifice,  as  worthy 
prayer  as  myself,  Ahura  Mazda. 

The  ruffian  who  lies  unto  Mithra  brings  death  unto  the 
whole  country,  injuring  the  faithful  world  as  much  as  a 
hundred  evil-doers  could  do.  Break  not  the  contract,  O 
Spitama,  neither  the  one  thou  hadst  entered  into  with 
one  of  the  unfaithful,  nor  the  one  thou  hadst  entered  into 
with  one  of  the  faithful  who  is  of  thine  own  faith.  For 
Mithra  stands  for  both  the  faithful  and  the  unfaith- 
ful. .  .  . 

We  sacrifice  unto  Mithra,  lord  of  wide  pastures,  who  is 
truth-speaking,  a  chief  in  assemblies,  with  a  thousand 


Mithra;   Healing 


65 


ears  well-shapen,  with  ten  thousand  eyes,  high,  with  full 
knowledge,  strong,  sleepless,  and  ever  awake. 

To  whom  the  chiefs  of  nations  offer  up  sacrifices,  as 
they  go  to  the  field  against  havocking  hosts,  against  ene- 
mies coming  in  battle  array,  in  the  strife  of  conflicting 
nations. 

On  whichever  side  he  has  been  worshipped  first  in  the  He  turns  the 
fulness  of  faith  of  a  devoted  heart,  to  that  side  turns  tie. 
Mithra,  lord  of  wide  pastures,  with  the  fiend-smiting  wind, 
with  the  cursing  thought  of  the  wise. 


VII.  Healing 
One  may  heal  with  Holiness,  one  may  heal  with  the  Spiritual  as 

.  ,    ,       ,         well  as  medci- 

Law,  one  may  heal  with  the  knife,  one  may  heal  with  herbs,  inal  healing. 

one  may  heal  with  the  Holy  Word.    Amongst  all  remedies 

this  one  is  the  healing  one  that  heals  with  the  Holy  Word;  Avesta. 

this  one  it  is  that  will  best  drive  away  sickness  from  the 

body  of  the  faithful ;  for  this  one  is  the  best-healing  of  all 

remedies. 

STUDIES 

1.  Describe  the  Median  kingship.  What  were  the  products  of  the 
country? 

2.  What  was  the  extent  of  the  Persian  empire?  What  idea  of 
duty  to  the  empire  had  Darius?  Can  we  find  anything  similar  in  the 
case  of  other  Oriental  kings? 

3.  Give  an  account  of  the  accession  of  Darius. 

4.  What  were  the  chief  features  of  the  religion  of  the  Persians  as 
described  by  Herodotus?  What  were  their  customs  at  meals?  How 
did  they  regard  other  nations:-'    What  does  he  tell  us  of  their  family? 

5.  Describe  their  burial  customs  and  beliefs. 

6.  What  was  the  character  of  Mithra? 

7.  What  means  of  healing  docs  the  Avesta  prescribe.  What  idea 
of  the  Persian  religion  do  you  derive  from  these  selections  from  the 
Avesta? 


sources. 


BOOK  II 

Hellas 

CHAPTER  VI 

INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  SOURCES 

The  main  sources  for  Hellenic  history  are  (i)  the  liter-  The  main 
ary  works  of  the  Greeks  themselves,  (2)  their  inscriptions 
chiefly  on  stone,  (3)  letters  and  other  documents  on  papyri, 
many  of  which  have  recently  been  found  in  Egypt,  (4) 
geography,  especially  valuable  for  explaining  the  elements 
of  economic,  social,  and  political  life,  (5)  archaeology,  a 
relatively  new  science,  which  concerns  itself  with  the 
material  works  of  men's  hands  during  the  remote  past. 
In  Botsford's  History  of  the  Ancient  World,  archaeology 
is  represented  by  the  illustrations;  the  present  volume  is 
limited  to  written  sources.     In  the  study  of  the  latter  Criticism  of 

*  sources. 

material  we  must  discriminate  between  (1)  contemporary 
sources,  composed  in  the  period  to  which  they  refer,  (2) 
sources  later  than  the  period  treated.  The  contemporary 
writer  has  the  advantage  of  direct  acquaintance  with  the 
condition  or  event  or  person  he  describes.  His  account 
therefore  is  always  fresher  and  often  more  trustworthy 
than  any  afterward  composed.  We  must  keep  in  mind, 
however,  that  in  many  cases  a  later  writer  is  able  to  take 
a  broader,  or  more  critical,  view  of  a  situation,  and  may 
in  that  respect  be  a  more  valuable  authority.  In  every 
instance  it  is  necessary  to  study  the  writer  in  order  to 
determine  his  worth  as  a  source. 

For  the  Cretan  and  Mycenaean  civilizations  our  chief 
67 


6S 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


Sources  for 
the  earlier 
periods. 


Ancient 

World,  6g  i' 


The  Diad 
and  the 
Odyssey. 


Ancient 

World,  83-5. 


Seventh  and 
sixth  centu- 
ries, B.C. 


materials  are  archaeological.  This  source  we  may  supple- 
ment by  a  study  of  traditions  and  of  the  survival  of  re- 
ligious, social,  and  political  institutions  from  that  age  to 
later  time.  In  such  research  it  is  extremely  difficult,  on 
many  points  impossible,  to  determine  what  has  actually 
come  down  from  the  period  under  consideration  and  what 
was  added  in  later  time. 

The  epic  or  Homeric  age  is  represented  by  the  two  great 
poems  of  Homer,  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey.  For  the 
poet  himself  we  have  mere  traditions  so  uncertain  and 
conflicting  as  to  lead  many  scholars  to  doubt  his  existence. 
It  seems  most  probable,  however,  that  Homer  was  a  real 
person  who  lived  in  Asia  Minor,  either  at  Smyrna  or  on  the 
island  of  Chios,  about  800  B.C.  The  beautiful  art  and 
material  splendor  he  describes  are  in  the  main  a  memory 
from  the  glorious  past,  whereas  the  religious,  moral, 
social,  and  political  atmosphere  of  his  poems  is  that  of  his 
own  time  and  people.  Although  some  scholars  are  of  the 
opinion  that  his  poems  were  written,  it  is  more  probable 
that  they  were  for  a  time  handed  down  orally  from  gen- 
eration to  generation  in  schools  of  minstrels,  who  found  a 
livelihood  by  chanting  them  at  the  courts  of  nobles  and  at 
public  festivals. 

From  the  age  of  Homer  no  written  material,  so  far  as 
we  know,  came  down  to  later  time.  About  700  B.C., 
however,  some  of  the  more  progressive  states  began  to 
keep  lists  of  magistrates,  and  a  little  later  to  reduce  their 
laws  and  treaties  to  writing.  Such  material  proved  use- 
ful to  later  historians.  Poets  of  the  seventh  and  sixth 
centuries,  treating  of  their  own  personalities  and  of  their 
surroundings,  now  wrote  out  their  compositions,  which  have 
proved  of  the  highest  value  for  the  study  of  those  times. 

The  earliest  of  'these  poets  was  Hesiod,  who  lived  in 


Greek  Poetry  69 

Boeotia  about  700  B.C.     His  Works  and  Days  gives  us  a  Hesiod. 
clearer  view  of  country  life  than  we  can  find  anywhere  else  Ancient 

..."  orla,  153. 

in  ancient  literature.    Additional  light  on  rural  conditions 
of  early  Greece  is  shed  by  the  poems  of  Solon,  the  great  Solon. 
Athenian  lawgiver  of  about  600  B.C.    Both  poets  tell  of 
the  peasants'  hard  lot  under  the  oppressive  rule  of  the 
nobles.    The  military  spirit  of  the  seventh  century  is  well 
represented  by  Tyrtasus  of  Sparta  and  Callinus  of  Ephesus,  Tyrtaeus. 
Ionia.    Early  in  the  sixth  century  lived  the  two  famous  ^jjff 
lyric  poets  of  Lesbos,  Alcaeus  and  Sappho.    Their  poems  i53. 
afford  interesting  glimpses  of  their  own  character  and  of  Alcaeus  and 
the  society  in  which  they  moved.    These  names  have  been 
taken  as  representative  of  a  far  larger  group  of  seventh 
and  sixth  century  poets,  whose  genius  dominated  the 
intellectual  life  of  that  period  and  whose  extant  works, 
though  mere  fragments,  are,  apart  from  a  few  short  in- 
scriptions, the  sole  contemporary  source  for  that  period. 

For   the   early  fifth   century   we  have  another  great  Pindar, 
lyric  poet,  Pindar,  whose  best  work  has  survived.    Though  *f%ff 
a  native  of  Bceotia,  he  represents  for  all  Hellas  the  spirit 
of  the  old  aristocracy,  which  was  soon  to  disappear.    His 
poems  are  in  honor  of  victors  at  the  great  national  games. 
A  contemporary  of  Pindar  was  ^Eschylus,  the  first  great  ^schylus. 
Attic  dramatist.     The  characters  of  Attic  tragedy  are  lb-  ^i  t 
generally  mythical  persons  of  the  distant  past,  whereas 
the  ideas  ascribed  to  them  are  those  of  the  writer's  time. 
Occasionally,  however,  the  poet  chooses  as  his  theme  a  re- 
cent event  and  introduces  historical  persons.    Such  is  the 
Persians  of  ^Eschylus,  which  presents  in  dramatic  form 
the  invasion  of  Xerxes  and  his  overthrow  at  Salamis, 
whereas  the  Prometheus  has  to  do  with  mythical  charac- 
ters.   A  warrior  in  the  mighty  struggle  for  the  maintenance 
of  Hellenic  freedom,  /Eschylus  chose  the  divine  and  the 


7° 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


Sophocles. 
lb.  214. 


Euripides. 
lb.  241. 


Aristoph- 
anes. 

lb. 


Herodotus, 
about  48c— 
425  B.C. 


Ancient 
World,  215. 


The  Greek 
word  for 
"inquiry" 
is  history 
(Iffropla), 
here  for  the 
first  time  ap- 
plied to  a  de- 
partment of 
literature. 


heroic  for  his  theme.  1 1  is  younger  contemporary  Sophocles, 
living  a  comfortable,  serene  life  in  the  age  of  Pericles, 
devoted  his  mind  to  the  ideal  human  character  and  to  the 
peaceful  compromise  of  warring  religious  and  moral  be- 
liefs. Euripides,  who  wrote  in  the  latter  part  of  the  cen- 
tury, in  a  period  of  political  and  intellectual  unrest,  deals 
with  human  nature  as  it  is.  He  is  intensely  modern,  en- 
dowed with  a  deep  knowledge  of  human  character  and  a 
broad,  sympathetic  spirit — the  Shakespeare  of  Athens. 
Slightly  younger  than  Euripides  was  Aristophanes,  the 
greatest  master  of  Greek  comedy.  Deriving  his  subjects 
from  contemporary  politics  and  society,  he  transfigured  them 
with  his  splendid  imagination  and  his  inexhaustible  wit. 

Contemporary  with  Sophocles  was  the  earliest  Greek 
historian — Herodotus  "the  father  of  history,"  who  wrote 
an  account  of  the  great  struggle  between  the  Greeks  and 
the  Persians.  In  tracing  the  events  which  led  up  to  it  he 
narrates  from  the  earliest  times  the  history  of  the  various 
nations  involved  in  the  conflict.  His  work,  he  informs  us, 
is  a  presentation  of  the  results  of  his  own  inquiry  "to  the 
end  that  neither  the  deeds  of  men  be  forgotten  in  the  lapse 
of  time  nor  oblivion  overtake  the  great  and  marvelous 
achievements  of  the  Hellenes  and  the  barbarians,  particu- 
larly those  which  brought  about  the  war."  As  he  was 
born  in  the  midst  of  that  war,  he  had  the  opportunity 
to  learn  its  history  directly  from  those  who  had  fought 
in  it.  This  portion  of  his  work  is  therefore  more  trust- 
worthy than  the  earlier  parts.  The  chief  value  of  history 
lies  in  the  study  of  characters  of  individuals  and  of  na- 
tions; and  in  the  faithful,  sympathetic  presentation  of 
human  nature,  alike  of  Greeks  and  foreigners,  Herodotus, 
whether  dealing  with  fact  or  fiction,  is  the  truest  as  wrell 
as  the  most  attractive  of  historians. 


Thucydides  71 

While  Herodotus  was  putting  the  last  touches  to  his  His-  Thucydides, 

about  465(F)- 

tory,  and  the  Peloponnesian  War  was  in  its  earliest  stage,  400. 
Thucydides  in  the  prime  of  life  was  engaged  in  writing  an  lb.  241  f. 
account  of  the  latter  conflict.  "Thucydides,  an  Athen- 
ian," he  tells  us,  "wrote  the  history  of  the  war  in  which 
the  Peloponnesians  and  the  Athenians  fought  against 
one  another.  He  began  to  write  when  they  first  took  up 
arms,  believing  that  it  would  be  great  and  memorable 
above  any  previous  war."  "Of  the  events  of  the  war  I 
have  not  ventured  to  speak  from  any  chance  information, 
nor  according  to  any  notion  of  my  own;  I  have  described 
nothing  but  what  I  either  saw  myself  or  learned  from  others 
of  whom  I  made  the  most  careful  and  particular  inquiry. 
The  task  was  a  laborious  one  because  eye-witnesses  of  the 
same  occurrences  gave  different  accounts  of  them,  as  they 
remembered  or  were  interested  in  the  actions  of  one  side 
or  the  other.  And  very  likely  the  strictly  historical  char- 
acter of  my  narrative  may  be  disappointing  to  the  ear. 
But  if  he  who  desires  to  have  before  his  eyes  a  true  picture 
of  the  events  which  have  happened,  and  of  the  like  events 
which  may  be  expected  to  happen  hereafter  in  the  order 
of  human  things,  shall  pronounce  what  I  have  written 
to  be  useful,  then  I  shall  be  satisfied.  My  history  is  an 
everlasting  possession,  not  a  prize  composition  which  is 
heard  and  forgotten."  In  contrast  with  the  popular  his- 
tory of  Herodotus,  this  work  was  composed  for  the  general 
and  statesman;  hence  though  narrow  and  special,  it  is  far 
deeper  and  more  philosophic. 

As  we  pass  from  the  fifth  to  the  fourth  century — from  Fourth  Cen- 
,  •  •  1  •        ,        1  •       tury:    Xeno- 

Thucydides  to  Xcnophon — we  perceive  within  the  his-  ph0n,  about 

torical  field  a  marked  decline  in  style  and  in  intellectual  430-354  B.C. 

power.    Yet  Xcnophon,  as  a  soldier  of  fortune  and  a  man   Ancient 

'         .  .  '       .  ,      ,  ,     .    ,  ..  World,  286  £. 

of  wide  experience,  gives  us  invaluable  lnlormation  con- 


72 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


The  orators: 
Demos- 
thenes, 384- 
322  B.C. 


A  ncient 
World,  271  f., 
287  f. 


Philosophy: 
Plato,  about 
427-347  B.C. 

lb.  2S8  f. 


Aristotle, 
384-322  B.C. 


cerning  the  customs  and  character  of  Greeks  and  foreigners 
of  his  own  age.  From  this  point  of  view  his  Anabasis 
will  be  found  especially  attractive.  His  Hellenica  narrates 
the  political  and  military  events  of  Greece  from  411  to 
362  B.C.  It  is  valuable  as  our  only  continuous  account 
of  that  period  by  a  contemporary  writer.  Among  his 
briefer  works  are  the  Constitution  of  the  Lacedemonians 
and  the  Economist.  The  former  in  an  idealizing  spirit 
refers  the  origin  of  the  Lacedaemonian  institutions  to 
Lycurgus;  the  latter,  treating  of  the  management  of  a 
household,  presents  a  charming  picture  of  private  Athenian 
life. 

For  the  political,  economic,  and  social  conditions  of 
the  fourth  century  we  find  the  contemporary  orators  a 
valuable  source.  We  have  many  of  their  judicial  speeches 
dealing  with  property,  damages,  adoptions,  and  inheri- 
tances as  well  as  with  crimes.  Others,  delivered  before 
the  popular  assembly,  have  to  do  with  public  affairs.  The 
career  of  Demosthenes  as  a  statesman  belongs  to  the  lat- 
ter half  of  the  century.  His  greatness  lies  not  only  in  the 
perfect  mastery  of  every  possible  power  and  resource 
of  oratory,  but  even  more  in  his  championship  of  local 
freedom  against  encroaching  imperialism. 

While  the  age  was  one  of  political  decline,  the  intel- 
lect was  coming  to  maturity  in  the  greatest  philosophic 
writers  of  the  ancient  world — Plato  and  Aristotle.  Plato, 
gifted  with  a  splendid  poetic  imagination,  was  an  idealist. 
Though  less  creative,  Aristotle  had  a  genius  for  system, 
employed  in  reducing  to  scientific  order  the  knowledge 
accumulated  by  the  ancients  down  to  his  own  time.  The 
greatest  of  Plato's  works  is  the  Reptiblic;  second  in  im- 
portance among  his  political  writings  is  the  Laws.  From 
the  works  of  Aristotle  the  student  of  history  will  prefer 


Polybius;  Diodorus  73 

to  acquaint  himself  with  the  Politics,  a  masterpiece  of 
political  science,  and  the  Constitution  of  the  Athenians, 
the  manuscript  of  which,  written  on  a  papyrus,  was  dis- 
covered in  Egypt  in  1S90.  With  Demosthenes  and  Aris- 
totle the  classical  age  of  Greek  literature  comes  to  an  end. 

In  the  historical  field  by  far  the  most  eminent  post-  Later  his- 

.  tory:  Polyb- 

classical  writer  was  Polybius.    He  lived  during  the  Roman  ius,  about 

conquest  of  Greece,  and  therefore  saw  not  only  his  na- 
tion's political  enslavement  but  the  establishment  of  Rome 
as  the  only  great  power  in  the  world.  His  work  is  a  history 
of  Roman  expansion  in  the  Mediterranean  basin;  only 
by  way  of  introduction  or  incidental  reference  does  he 
touch  on  earlier  time.  The  experiences  of  mankind  since 
the  days  of  Thucydides  gave  him  a  broader  view  of  history 
and  politics.  Most  of  the  material  for  his  work  he  ob- 
tained from  documents,  from  personal  observation  of  the 
topography  and  resources  of  the  countries  treated,  and 
from  men  who  had  taken  part  in  the  events  which  he  nar- 
rates. His  interest  centres  in  the  motives,  causes,  and 
effects  of  actions.  A  careful  reading  of  this  author  is  the 
best  possible  introduction  to  the  spirit  and  method  of 
history  as  we  of  to-day  regard  it. 

To  the  age  of  Caesar  belongs  another  Greek  historian,   Diodorus, 

.  .  ,  ,       .    ,     .  about   90-af- 

Diodorus  the  Sicilian,  a  writer  incomparably  inferior  to  ter  21  B.C. 
Polybius  in  ability.  His  vast  Historical  Library  narrates 
the  events  of  the  civilized  world  from  the  earliest  times  to 
Caesar's  invasion  of  Britain  (54  B.C.).  The  author  shows 
no  judgment  in  selecting  his  material  or  in  putting  it  to- 
gether; hence  the  different  parts  of  his  work  are  of  unequal 
merit.  He  had  no  conception  of  the  unity  of  history,  and 
this  fault,  together  with  his  arrangement  of  events  by 
years,  prevented  him  from  tracing  the  causes,  connections 
and  effects  of  events, — from  being  a  good  historian.    His 


74 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


Nepos, 
about  99-24 
B.C. 


Pompeius, 
Trogus. 


Strabo. 

His  work  was 

composed  un- 
der Augustus 
and  revised 
under  Tiber- 


Plutarch, 

about  50-125 
A.D. 


descriptions  of  countries  and  nations,  however,  are  ex- 
cellent; and  in  spite  of  all  defects,  his  work  is  indispensable, 
as  it  is  our  main  source  for  long  periods  of  ancient  history. 
Of  the  forty  books,  we  have  the  first  five,  the  eleventh 
to  the  twentieth,  and  fragments  of  the  other  parts. 

In  this"  age  Romans  were  interesting  themselves  in 
writing  about  Greek  men  and  affairs.  Nepos  composed 
biographies,  among  which  we  still  have  the  lives  of  several 
famous  Greek  generals;  they  show  him  to  have  been  an 
inferior  and  untrustworthy  writer.  In  the  age  of  Augustus 
Pompeius  Trogus,  a  Roman  of  Gallic  birth,  wrote  in  Latin 
a  history  of  the  world  down  to  his  own  time.  Undoubtedly 
it  was  more  meritorious  than  the  history  of  Diodorus, 
though  we  know  it  only  through  a  poor  abridgment  of 
the  second  century  A.D.  by  Justin. 

Nearly  contemporary  with  Trogus  was  Strabo,  the 
geographer.  After  travelling  through  many  countries 
and  learning  much  from  earlier  writers,  he  composed  a 
description  of  the  known  world  in  seventeen  books.  He 
gives  useful  historical  information  also  regarding  many  of 
the  places  which  he  mentions.  Though  he  wrote  in  Greek 
and  had  Greek  blood  in  his  veins,  he  was  a  native  of  Pontus 
in  Asia  Minor,  and  probably  composed  his  work  for  the 
reigning  queen  of  that  country. 

The  most  famous  Greek  writer  of  the  Christian  era  was 
Plutarch,  the  biographer.  He  was  a  philosopher  and  a 
man  of  sincere  religious  convictions,  high  moral  purpose, 
and  lovable  character.  His  parallel  Lives  of  Greeks  and 
Romans  has  probably  been  read  by  more  persons  than  any 
other  bQok  by  a  single  author.  Although  the  writer  lacks 
historical  training  and  critical  judgment,  his  biographies 
are  among  the  most  instructive  sources  for  the  persons 
and  events  of  which  they  treat. 


Authors  and  Documents  75 

It  will  suffice  to  mention  three  other  late  Greek  writers  J^|teerrsGreek 

with  the  principal  work  of  each.     Arrian  of  Nicomedia 

wrote   the  Anabasis   of  Alexander,   a   military   narrative  Arrian,  about 

J  95-175- 

drawn  from  sources  contemporary  with  the  great  conqueror. 

At  nearly  the  same  time  Pausanias  composed  his  Guide  to  ja^™as; 

Greece,  which  treats  of  the  archaeology,  myths,  and  to  some 

extent  the  history  of  that  country.     Sometime  afterward 

Diogenes  Laertius  wrote  his  Lives  of  the  Philosophers,  an  jj[eftnis! 

inaccurate  work  though  full  of  useful  information.     The  ^a1r1,tyurt^ird 

Greek  authors  who  treat  mainly  of  Roman  affairs  will  A.D. 

be  mentioned  in  a  later  chapter.  ch-  xxvn- 

AUTHORS  AND  DOCUMENTS 

^Eschylus,  translated  by  A.  S.  Way.    Macmillan. 

Alcaeus,  translated  by  Easby-Smith.     Washington:  Lowdermilk. 

Aristophanes,  edited  and  translated  by  B.  B.  Rogers.    Macmillan. 

,  Select  Comedies,  translated  by  J.  H.  Frere.    Morley's  Library. 

Aristotle,  Constitution  of  the  Athenians,  translated  by  the  editors. 

,  Politics,  translated  by  Jowett.    Oxford:  Clarendon  Press. 

Arrian,  Anabasis  of  Alexander,  translated  by  E.  J.  Chinnock.  Mac- 
millan. 

Callinus,  translated  by  the  editors. 

Demosthenes,  translated  by  C.  R.  Kennedy.    Macmillan. 

Diodorus  the  Sicilian,  Historical  Library,  translated  by  Booth  (1814). 
Revised  by  the  editors. 

Diogenes  Laertius,  translated  by  C.  D.  Yonge.    Macmillan. 

Euripides,  translated  by  E.  P.  Coleridge.    Macmillan. 

Herodotus,  translated  by  G.  C.  Macaulay.  Macmillan.  Revised  by 
the  editors. 

Hesiod,  Works  and  Days,  translated  by  A.  W.  Mair.  Oxford:  Claren- 
don Pi 

Homer,  Iliad,  translated  by  A.  Lang,  W.  Leaf,  and  E.  Myers.  Mac- 
millan. 

— ,  Odyssey,  translated  by  S.  II.  Butcher  and  A.  Lang.  Mac- 
millan. 

Inscriptions,  Creek,  translated  by  the  editors. 


76  Introduction  to  the  Sources 

Justin,  translated  by  J.  S.  Watson.     Macmillan. 

Ncpos,  translated  by  J.  S.  Watson  (in  the  same  volume  with  Justin). 

Papyri.  Selections  from  the  Greek  Papyri,  edited  with  translations  by 
G.  Milligan.    Cambridge:  University  Press. 

Papyri,  translated  by  the  editors,  unless  otherwise  stated. 

Pausanias,  translated  by  J.  G.  Frazer.    6  vols.    Macmillan. 

Pindar,  translated  by  E.  Myers.    Macmillan. 

Plato,  translated  by  B.  Jowett.    Macmillan. 

Plutarch,  Lives,  translated  by  A.  Stewart  and  G.  Long.  Mac- 
millan. 

Polybius,  translated  by  E.  S.  Shuckburgh.    Macmillan. 

Sappho,  selected  translations,  edited  by  Wharton.   Chicago:  McClurg. 

,  new  fragments,  translated  by  J.  M.  Edmonds.    Classical  Review, 

xxiii  (ioio).    99-104. 

Sophocles,  translated  by  R.  C.  Jebb.    Cambridge:  University  Press. 

Strabo,  translated  by  H.  C.  Hamilton  and  W.  Falconer.  Mac- 
millan. 

Thucydides,  translated  by  B.  Jowett.    Lothrop. 

Tyrtaeus,  translated  by  the  editors. 

Xenophon,  translated  by  H.  G.  Dakyns.    Macmillan. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE   CRETAN  AND  MYCENAEAN   CIVILIZATIONS 

I.  Race:  The  Carians 

The  Carians  came  to  the  mainland  from  the  islands;  Subjects   of 
for  being  of  old  time  subjects  of  Minos  and  being  called 
Leleges,  they  used  to  dwell  in  the  islands,  paying  no  tribute,   I?I. 
so  far  back  as  I  am  able  to  arrive  by  hearsay;  but  whenever  indent 
Minos  required  it,  they  used  to  supply  his  ships  with  sea-   World,  94- 
men:  and  as  Minos  subdued  much  land  and  was  fortunate 
in  his  fighting,  the  Carian  nation  was  of  all  nations  much 
the  most  famous  at  that  time  together  with  him.     And 
they  produced   three  inventions  of  which  the  Hellenes 
adopted  the  use;  that  is  to  say,  the  Carians  were  those 
who  first  set  the  fashion  of  fastening  crests  on  helmets, 
and  of  making  the  devices  which  are  put  upon  shields, 
and  these  also  were  the  first  who  made  handles  for  their 
shields,  whereas  up  to  that  time  all  who  were  wont  to 
use  shields  carried  them  without  handles  and  with  leath- 
ern straps  to  guide  them,  having  them  hung  about  their 
necks  and  their  left  shoulders.    Then  after  the  lapse  of  a 
long  time  the  Dorians  and  Ionians  drove  the  Carians  out 
of  the  islands,  and  so  they  came  to  the  mainland. 

II.  Minos 

They  say  that  many  generations  after  the  birth  of  the  ^mfhis" 

gods  many  heroes  arose  in.  Crete,  the  most    illustrious  of   legislation 
0  J  and  naval 

whom  were   Minos   and   Rhadamanthys  and   Sarpedon,   power. 

77 


8    The  Cretan  and  Mycenaean  Civilizations 


Diodonis  v. 
78. 


Results  of 
his  naval 
supremacy. 


Thucydides 


who  they  say  were  the  sons  of  Zeus  and  Agenor's  sister 
Europa.  She,  the  story  goes,  had  l>y  a  device  of  the  gods 
been  carried  off  on  a  hull's  hack  to  Crete.  Minos  as  the 
eldest  was  king  of  the  island,  in  which  he  planted  no  few 
cities,  the  most  famous  among  them  being  Cnossus  in  the 
part  which  inclines  toward  Asia,  Phacstus  on  the  southern 
coast,  and  Cydonia  in  the  western  regions  opposite  Pelo- 
ponnesus. He  enacted  for  the  Cretans  many  laws,  pre- 
tending to  receive  them  from  his  father  Zeus  and  to  hold 
converse  with  him  in  a  certain  cave.  It  is  said,  too,  that 
he  acquired  a  great  naval  power,  conquered  most  of  the 
islands  and  was  the  first  Greek  to  establish  an  empire 
at  sea.  After  winning  great  repute  for  bravery  and  jus- 
tice, he  ended  his  life  in  Sicily  in  an  expedition  against 
Cocalus. 

After  Minos  had  established  a  navy,  communication  by 
sea  became  more  general.  For  after  he  had  expelled  the 
pirates,  when  he  colonized  the  greater  part  of  the  islands, 
the  dwrellers  on  the  sea-coast  began  to  grow  richer  and  to 
live  in  a  more  settled  manner;  and  some  of  them,  finding 
their  wealth  increase  beyond  their  expectations,  sur- 
rounded their  towns  with  walls.  The  love  of  gain  made  the 
weaker  willing  to  serve  the  stronger,  and  the  command  of 
wealth  enabled  the  more  powerful  to  subjugate  the  lesser 
cities.  This  was  the  state  of  society  which  was  beginning 
to  prevail  at  the  time  of  the  Trojan  War. 


The  primi- 
tive Greeks. 

Thucydides 
i.  2. 

A  ncient 
World,  73  f. 


III.  Greek  Migrations 

The  country  which  is  now  called  Hellas  was  not  regu- 
larly settled  in  ancient  times.  The  people  were  migratory, 
and  readily  left  their  homes  when  they  were  overpowered 
by  numbers.  There  was  no  commerce,  and  they  could 
not  safely  hold  intercourse  with  one  another  by  land  or 


Hellenic  Migrations  79 

sea.  The  several  tribes  cultivated  their  own  soil  just 
enough  to  obtain  a  living  from  it.  But  they  had  no  ac- 
cumulation of  wealth,  and  did  not  plant  the  ground;  for 
being  without  walls,  they  were  never  sure  that  an  invader 
might  not  come  and  despoil  them.  Living  in  this  manner 
and  knowing  that  they  could  anywhere  obtain  a  bare 
subsistence,  they  were  always  ready  to  migrate;  so  that 
they  had  neither  great  cities  nor  any  considerable  re- 
sources. 

The  richest  districts  were  most  constantly  changing  The  eBfct  oi 

J        .  increasing 

their  inhabitants;  for  example,  the  countries  which  are  wealth. 

now  called  Thessaly  and  Bceotia,  the  greater  part  of  the 
Peloponnesus  with  the  exception  of  Arcadia,  and  all  the 
best  districts  of  Hellas.  For  the  productiveness  of  the 
land  increased  the  power  of  individuals;  this  in  turn  was 
a  source  of  quarrels  by  which  communities  were  ruined, 
while  at  the  same  time  they  were  exposed  to  attacks  from 
without.  Certainly  Attica,  of  which  the  soil  was  poor  and 
thin,  enjoyed  a  long  freedom  from  civil  strife,  and  there- 
fore retained  its  original  inhabitants.  And  a  striking 
confirmation  of  my  argument  is  afforded  by  the  fact  that 
Attica  through  immigration  increased  in  population  more 
than  any  other  region.  For  the  leading  men  of  Hellas, 
when  driven  out  of  their  own  country  by  war  or  revolution, 
sought  an  asylum  in  Athens;  and  from  the  very  earliest 
times,  being  admitted  to  the  rights  of  citizenship,  so 
greatly  increased  the  number  of  inhabitants  that  Attica 
became  incapable  of  containing  them,  and  was  at  last 
obliged  to  send  out  colonies  to  Ionia. 

STUDIES 

1.  What  were  the  relations  of  the  Carians  to  Minos?     How  did 
they  serve  him?     What  inventions  are  ascribed  to  them? 


So    The  Cretan  and  Mycenaean  Civilizations 

2.  What  achievements  of  Minos  arc  here  mentioned?  Does  he 
seem  a  myth  or  a  real  king?  What  economic  effect  had  his  naval 
supremacy? 

3.  Describe  the  primitive  condition  of  the  Hellenes.  Why  were  they 
at  first  migratory?  Why  were  the  richest  districts  most  unsettled? 
Which  were  the  richest  countries?  What  was  the  condition  of  Attica 
and  its  inhabitants?  What  policy  did  the  early  Athenians  adopt 
with  reference  to  immigrants?  Who  wrote  these  selections,  and 
from  what  source  did  they  obtain  their  information?  What,  there- 
fore, is  the  value  of  their  statements? 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  EPIC  OR  HOMERIC  AGE 
I.  The  Shield  of  Achilles 

Achilles,  son  of  the  goddess  Thetis,  was  the  most  valiant  of  all  the 
heroes  who  took  part  in  the  Trojan  War;  Ancient  World,  95  f.  After 
he  had  quarrelled  with  Agamemnon,  leader  of  the  expedition,  and  had 
become  reconciled,  Hephaestus,  the  artisan  god,  forged  for  him  a 
splendid  suit  of  armor.  The  following  passage  tells  how  Hephaestus 
made  and  decorated  the  shield.  The  chief  value  of  the  extract  lies, 
not  only  in  the  artist's  work  known  to  Homer,  but  even  more  in  the 
pictures  of  life  which  covered  the  shield — the  marriage  festival,  the 
trial,  the  siege  and  ambush,  plowing,  reaping,  the  vintage,  the 
herdsmen  protecting  their  flocks  from  lions,  the  youths  and  maidens 
dancing.    Homer,  Iliad,  xviii.    478-607. 

First  fashioned  he  a  shield  great  and  strong,  adorning  Hephaestus 
it  all  over,  and  set  thereto  a  shining  rim,  triple,  bright-  shield, 
glancing,  and  therefrom  a  silver  baldrick.    Five  were  the  jna^  xv-^ 
folds  of  the  shield  itself;  and  therein  fashioned  he  much   478  ff. 
cunning  work  from  his  wise  heart.  .  .  . 

a.  Also  he  fashioned  therein  two  fair  cities  of  mortal  Marriage, 
men.    In  the  one  were  espousals  and  marriage  feasts,  and   Homeric  age; 
beneath  the  blaze  of  torches  they  were  leading  the  brides  Antient°~1'1' 
from  their  chambers  through  the  city,  and  loud  arose  the   World,  83-5. 
bridal  song.    And  young  men  were  whirling  in  the  dance, 
and  among  them  flutes  and  viols  sounded  high;  and  the 
women  standing  each  at  her  door  were  marvelling.     But  A  trials 
the  folk  were  gathered  in  the  assembly  place;  for  there 
a  strife  was  arisen,  two  men  striving  about  the  blood-price 
of  a  man  slain;  the  one  claimed  to  pay  full  atonement, 

81 


82 


The  Epic  or  Homeric  Age 


The  talent 
here  men- 
tioned was  a 
small  weight. 

A  siege. 


An  ambush. 


expounding  to  the  people,  but  the  other  denied  him  and 
would  take  naught ;  and  both  were  fain  to  receive  judgment 
at  the  hands  of  an  arbiter.  And  the  folk  were  cheering 
both,  as  they  look  part  on  either  side.  And  heralds  kept 
order  among  the  folk,  while  the  elders  on  polished  stones 
were  sitting  in  the  sacred  circle,  and  holding  in  their  hands 
staves  from  the  loud-voiced  heralds.  Then  before  the 
people  they  rose  up  and  gave  judgment  each  in  turn.  And 
in  the  midst  lay  two  talents  of  gold,  to  be  given  unto  him 
who  should  plead  among  them  most  righteously. 

But  around  the  other  city  were  two  armies  in  siege 
with  glittering  arms.  And  two  counsels  found  favor  among 
them,  either  to  sack  the  town  or  to  share  all  with  the  towns- 
folk even  whatsoever  substance  the  fair  city  held  within. 
But  the  besieged  were  not  yet  yielding,  but  arming  for 
an  ambushment.  On  the  wall  there  stood  to  guard  it  their 
dear  wives  and  infant  children,  and  with  these  the  old 
men;  but  the  rest  went  forth,  and  their  leaders  were  Ares 
and  Pallas  Athena,  both  wrought  in  gold,  and  golden  was 
the  vesture  they  had  on.  Goodly  and  great  were  they 
in  their  armor,  even  as  gods,  far  seen  around,  and  the  folk 
at  their  feet  were  smaller. 

And  when  they  came  where  it  seemed  good  to  them  to 
lay  ambush,  in  a  river  bed  where  there  was  a  common 
watering-place  of  herds,  there  they  set  them,  clad  in  glit- 
tering bronze.  And  two  scouts  were  posted  by  them  afar 
off  to  spy  the  coming  of  flocks  and  of  oxen  with  crooked 
horns.  And  presently  came  the  cattle,  and  with  them 
two  herdsmen  playing  on  pipes,  that  took  no  thought  of 
the  guile.  Then  the  others  when  they  beheld  these  ran 
upon  them  and  quickly  cut  off  the  herds  of  oxen  and  fair 
flocks  of  white  sheep,  and  slew  the  shepherds  withal.  But 
the  besiegers  as  they  sat  before  the  speech-places  and  heard 


Rural  Life  8$ 

much  din  among  the  oxen,  mounted  forthwith  behind 
their  high-stepping  horses,  and  came  up  with  speed.  Then 
they  arrayed  their  battle  and  fought  beside  the  river  banks, 
and  smote  one  another  with  bronze-shod  spears.  And 
among  them  mingled  Strife  and  Tumult,  and  fell  Death, 
grasping  one  man  alive  fresh- wounded,  another  without 
wound,  and  dragging  another  dead  through  the  mellay 
by  the  feet;  and  the  raiment  on  her  shoulders  was  red 
with  the  blood  of  men.  Like  living  mortals  they  hurled 
together  and  fought,  and  haled  the  corpses  each  of  the 
other's  slain. 

b.  Furthermore  he  set  in  the  shield  a  soft  fresh-plowed  Plowing. 
field,  rich  tilth  and  wide,  the  third  time  plowed;  and 
many  plowers  therein  drave  their  yokes  to  and  fro  as  they 
wheeled  about.  Whensoever  they  came  to  the  bound- 
ary of  the  field  and  turned,  then  would  a  man  come  to  each 
and  give  into  his  hands  a  goblet  of  sweet  wine,  while 
others  would  be  turning  back  along  the  furrows,  fain  to 
reach  the  boundary  of  the  deep  tilth.  And  the  field  grew 
black  behind  and  seemed  as  it  were  a-plowing,  albeit  of 
gold,  for  this  was  the  great  marvel  of  the  work. 

Furthermore  he  set  therein  the  domain-land  of  a  king,  Reaping. 
where  hinds  were  reaping  with  sharp  sickles  in  their  hands. 
Some  armfuls  along  the  swathe  were  falling  in  rows  to 
the  earth,  whilst  others  the  sheaf-binders  were  binding 
in  twisted  bands  of  straw.  Three  sheaf-binders  stood  over 
them,  while  behind  boys  gathering  corn  and  bearing  it 
in  their  arms  gave  it  constantly  to  the  binders;  and  among 
them  the  king  in  silence  was  standing  at  the  swathe  with 
his  staff,  rejoicing  in  his  heart.  And  henchmen  apart 
beneath  an  oak  were  making  ready  a  feast,  and  prepar- 
ing a  great  ox  they  had  sacrificed;  while  the  women  were 
strewing  much  white  barley  to  be  a  supper  for  the  hinds. 


84 


The  Epic  or  Homeric  Age 


Vintage.  Also  he  set   therein   a  vineyard   teeming  plenteously 

with  clusters,  wrought  fair  in  gold ;  black  were  the  grapes, 
but  the  vines  hung  throughout  on  silver  poles.  And 
around  it  he  ran  a  ditch  of  cyanus,  and  round  that  a  fence 
of  tin;  and  one  single  pathway  led  to  it,  whereby  the 
vintagers  might  go  when  they  should  gather  the  vintage. 
And  maidens  and  striplings  in  childish  glee  bare  the  sweet 
fruit  in  plaited  baskets.  And  in  the  midst  of  them  a  boy 
made  pleasant  music  on  a  clear-toned  viol,  and  sang  thereto 
a  sweet  Linos-song  with  delicate  voice;  while  the  rest  with 
feet  falling  together  kept  time  with  the  music  and  song. 

Grazing.  c.  Also  he  wrought  therein  a  herd  of  kine  with  upright 

horns,  and  the  kine  were  fashioned  of  gold  and  tin,  and 
with  lowing  they  hurried  from  the  yard  to  pasture  beside 
a  murmuring  river,  beside  the  waving  reed.  And  herds- 
men of  gold  were  following  with  the  kine,  four  of  them, 
and  nine  dogs  fleet  of  foot  came  after  them.  But  two 
terrible  lions  among  the  foremost  kine  had  seized  a  loud- 
roaring  bull  that  bellowed  mightily  as  they  haled  him,  and 
the  dogs  and  the  young  men  sped  after  him.  The  lions 
rending  the  great  bull's  hide  were  devouring  his  vitals 
and  his  black  blood;  while  the  herdsmen  in  vain  tarred 
on  their  fleet  dogs  to  set  them  on,  for  they  shrank  from 
biting  the  lions  but  stood  hard  by  and  barked  and  swerved 
away. 

Also  the  glorious  lame  god  wrought  therein  a  pasture 
in  a  fair  glen,  a  great  pasture  of  white  sheep,  and  a  stead- 
ing, and  roofed  huts,  and  folds. 

Dancing.  Also  did  the  glorious  lame  god  devise  a  dancing-place 

like  unto  that  which  once  in  wide  Cnossus  Daidalus 
wrought  for  Ariadne  of  the  lovely  tresses.  There  were 
youths  dancing  and  maidens  of  costly  wooing,  their  hands 
upon  one  another's  wrists.     Fine  linen  the  maidens  had 


A  Palace  85 

on,  and  the  youths  well-woven  doublets  faintly  glistening 
with  oil.  Fair  wreaths  had  the  maidens,  and  the  youths 
daggers  of  gold  hanging  from  silver  baldrics.  And  now 
would  they  run  round  with  deft  feet  exceeding  lightly, 
as  when  a  potter  sitting  by  his  wheel  that  fitteth  between 
his  hands  maketh  trial  of  it  whether  it  run :  and  now  anon 
they  would  run  in  lines  to  meet  each  other.  And  a  great 
company  stood  round  the  lovely  dance  in  joy;  and  among 
them  a  divine  minstrel  was  making  music  on  his  lyre,  and 
through  the  midst  of  them,  leading  the  measure,  two  tum- 
blers whirled. 

II.  The  Palace  of  Alcinous 

The  hero  Odysseus,  returning  home  from  Troy,  after  its  capture  and 
destruction,  wandered  far  and  wide,  driven  about  by  the  sea-god 
Poseidon,  who  was  angry  with  him;  Ancient  World,  96.  In  these 
travels  he  was  ship-wrecked  upon  the  island  of  the  Phaeacians. 
Received  hospitably  by  Nausicaa,  a  princess  of  these  people,  he  came 
to  the  palace  of  her  father,  King  Alcinous.  Especially  interesting  is 
the  description  of  the  palace  and  its  inmates  and  of  the  garden  in  the 
great  front  court.    Homer,  Odyssey,  vii.  81-132. 

Meanwhile  Odysseus  went   to   the   famous  palace  of  Interior 
...  ,  ■,  ■     i  r   11      ?  ,i  i  ^  i       decorations. 

Alcinous,  and  his  heart  was  full  of  many  thoughts  as  he 

stood  there  or  ever  he  had  reached  the  threshold  of  bronze.  gl  QSey  v 
For  there  was  a  gleam  as  it  were  of  sun  and  moon  through 
the  high-roofed  hall  of  great-hearted  Alcinous.  Brazen  Greece,  5-7. 
were  the  walls  that  ran  this  way  and  that  from  the  thresh- 
old to  the  inmost  chamber,  and  round  them  was  a  frieze 
of  blue,  and  golden  were  the  doors  that  closed  in  the  good 
house.  Silver  were  the  door-posts  that  were  set  on  the 
brazen  threshold,  and  silver  the  lintel  thereupon,  and  the 
hook  of  the  door  was  of  gold.  And  on  either  side  stood 
golden  hounds  and  silver,  which  Hephaestus  wrought  with 


86 


The  Epic  or  Homeric  Age 


The  chief- 
tains. 


The   maid- 
servants. 


The    court- 
yard. 


his  cunning,  to  guard  the  palace  of  great-hearted  Alcinous, 
being  free  from  death  and  age  all  their  days. 

And  within  were  seats  arrayed  against  the  wall  this  way 
and  that,  from  the  threshold  to  the  inmost  chamber,  and 
thereon  were  spread  light  coverings  finely  woven,  the  hand- 
iwork of  women.  There  the  Phaeacian  chieftains  were  wont 
to  sit  eating  and  drinking,  for  they  had  continual  store. 
Yea,  and  there  were  youths  fashioned  in  gold,  standing 
on  firm-set  bases,  with  flaming  torches  in  their  hands, 
giving  light  through  the  night  to  the  feasters  in  the  palace. 
And  he  had  fifty  handmaids  in  the  house,  and  some  grind 
the  yellow  grain  on  the  millstone,  and  others  weave  webs 
and  turn  the  yarn  as  they  sit,  restless  as  the  leaves  of  the 
tall  poplar  tree;  and  the  soft  olive  oil  drops  off  that  linen, 
so  closely  is  it  woven.  For  as  the  Phaeacian  men  are  skilled 
beyond  all  others  in  driving  a  swift  ship  upon  the  deep, 
even  so  are  the  women  the  most  cunning  at  the  loom, 
for  Athena  hath  given  them  notable  wisdom  in  all  fair 
handiwork  and  cunning  wit. 

And  without  the  courtyard,  hard  by  the  door,  is  a  great 
garden,  of  four  plowgates,  and  a  hedge  runs  round  on 
either  side.  And  there  grow  tall  trees  blossoming,  pear 
trees  and  pomegranates,  and  apple  trees  with  bright  fruit, 
and  sw^eet  figs  and  olives  in  their  bloom.  The  fruit  of 
these  trees  never  perisheth,  neither  faileth,  winter  or  sum- 
mer, enduring  through  all  the  year.  Evermore  the  West 
Wind  blowing  brings  some  fruits  to  birth  and  ripens  others. 
Pear  upon  pear  waxes  old,  and  apple  upon  apple,  yea, 
and  cluster  ripens  upon  cluster  of  the  grape  and  fig  upon 
fig.  There,  too,  hath  he  a  fruitful  vineyard  planted,  whereof 
the  one  part  is  being  dried  by  the  heat,  a  sunny  plot  on 
level  ground,  while  other  grapes  men  are  gathering,  and 
yet  others  they  are  treading  in  the  wine-press.    In  the  fore- 


Studies  87 

most  row  are  unripe  grapes  that  cast  the  blossom,  and  others 
there  be  that  are  growing  black  to  vintaging.  There, 
too,  skirting  the  furthest  line,  are  all  manner  of  garden 
beds,  planted  trimly,  that  are  perpetually  fresh,  and 
therein  are  two  fountains  of  water,  whereof  one  scatters 
his  streams  all  about  the  garden,  and  the  other  runs  over 
against  it  beneath  the  threshold  of  the  courtyard,  and  is- 
sues by  the  lofty  house,  and  thence  did  the  townsfolk 
draw  water.  These  were  the  splendid  gifts  of  the  gods 
in  the  palace  of  Alcinous. 

STUDIES 

1.  a.  What  features  of  the  marriage  are  here  mentioned?  Over 
what  was  the  trial?  Who  were  the  judges,  and  what  part  had  the 
people?  What  function  did  the  heralds  perform?  Describe  the  siege. 
What  alternative  plans  had  the  besiegers  in  mind?  What  part  did 
the  gods  take  in  the  conflict?  b.  Describe  the  plowing  scene;  the 
reaping;  the  vintage;  the  preparation  of  food  for  the  laborers,  c.  What 
do  you  infer  from  the  presence  of  lions  as  to  the  condition  of  the 
country?  What  skilled  industry  is  mentioned?  Enumerate  all  the 
occupations  pictured  on  the  "Shield."  What  do  you  infer  from  this 
list  as  to  the  civilization  of  the  country?  Name  all  the  metals  used  in 
composing  the  "Shield." 

2.  What  features  of  the  palace  seem  to  be  Mycenaean?  Who 
were  its  occupants?  Describe  the  work  of  the  maidservants. 
Where  was  the  garden,  and  what  were  its  fruits?  How  was  it 
watered?  Combining  these  selections  from  Homer  with  pages  83-5 
of  the  Ancient  World,  write  as  full  an  account  as  possible  of  Homeric 
life. 


CHAPTER  IX 


MYTH  AND  RELIGION 


Aphrodite. 
Diodorus  v. 
73-5- 
Ancient 
World,  86  ff. 

The  Graces. 


Athena. 


The  Muses. 
Hephasstus. 


I.  The  Gods 

To  Aphrodite  he  (Zeus)  committed  the  care  of  the 
mature  age  of  girls;  at  which  time  they  ought  to  marry, 
and  the  oversight  of  other  things  used  at  nuptials. 

To  the  Graces  was  granted  power  to  beautify  the  face, 
and  to  give  a  comely  shape  and  proportion  to  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  body,  .  .  .  and  to  cause  the  persons  to  be 
grateful  and  thankful  for  what  they  received.  .  .  . 

To  Athena  he  committed  the  care  of  olive  yards,  and 
the  planting  of  olive  trees,  and  the  extraction  of  the  oil: 
for  before  the  birth  of  this  goddess,  this  tree  grew  wild, 
disregarded  among  the  trees  of  the  wood,  the  use  and 
culture  of  it,  as  is  now  practiced,  not  then  being  known. 

The  making  of  garments  likewise  and  architecture  and 
many  other  arts  were  revealed  to  men  by  this  goddess. 
She  invented  pipes  and  wind-music  and  many  ingenious 
tools  and  instruments  for  handicrafts;  whence  she  was 
called  Ergane. 

To  the  Muses  their  father  allotted  the  invention  of 
letters  and  the  composing  of  verses,  called  poetry.  .  .  . 

Hephaestus,  they  say,  found  out  the  working  of  iron, 
brass,  silver,  and  gold,  and  all  other  metals  that  require 
forging  by  fire:  and  that  the  general  use  of  fire  in  all  other 
cases,  was  found  out  by  him,  and  discovered  not  only  to 
artificers,  but  to  all  other  men;  and  therefore  all  the 
masters  of  these  arts  pay  their  devotions,  and  offer  their 


The  Gods  89 

sacrifices  chiefly  to  this  god;  both  they  and  all  others  call 
fire  Hephaestus,  to  the  end  that  this  great  good  bestowed 
upon  mankind  might  be  forever  remembered,  to  his  eternal 
honor  and  praise. 

Ares,  they  say,  first  taught  the  making  of  all  sorts  of  Ares. 
weapons,  and  how  to  furnish  soldiers  both  with  offensive 
and  defensive  arms,  and  to  fight  with  courage  and  reso- 
lution, destroying  them  all  that  were  enemies  to  the  gods. 

To  Apollo  is  attributed  the  invention  of  the  harp,  and  Apolioo 
that  sort  of  music;  and  it  is  said,  he  discovered  the  art  of 
medicine,  which  is  practiced  by  revelation  from  him,  by 
which  the  sick  were  commonly  restored  to  health:  he  found 
out  likewise  the  use  of  the  bow,  and  taught  the  inhabi- 
tants to  shoot;  and  therefore  the  Cretans  delight  much  in 
shooting,  and  call  the  bow  Scythicus. 

To  Hermes  they  attribute  the  invention  of  messages  Hermes, 
in  times  of  war  by  trumpets  and  heralds,  of  truces  and 
leagues;  and  as  a  sign  they  were  sent  to  treat  with  the 
enemy  they  carried  a  rod  before  them;  and  therefore  were 
suffered  safely  to  come  and  go.  Hence  they  were  called 
the  common  Hermes,  because  both  sides  in  the  war 
enjoyed  the  common  benefit  of  peace. 

They  say,  he  was  the  first  that  invented  weights  and 
measures,  and  the  acquisition  of  wealth  by  merchandise, 
and  the  way  of  cheating  and  cozening  of  others.  He  was 
accounted  the  herald  of  the  gods,  and  the  best  messenger, 
because  he  was  quick  and  ingenious  in  declaring  particu- 
larly everything  he  had  in  command.  Whence  he  was 
called  Hermes. 

II.  Odysseus  Visits  the  Realm  of  Hades 

In  his  wanderings  Odysseus  sailed  into  Oceanus,  the  stream  that 
girdles  the  earth.    On  its  far!  her  side  he  landed  on  the  shore  of  Erebus, 


9° 


Myth  and  Religion 


Odysseus 
prepares  to 
speak  with 
the  spirits  of 
the  dead. 


Odyssey  xi. 
34  ff- 


Persephone, 
wife  of  Hades. 


Elpenor. 


Left  un- 
buried. 


the  country  over  which  Hades  rules.  He  himself  tells  how  lie  com- 
municated with  certain  spirits  of  the  dead.  From  the  passage  we 
learn  the  view  of  the  future  life  held  by  the  Greeks  of  Homer's  time. 
Homer,  Odyssey,  xi.  34-223. 

a.  But  when  I  had  besought  the  tribes  of  the  dead 
with  vows  and  prayers,  I  took  the  sheep  and  cut  their 
throats  over  the  trench,  and  the  dark  blood  flowed  forth, 
and  lo,  the  spirits  of  the  dead  that  be  departed  gathered 
them  from  out  of  Erebus.  Brides  and  youths  unwed, 
and  old  men  of  many  and  evil  days,  and  tender  maidens 
with  grief  yet  fresh  at  heart;  and  many  there  were, 
wounded  with  bronze-shod  spears,  men  slain  in  fight  with 
their  bloody  mail  about  them.  And  these  many  ghosts 
flocked  together  from  every  side  of  the  trench  with  a 
wondrous  cry,  and  pale  fear  gat  hold  on  me.  Then  did  I 
speak  to  my  company  and  command  them  to  flay  the  sheep 
that  lay  slain  by  the  pitiless  sword,  and  to  consume  them 
with  fire,  and  to  make  prayer  to  the  gods,  to  mighty  Hades 
and  to  dread  Persephone,  and  I  myself  drew  the  sharp 
sword  from  my  thigh  and  sat  there,  suffering  not  the 
strengthless  heads  of  the  dead  to  draw  nigh  to  the  blood, 
ere  I  had  word  of  Teiresias. 

And  first  came  the  soul  of  Elpenor  my  companion,  that 
had  not  yet  been  buried  beneath  the  wide-wayed  earth; 
for  we  left  the  corpse  behind  us  in  the  hall  of  Circe,  un- 
wept and  imburied,  seeing  that  another  task  was  instant 
upon  us.  At  the  sight  of  him  I  wept  and  had  compassion 
on  him,  and  uttering  my  voice  spake  to  him  winged  words: 
"Elpenor,  how  hast  thou  come  beneath  the  darkness  and 
the  shadow?  Thou  hast  come  fleeter  on  Toot  than  I  in 
my  black  ship." 

So  spake  I,  and  with  a  moan  he  answered  me,  saying: 
"Son  of  Laertes,  of  the  seed  of  Zeus,  Odysseus  of  many 


A  Spirit  of  One  Unburied  91 

devices,  an  evil  doom  of  some  god  was  my  bane  and  wine 
out  of  measure.  When  I  laid  me  down  on  the  housetop 
of  Circe,  I  minded  me  not  to  descend  again  by  the  way 
of  the  tall  ladder,  but  fell  right  down  from  the  roof,  and 
my  neck  was  broken  off  from  the  bones  of  my  spine,  and 
my  spirit  went  down  to  the  house  of  Hades.  And  now  I 
pray  thee  in  the  name  of  those  whom  we  left,  who  are 
no  more  with  us,  thy  wife,  and  thy  sire  who  cherished  thee 
when  as  yet  thou  wert  a  little  one,  and  Telemachus,  whom 
thou  didst  leave  in  thy  halls  alone;  forasmuch  as  I  know 
that  on  thy  way  hence  from  out  the  dwelling  of  Hades, 
thou  wilt  stay  thy  well-wrought  ship  at  the  isle  of  JEsean, 
even  then,  my  lord,  I  charge  thee  to  think  on  me.  Leave 
me  not  unwept  and  unburied  as  thou  goest  hence,  nor  turn 
thy  back  upon  me,  lest  haply  I  bring  upon  thee  the  anger 
of  the  gods.  Nay,  burn  me  with  mine  armor,  all  that  is 
mine,  and  pile  me  a  barrow  on  the  shore  of  the  grey  sea, 
the  grave  of  a  luckless  man,  that  even  men  unborn  may 
hear  my  story.  Fulfil  me  this  and  plant  upon  the  barrow 
mine  oar,  wherewith  I  rowed  in  the  days  of  my  life,  while 
I  was  yet  among  my  fellows." 

Even  so  he  spake,  and  I  answered  him  saying:  "All 
this,  luckless  man,  will  I  perform  for  thee  and  do." 

Even  so  we  twain  were  sitting  holding  sad  discourse, 
I  on  the  one  side,  stretching  forth  my  sword  over  the  blood, 
while  on  the  other  side  the  ghost  of  my  friend  told  all  his 
tale. 

b.  Anon  came  up  the  soul  of  my  mother  dead,  Anticleia,  Antkleia, 

1  i.         t  1  x*    mother  ot 

the  daughter  of  Autolycus,  the  great-hearted,  whom  1  ielt   Odysseus. 

alive  when  I  departed  for  sacred  Ilios.     At  the  sight  of 

her  I  wept  and  was  moved  with  compassion,  yet  even  so, 

for  all  my  sore  grief,  I  suffered  her  not  to  draw  nigh  to  the 

blood,  ere  I  had  word  of  Teiresias.  .  .  . 


92  Myth  and  Religion 

So  spake  I,  and  anon  he  answered  me  and  said:  I  will 
tell  thee  an  easy  saying,  and  will  put  it  in  thy  heart.  Whom- 
soever of  the  dead  that  be  departed  thou  shalt  suffer  to 
draw  nigh  to  the  blood,  he  shall  tell  thee  sooth;  but  if  thou 
shalt  grudge  any,  that  one  shall  go  to  his  own  place  again." 
Therewith  the  spirit  of  the  prince  Teiresias  went  back 
within  the  house  of  Hades,  when  he  had  told  all  his  oracles. 
But  I  abode  there  steadfastly,  till  my  mother  drew  nigh 
and  drank  the  dark  blood;  and  at  once  she  knew  me,  and 
bewailing  herself  spake  to  me  winged  words: 

"Dear  child,  how  didst  thou  come  beneath  the  dark- 
ness and  the  shadow,  thou  that  art  a  living  man?    Griev- 
ous is  the  sight  of  these  things  to  the  living,  for  between 
us  and  you  are  great  rivers  and  dreadful  streams;  first, 
Oceanus,  which  can  no  wise  be  crossed  on  foot,  but  only 
if  one  have  a  well-wrought  ship.    Art  thou  but  now  come 
hither  with  thy  ship  and  thy  company  in  thy  long  wander- 
ings from  Troy?  and  hast  thou  not  yet  reached  Ithaca, 
nor  seen  thy  wife  in  thy  halls?  " 
Why  Odys-         Even  so  she  spake,  and  I  answered  her,  and  said:  "O 
the  realm  of   my  mother,  necessity  was  on  me  to  come  down  to  the  house 
Hades.  of  jjades  to  seek  the  spirit  of  Theban  Teiresias.    For  not 

yet  have  I  drawn  near  to  the  Achaean  shore,  nor  yet  have 
I  set  foot  on  mine  own  country,  but  have  been  wandering 
evermore  in  affliction,  from  the  day  that  first  I  went  with 
goodly  Agamemnon  to  Ilios  of  the  fair  steeds,  to  do  bat- 
tle with  the  Trojans.  But  come,  declare  me  this  and  plainly 
tell  it  all.  What  doom  overcame  thee  of  death  that  lays 
men  at  their  length?  Wras  it  a  slow  disease,  or  did  Artemis 
the  archer  slay  thee  with  the  visitation  of  her  gentle  shafts? 
And  tell  me  of  my  father  and  my  son,  that  I  left  behind  me; 
doth  my  honor  yet  abide  with  them,  or  hath  another  al- 
ready taken  it  while  they  say  that  I  shall  come  home  no 


Mother  of  Odysseus  93 

more?  And  tell  me  of  my  wedded  wife,  of  her  counsel 
and  her  purpose,  doth  she  abide  with  her  son  and  keep  all 
secure,  or  hath  she  already  wedded  the  best  of  the  Achae- 
ans?" 

Even  so  I  spake,  and  anon  my  lady  mother  answered  His  family 
me:  "Yea  verily,  she  abideth  with  steadfast  spirit  in  thy  °me' 
halls;  and  wearily  for  her  the  nights  wane  always  and  the 
days  in  shedding  of  tears.  But  the  fair  honor  that  is  thine 
no  man  hath  yet  taken;  but  Telemachus  sits  at  peace  on 
his  domain,  and  feasts  at  equal  banquets,  whereof  it  is 
meet  that  a  judge  partake,  for  all  men  bid  him  to  their 
house.  And  thy  father  abides  there  in  the  field,  and  goes 
not  down  to  the  town,  nor  lies  he  on  bedding  or  rugs  or 
shining  blankets,  but  all  the  winter  he  sleeps,  where  sleep 
the  thralls  in  the  house,  in  the  ashes  by  the  fire,  and  is 
clad  in  sorry  raiment.  But  when  the  summer  comes  and 
the  rich  harvest-tide,  his  beds  of  fallen  leaves  are  strewn 
lowly  all  about  the  knoll  of  his  vineyard  plot.  There  he 
lies  sorrowing  and  nurses  his  mighty  grief,  for  long  desire 
of  thy  return,  and  old  age  withal  comes  heavy  upon  him. 
Yea  and  even  so  did  I  too  perish  and  meet  my  doom.  It 
was  not  the  archer  goddess  of  the  keen  sight,  who  slew 
me  in  my  halls  with  the  visitation  of  her  gentle  shafts, 
nor  did  any  sickness  come  upon  me,  such  as  chiefly  with 
a  sad  wasting  draws  the  spirit  from  the  limbs;  nay,  it 
was  my  sore  longing  for  thee,  and  for  thy  counsels,  great 
Odysseus,  and  for  thy  loving-kindness,  that  reft  me  of 
sweet  life." 

So  spake  she,  and  I  mused  in  my  heart  and  would  fain   Parting  with 
have  embraced  the  spirit  of  my  mother  dead.    Thrice  I 
sprang  toward  her,   and  was  minded   to  embrace  her; 
thrice  she  flitted  from   my  hands  as  a  shadow  or  even 
as  a  dream,  and  grief  waxed  ever  the  sharper  at  my 


94 


Myth  and  Religion 


The  Treas- 
ure-Houses. 

Strabo  ix.  3. 
4- 

It  is  to  be 
noticed  that 
Strabo  com- 
pleted his 
work  about 
18  A.D.    He 
is  therefore 
speaking  of  a 
time  centuries 
before  his 
own. 

The  Oracle. 

lb.  5. 


heart.     And  uttering  my  voice  I   spake  to  her  winged 
words : 

"Mother  mine,  wherefore  dost  thou  not  abide  me  who 
am  eager  to  clasp  thee,  that  even  in  Hades  we  twain  may 
cast  our  arms  each  about  the  other,  and  have  our  fill  of 
chill  lament?  Is  this  but  a  phantom  that  the  high  goddess 
Persephone  hath  sent  me,  to  the  end  that  I  may  groan 
for  more  exceeding  sorrow?" 

So  spake  I,  and  my  lady  mother  answered  me  anon: 
"Ah  me,  my  child,  of  all  men  most  ill-fated,  Persephone, 
the  daughter  of  Zeus,  doth  in  no  wise  deceive  thee,  but 
even  on  this  wise  it  is  with  mortals  when  they  die.  For 
the  sinews  no  more  bind  together  the  flesh  and  the  bones, 
but  the  great  force  of  burning  fire  abolishes  these,  so  soon 
as  the  life  hath  left  the  white  bones,  and  the  spirit  like  a 
dream  flies  forth  and  hovers  near.  But  haste  with  all 
thine  heart  toward  the  sunlight  and  mark  all  this,  that 
even  hereafter  thou  mayest  tell  it  to  thy  wife." 

III.  The  Temple  of  Apollo  at  Delphi  and  the 
Amphictyony 

The  temple  of  Apollo  is  now  much  neglected,  although 
formerly  it  was  held  in  the  greatest  reverence.  Proofs 
of  the  respect  which  were  paid  to  it  are  the  treasures, 
built  at  the  expense  of  communities  and  princes,  where 
was  deposited  the  wealth  dedicated  to  sacred  uses,  the 
works  of  the  most  eminent  artists,  the  Pythian  games, 
and  a  vast  number  of  recorded  oracles. 

The  place  where  the  oracle  is  delivered  is  said  to  be  a 
deep  hollow  cavern,  the  entrance  to  which  is  not  very  wide. 
From  it  rises  up  an  exhalation  which  inspires  a  divine 
frenzy:  over  the  mouth  is  placed  a  lofty  tripod  on  which 
the  Pythian  priestess  ascends  to  receive  the  exhalation, 


The  Delphic  Amphictyony  95 

after  which  she  gives  the  prophetic  response  in  verse  or 
prose.  The  prose  is  adapted  to  metre  by  poets  who  are 
in  the  service  of  the  temple.  .  .  . 

Although  the  highest  honor  was  paid  to  this  temple  on  lb.  6. 
account  of  this  oracle,  as  the  freest  of  all  from  deception, 
yet  its  reputation  was  owing  in  part  to  its  situation  in  the 
centre  of  all  Greece,  both  within  and  without  the  Isth- 
mus. It  was  also  supposed  to  be  the  centre  of  the  habitable 
earth.  .  .  . 

As  the  situation  of  Delphi  is  convenient,  persons  easily  The  Am- 

•  pnictyony. 

assembled  there,  particularly  those  from  the  neighbor- 
hood, of  whom  the  Amphictyonic  body  is  composed.  It  lb.  7. 
is  the  business  of  this  body  to  deliberate  on  public  affairs, 
and  to  it  is  more  particularly  intrusted  the  guardianship 
of  the  temple  for  the  common  good;  for  large  sums  of 
money  were  deposited  there,  and  votive  offerings,  which 
required  great  vigilance  and  religious  care.  The  early 
history  of  this  body  is  unknown,  but  among  the  names 
which  are  recorded,  Acrisius  appears  to  have  been  the  first 
who  regulated  its  constitution,  to  have  determined  what 
cities  were  to  have  votes  in  the  council,  and  to  have  as- 
signed the  number  of  votes  and  mode  of  voting.  To  some 
cities  he  gave  a  single  vote  each,  or  a  vote  to  two  cities, 
or  to  several  cities  conjointly.  He  also  defined  the  class 
of  questions  which  might  arise  between  the  different  cities, 
which  were  to  be  submitted  to  the  decision  of  the  Am- 
phictyonic tribunal;  and  subsequently  many  other  regu- 
lations were  made,  but  this  federation  like  that  of  the 
Achajans,  was  finally  dissolved. 

At  first  twelve  cities  are  said  to  have  assembled,  each  of  Time  and 

place  of  as- 
which  sent  a  Pylagoras.    The  convention  was  held  twice  a   sembly. 

year,  in  spring  and  autumn.    But  latterly  a  greater  number 

of  cities  assembled.    They  called  both  the  vernal  and  the 


96  Myth  and  Religion 

autumnal  convention  Pylaan,  because  it  was  held  at  Pylae, 
which  has  the  name  also  of  Thermopylae.  The  Pylagorae 
sacrificed  to  Demeter.  In  the  beginning,  only  the  persons 
in  the  neighborhood  assembled,  or  consulted  the  oracle, 
but  afterwards  people  repaired  thither  from  a  distance 
for  this  purpose,  sent  gifts,  and  constructed  treasuries, 
as  Croesus,  and  his  father  Alyattes,  some  of  the  Italians 
also,  and  the  Sicilians. 

STUDIES 

1.  Enumerate  the  deities  mentioned  in  this  selection,  with  the 
functions  of  each.  What  are  the  Roman  equivalents?  What  must 
have  been  the  mental  condition  of  men  which  created  these  ideas  of 
the  gods? 

2.  a.  What  classes  of  people  did  Odysseus  find  in  the  home  of  the 
dead?  WThat  means  had  he  of  restoring  their  spirits  to  consciousness? 
What  was  the  normal  state  of  their  minds?  What  was  the  peculiar 
condition  of  Elpenor?  What  was  necessary  to  give  his  spirit  peace? 
b.  What  information  did  Odysseus'  mother  give  him  concerning 
his  family  at  home?  Did  the  dead,  then,  know  what  was  going  on  in 
this  world?  What  was  the  condition  of  his  family?  How,  as  his 
mother  explains,  does  the  spirit  separate  itself  from  the  body? 

3.  What  were  the  Delphic  treasure-houses?  By  what  means  did 
Apollo  give  his  oracles?  Why  did  this  oracle  become  the  most  im- 
portant in  Hellas?  Describe  the  organization  of  the  amphictyony. 
Who  were  the  Pylagorae?  Mention  all  the  authors  represented  in 
this  chapter  and  the  source  of  information  of  each.  What  is  the 
historical  value  of  each  selection? 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  CITY-STATE  AND  ITS  DEVELOPMENT 

I.  Family,  Village,  and  State 

The  family  is  the  association  established  by  nature  The  family, 
for  the  supply  of  men's  everyday  wants,  and  the  members  Aristotle, 
of  it  are  called  by  Charondas  "companions  of  the  cup-  PohHcs>  l- 2- 
board"  and  by  Epimenides  the  Cretan,  "companions  of  i*^  g_ 
the  manger."    But  when  several  families  are  united,  and   104. 
the  association  aims  at  something  more  than  the  supply  The  village, 
of  daily  needs,  then  comes  into  existence  the  village.    And 
the  most  natural  form  of  the  village  appears  to  be  that  of  a 
colony  from  the  family,  composed  of  the  children  and  grand- 
children, who  are  said  to  be  "nourished  with  the  same 
milk."    And  this  is  the  reason  why  Hellenic  states  were 
originally  governed  by  kings;  because  the  Hellenes  were 
under  royal  rule  before  they  came  together,  as  the  bar- 
barians still  are.    Every  family  is  ruled  by  the  eldest,  and 
therefore  in  the  colonies  of  the  family  the  kingly  form  of 
government   prevailed   because   they   were  of  the  same 
blood.  .  .  . 

When  several  villages  are  united  in  a  single  community,   The  City- 
perfect  and  large  enough  to  be  nearly  or  quite  self-suffic- 
ing,  the  state  comes  into  existence,  originating   in   the 
bare  needs  of  life,  and  continuing  in  existence  for  the  sake 
of  a  good  life. 

97 


9S     The   City-State  and  Its  Development 

II.  The  Founding  of  a  City 

Situation.  In  respect  of  the  place  itself  our  wish  would  be  to  find 

Aristotle,  a  situation  for  it,  fortunate  in  four  things.  The  first, 
„"' '"' V11'  health;  this  is  a  necessity:  cities  which  lie  toward  the  east 
and  are  blown  upon  by  winds  coming  from  the  east,  are  the 
healthiest;  next  in  healthfulness  are  those  which  are 
sheltered  from  the  north  wind,  for  they  have  a  milder  win- 
ter. The  site  of  the  city  should  likewise  be  convenient 
for  political  administration  and  for  war.  With  a  view  to 
the  latter  it  should  afford  easy  egress  to  the  citizens, 
and  at  the  same  time  be  inaccessible  and  difficult  of  cap- 
ture to  enemies.  There  should  be  a  natural  abundance 
of  springs  and  fountains  in  the  town;  or,  if  there  is  a  de- 
ficiency of  them,  great  reservoirs  may  be  established  for 
the  collection  of  rain-water,  such  as  will  not  fail  when 
the  inhabitants  are  cut  off  from  the  country  by  war. 
Special  care  should  be  taken  of  the  health  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, which  will  depend  chiefly  on  the  healthiness  of  the 
locality  and  of  the  quarter  to  which  they  are  exposed, 
and  secondly,  on  the  use  of  pure  water;  this  latter  point 
is  by  no  means  a  secondary  consideration.  For  the  ele- 
ments which  we  use  most  and  oftenest  for  the  support  of 
the  body  contribute  most  to  health,  and  among  these 
are  water  and  air.  Wherefore  in  all  wise  states,  if  there  is 
a  want  of  pure  water  and  the  supply  is  not  all  equally 
good,  the  drirddng  water  ought  to  be  separated  from  that 
which  is  used  for  other  purposes.  .  .  . 
Arrange-  The  arrangement  of  private  houses  is  considered   to 

houses  in  De  more  agreeable  and  generally  more  convenient,  if  the 
streets  are  regularly  laid  out  after  the  modern  fashion 
which  Hippodamus  introduced,  but  for  security  in  war 
the  antiquated  mode  of  building,  which  made  it  difficult 


streets. 


Limitations  99 

for  strangers  to  get  out  of  a  town  and  for  assailants  to 
find  their  way  in,  is  preferable.  A  city  should  therefore 
adopt  both  plans  of  building;  it  is  possible  to  arrange  the 
houses  irregularly,  as  husbandmen  plant  their  vines  in 
what  are  called  ''clumps."  The  whole  town  should  not 
be  laid  out  in  straight  lines,  but  only  certain  quarters  and 
regions;  thus  security  and  beauty  will  be  combined.  .  .  . 

III.  Population  and  Territory  should  be  Limited 

A  state,  then,  only  begins  to  exist  when  it  has  attained  What  should 
a  population  sufficient  for  a  good  life  in  the  political     e     e 
community;  it  may  indeed  somewhat  exceed  this  number.  Aristotle,  ^ 
But,  as  I  was  saying,  there  must  be  a  limit.    What  should  4f. 
be  the  limit  will  be  easily  ascertained  by  experience.    For 
both  governors  and  governed  have  duties  to  perform; 
the  special  functions  of  a  governor  are  to  command  and 
to  judge.    But  if  the  citizens  of  a  state  are  to  judge  and 
distribute  offices  according  to  merit,  then  they  must  know 
each  other's  characters;  where  they  do  not  possess  this 
knowledge,  both  the  election  to  offices  and  the  decision  of 
lawsuits  will  go  wrong.    When  the  population  is  very  large, 
these  things  are  manifestly  settled  at  haphazard,  which 
clearly  ought  not  to  be.    Besides,  in  an  overpopulous  state 
foreigners  and  metics  will  readily  acquire  the  rights  of 
citizens,  for  who  will  find  them  out?    Clearly  then  the  best 
limit  of  the  population  of  a  state  is  the  largest  number 
which  suffices  for  the  purposes  of  life,  and  can  be  taken  in 
at  a  single  view.    Enough  concerning  the  size  of  a  city. 

Much  the  same  principle  will  apply  to  the  territory  Self- 
of  the  state;  every  one  would  agree  in  praising  the  state  s     cmg" 
which  is  most  entirely  self-sufficing;  and  that  must  be  the 
state  which  is  all  producing,  for  to  have  all  things,  and  to 
want  nothing  is  sufficiency.    In  size  and  extent  it  should 


ioo     The  City-State  and   Its  Development 

be  such  as  may  enable  the  inhabitants  to  live  temperately 
and  liberally  in  the  enjoyment  of  leisure.  .  .  . 


Three  true 
forms  of 
government. 


Aristotle, 
Politics,  Hi.  7. 


IV.  Forms  of  Government 

We  have  next  to  consider  how  many  forms  of  govern- 
ment there  are,  and  what  they  are;  and  in  the  first  place 
what  are  the  true  forms;  for  what  they  are  determines  the 
perversions  of  them,  as  will  at  once  be  apparent.  The 
words  constitution  and  government  have  the  same  mean- 
ing, and  the  government  which  is  the  supreme  authority 
in  states,  must  be  in  the  hands  of  one  or  of  a  few  or  of  many. 
The  true  forms  of  government  therefore  are  those  in  which 
the  one,  or  the  few,  or  the  many  govern  with  a  view  to  the 
common  interest;  but  governments  which  rule  with  a  view 
to  the  private  interest,  whether  of  the  one,  or  of  the  few, 
or  of  the  many,  are  perversions.  For  citizens,  if  they  are 
truly  citizens,  ought  to  participate  in  the  advantages  of  a 
state.  Of  forms  of  government  in  which  one  rules,  we 
call  that  which  regards  the  common  interests,  kingship 
or  royalty;  that  in  which  more  than  one  but  not  many, 
rule,  aristocracy  ("the  rule  of  the  best") ;  and  it  is  so  called, 
either  because  the  rulers  are  the  best  men,  or  because  they 
have  at  heart  the  best  interests  of  the  state  and  of  the 
citizens.  But  when  the  citizens  at  large  administer  the 
state  for  the  common  interest,  the  government  is  called 
by  the  generic  name — a  constitution.  And  there  is  a 
reason  for  this  use  of  language.  One  man  or  a  few 
may  excel  in  virtue;  but  of  virtue  there  are  many  kinds; 
and  as  the  number  increases,  it  becomes  more  difficult 
for  them  to  attain  perfection  in  every  kind,  though  they 
may  in  military  virtue,  for  this  is  found  in  the  masses. 
Hence,  in  a  constitutional  government  the  fighting  men 


Evolution  of  Government  101 

have  the  supreme  power,  and  those  who  possess  arms  are 

the  citizens. 

Of  the  above-mentioned  forms,  the  perversions  are  as  Three  per- 

verted 
follows: — of  royalty,  tyranny;  of  aristocracy,  oligarchy;  forms. 

of  constitutional  government,  democracy.  For  tyranny 
is  a  kind  of  monarchy  which  has  in  view  the  interest  of  the 
monarch  only;  oligarchy  has  in  view  the  interest  of  the 
wealthy;  democracy  of  the  needy;  none  of  them  the  com- 
mon good  of  all. 

The  first  governments  were  kingships;  probably  for  Evolution  of 
this  reason,  because  of  old,  when  cities  were  small,  men  of 
eminent  virtue  were  few.  They  were  made  kings  because  Aristotle, 
they  were  benefactors,  and  benefits  can  only  be  bestowed  in.  IS.  ' 
by  good  men.  But  when  many  persons  equal  in  merit 
arose,  no  longer  enduring  the  pre-eminence  of  one,  they 
desired  to  have  a  commonwealth,  and  set  up  a  constitu- 
tion. The  ruling  class  soon  deteriorated  and  enriched 
themselves  out  of  the  public  treasury;  riches  became  the 
path  to  honor,  and  so  oligarchies  naturally  grew  up.  These 
passed  into  tyrannies  and  tyrannies  into  democracies; 
for  love  of  gain  in  the  ruling  classes  was  always  tending  to 
diminish  their  number,  and  so  to  strengthen  the  masses, 
who  in  the  end  set  upon  their  masters  and  established 
democracies.  Since  cities  have  increased  in  size,  no  other 
form  of  government  appears  to  be  any  longer  possible. 

STUDIES 

1.  What  is  a  family,  and  what  is  a  village?  What  form  of  govern- 
ment had  the  village  and  why?    How  did  the  state  arise? 

2.  What  are  the  four  essentials  in  the  situation  of  a  city?  How 
may  they  be  secured?  What  were  the  two  modes  of  arranging  the 
houses  in  streets,  and  their  relative  merits? 

3.  What  limit  should  there  be  to  the  extent  and  population  of  a 
city-state?    What  would  Aristotle  think  of  our  state? 


iG2     The  City-State  and  Its  Development 

4.  Name  and  define  the  true  forms  of  government;  the  perverted 
forms.  How  does  an  oligarchy  differ  from  an  aristocracy?  What 
objection  has  Aristotle  to  democracy?  Trace  the  evolution  of  the 
various  forms  of  government.  When  did  Aristotle  live,  and  what  is 
the  value  of  his  Politics? 


CHAPTER  XI 

ECONOMY  AND   COLONIZATION 

I.  Farming 

Get  a  house  first  and  a  woman  and  a  plowing  ox;  and  Prepara- 
get  all  gear  arrayed  within  the  house,  lest  thou  beg  of  small  farm- 
another  and  he  deny  thee  and  thou  go  lacking,  and  the  mg* 
season  pass  by  and  thy  work  be  minished.    Neither  put  Hesiod, 
off  till  the  morrow  nor  the  day  after.    The  idle  man  filleth  Days. 
not  his  barn,  neither  he  that  putteth  off.    Diligence  pros- 
pered work,  but  the  man  that  putteth  off  ever  wrestleth 
with  ruin. 

And  bring  thou  home  a  plowbeam,  when  thou  findest  Plows, 
it  by  search  on  hill  or  in  field — of  holm  oak :  for  this  is  the  Evidently 
strongest  to  plow  with,  when  Athena's  servant  fasteneth  hereTas^n 
it  in  the  share-beam  and  fixeth  it  with  dowels  to  the  pole.   ™^  a  larser 
Get  thee  two  plows,  fashioning  them  at  home,  one  of  the 
natural  wood,  the  other  jointed,  since  it  is  far  better  to  do 
so.    Hence  if  thou  break  the  one,  thou  canst  yoke  the  oxen 
to  the  other.     Freest  of  worms  are  poles  of  bay  or  elm. 
Get  thee  then  share-beam  of  oak,  plow-beam  of  holm, 
and  two  oxen  of  nine  years.    For  the  strength  of  such  is 
not  weak  in  the  fulness  of  their  age;  they  are  best  for 
work.    They  will  not  quarrel  in  the  furrow  and  break  the 
plow,  and  leave  their  work  undone.    And  with  them  let 
a  man  of  forty  follow,  his  dinner  a  loaf  of  four  quarters, 
eight  pieces,  who  will  mind  his  work  and  drive  a  straight 
furrow,  no  more  gaping  after  his  fellows,  but  having  his 
heart  on  his  task.    Than  he  no  younger  man  is  better  at 

103 


io4  Economy  and  Colonization 


Winter 
occupation. 


Winter 
clothing. 


Threshing 
and    after. 


sowing.  For  the  mind  of  a  younger  man  is  fluttered  after 
his  age-fellows.  .  .  .  And  let  a  young  slave  follow  behind 
with  a  mattock  and  cause  trouble  to  the  birds  by  covering 
up  the  seed.  .  .  . 

But  pass  by  the  smith's  forge  and  the  crowded  club- 
house in  the  winter  season  when  cold  constraineth  men 
from  work,  wherein  a  diligent  man  would  greatly  prosper 
his  house,  lest  the  helplessness  of  evil  winter  overtake  thee 
with  poverty,  and  thou  press  a  swollen  foot  with  lean 
hand.  But  the  idle  man  who  waiteth  on  empty  hope, 
for  lack  of  livelihood  garnereth  many  sorrows  for  his  soul. 
Hope  is  a  poor  companion  for  a  man  in  need,  who  sitteth 
in  a  club-house  when  he  hath  no  livelihood  secured.  Nay, 
declare  thou  to  thy  thralls  while  it  is  still  midsummer: 
It  will  not  be  summer  always;  build  ye  cabins.  .  .  . 

In  that  season  (winter)  do  thou  for  the  defence  of  thy 
body  array  thee  as  I  bid  thee  in  soft  cloak  and  full-length 
tunic,  and  twine  much  woof  in  a  scanty  warp.  .  .  .  About 
thy  feet  bind  fitting  sandals  of  the  hide  of  a  slaughtered 
ox,  covering  them  with  felt.  And  when  the  frost  cometh 
in  its  season,  sew  thou  together  with  thread  of  ox-thong 
the  skins  of  firstling  kids  to  put  about  thy  back  as  a  shield 
against  the  rain.  And  on  thy  head  wear  thou  a  cap  of 
wrought  felt,  that  thou  mayest  not  have  thy  ears  wetted. 
For  chill  is  the  dawn  at  the  onset  of  Boreas.  .  .  . 

But  so  soon  as  the  strength  of  Orion  appeareth,  urge 
thy  thralls  to  thresh  the  holy  grain  of  Demeter  in  a  windy 
place  and  on  a  rounded  floor;  measure  and  store  it  in  ves- 
sels; and  when  thou  hast  laid  up  all  thy  livelihood  within 
thy  house,  then  I  bid  thee  get  a  thrall  that  hath  no  family, 
and  seek  a  serving  woman  without  a  child.  Troublous 
is  a  serving  woman  that  hath  a  child.  Care,  too,  for  the 
dog  of  jagged  teeth.     Spare  not  his  food,  lest  the  Day 


Agriculture;  Navigation  105 

Sleeper  filch  away  thy  goods.  Also  bring  in  fodder  and 
litter  that  thou  mayest  have  sufficient  store  for  thy  cattle 
and  thy  mules.  Then  let  thy  thralls  rest  their  knees  and 
loose  thine  oxen. 

But  when  Orion  and  Sirius  come  into  mid-heaven,  and  Vintage, 
rosy-fingered  Morning  looketh  upon  Arcturus,  0  Perses, 
pluck  and  bring  home  all  thy  grapes,  and  show  them  to 
the  sun  ten  days  and  ten  nights.  Cover  them  five  days 
and  on  the  sixth  draw  off  into  vessels  the  gifts  of  joyous 
Dionysus.  .  .  . 

In  the  flower  of  thine  age  lead  thou  home  thy  bride,  Marriage, 
when  thou  art  not  far  short  of  thirty  years  nor  far  past 
over.  This  is  the  timely  marriage.  Sixteen  years  old 
should  be  the  woman;  let  her  marry  in  the  seventeenth. 
Marry  a  maiden  that  thou  mayest  teach  her  good  ways. 
Marry  a  neighbor  best  of  all,  with  care  and  circum- 
spection, lest  thy  marriage  be  a  (malicious)  joy  to  thy 
neighbors.  For  no  better  spoil  doth  a  man  win  than  a 
good  wife,  even  as  he  winneth  no  worse  than  a  bad  wife — 
the  banquet-seeker,  that  roasteth  her  husband  without  a 
brand,  and  giveth  him  over  to  untimely  old  age. 

II.  Navigation 
For  fifty  days  after  the  turning  of  the  sun,  when  har-  Directions 
vest,  the  weary  season,  hath  come  to  an  end,  sailing  is  tion. 
seasonable  for  men.    Thou  shalt  not  break  thy  ship,  nor 
shall   the  sea  destroy  thy  crew,  save  only  if  Poseidon   fy^f'and 
Shaker  of  the  Earth  or  Zeus  the  King  of  the  Immortals   Days. 
be  wholly  minded  to  destroy.    For  with  them  is  the  issue 
alike  of  good  and  evil.    Then  are  the  breezes  easy  to  judge 
and  the  sea  is  harmless.    Then  trust  thou  in  the  winds; 
with  soul  untroubled  launch  the  swift  ship  in  the  sea, 
and  well  bestow  therein  thy  cargo.     And  haste  with  all 


io6  Economy  and  Colonization 


A  less  favor- 
able reason 


speed  to  return  home  again;  neither  wait  the  new  wine  and 
autumn  rain,  the  winter's  onset  and  the  dread  blasts  of 
the  southern  wind,  which,  coming  with  the  heavy  autumn 
rain  of  Zeus,  stirreth  the  sea  and  maketh  the  deep  perilous. 
Also  in  spring  may  men  sail;  when  first  on  the  topmost 
spray  of  the  fig-tree  leaves  appear  as  the  foot-print  of  a 
crow  for  size,  then  is  the  sea  navigable.  This  is  the  spring 
sailing,  which  I  commend  not,  for  it  is  not  pleasing  to  my 
mind,  snatched  sailing  that  it  is.  Hardly  shalt  thou  escape 
doom.  Yet  even  this  men  do  in  ignorance  of  mind.  For 
money  is  life  for  hapless  men:  but  dread  is  death  amid  the 
waves,  and  I  bid  thee  think  of  all  these  things  in  thy 
There  was  no  heart,  even  as  I  say.  Neither  set  thou  all  thy  livelihood 
in  hollow  ships,  but  leave  the  greater  part  and  put  on 
board  the  less.  For  a  dread  thing  it  is  to  chance  on  doom 
amid  the  waves. 


Topography 
and  art. 

Strabo  vi. 
3-  i- 

Greece,  34; 
Ancient 
World,  107. 


III.  Tarentum 

The  Gulf  of  Tarentum  is  for  the  most  part  destitute  of  a 
port,  but  here  there  is  a  large  commodious  harbor  closed 
in  by  a  great  bridge.  .  .  .  The  site  of  the  city  is  extremely 
low.  The  ground  rises  slightly  toward  the  citadel.  The 
old  wall  of  the  city  has  an  immense  circuit,  but  now  the 
greater  portion — that  toward  the  isthmus — is  deserted; 
but  the  part  near  the  mouth  of  the  harbor  still  subsists 
and  constitutes  a  considerable  city.  It  possesses  a  noble 
gymnasium  and  a  spacious  forum,  in  which  stands  a 
bronze  colossus  of  Zeus,  the  largest  ever  made  excepting 
the  one  at  Rhodes.  The  citadel,  situated  between  the 
forum  and  the  entrance  to  the  harbor,  still  preserves  some 
slight  relics  of  the  ancient  magnificence  of  consecrated 
offerings,  but  the  best  were  destroyed  either  by  the  Car- 
thaginians when  they  took  the  city  or  by  the  Romans  when 


Tarentum;  Marseilles  107 

they  stormed  and  sacked  it.    In  the  booty  taken  on  this 

occasion  was  the  bronze  colossus  of  Hercules,  the  work  of 

Lysippus,  now  on  the  Capitoline  Hill.    It  was  dedicated 

there  as  an  offering  by  Fabius  Maximus,  who  captured  the 

city. 

At  one  time,  when  the  government  of  the  Tarentines  Govern- 
0  .         ment. 

had  assumed  a  democratic  form,  they  rose  to  great'  im- 

.      .         Strabo  vi. 

portance;  for  they  possessed  the  largest  fleet  of  all  the  3.  4. 
states  in  that  region,  and  could  bring  into  the  field  an  army 
of  30,000  foot  and  3,000  horse  besides  a  select  body  of 
1000  cavalry  called  hipparchi.  They  adopted,  too,  the 
Pythagorean  philosophy;  and  Archytas,  who  for  a  long 
time  presided  over  the  government,  gave  it  his  special 
support.  At  a  later  period,  however,  their  luxury,  aris- 
ing from  their  prosperity,  so  increased  that  their  public 
festivals  exceeded  in  number  the  days  of  the  year.  Hence 
arose  an  inefficient  government. 


IV.  Massalia  (Marseilles) 

Marseilles,   founded  by   the  Phocaeans,   is  built  in  a  Its  founding, 
stony  region.     Its  harbor  lies  beneath  a  rock  which  is   Strabo  iv. 
shaped  like  a  theatre  opening  toward  the  south.     Walls     ' 4' 
protect  the  harbor  and  the  whole  city,  which  is  of  consider-  fy^-no. 
able  size.     Within  the  citadel  stand  the  Ephesium  and 
the  temple  of  the  Delphian  Apollo.     The  latter  temple 
i     common   to  all   the  Ionians.     The  Ephesium   is  the 
temple   consecrated  to  Artemis  of  Ephesus.     It  is  said 
that  when  the  Phocaeans  were  about  to  quit  their  country, 
an  oracle  commanded  them  to  take  from  Artemis  of  Ephe- 
sus, a  conductor  for  their  voyage.    On  arriving  at  Ephesus, 
therefore,  they  inquired  how  they  might  be  able  to  ob- 
tain from  the  goddess  what  was  ordered  them.    The  god- 


10S  Economy  and  Colonization 

dess  appeared  in  a  dream  to  Aristarcha,  one  of  the  most 
honorable  women  of  the  city,  and  commanded  her  to  ac- 
company the  Phocceans,  and  to  take  with  her  a  plan  of 
the  temple  and  statues.  When  this  was  done  and  the 
colony  settled,  the  Phoca?ans  built  a  temple,  and  evinced 
their  great  respect  for  Aristarcha  by  making  her  priestess. 
All  the  colonies  sent  out  from  Marseilles  hold  this  goddess 
in  peculiar  reverence,  preserving  the  form  of  the  statue 
as  well  as  every  rite  observed  in  the  mother-city. 

The  Massalians  live  under  a  well-regulated  aristocracy. 
They  have  a  council  composed  of  six  hundred  persons 
called  timuchi,  who  enjoy  this  dignity  for  life.  Fifteen 
timuchi  preside  over  the  council  and  have  the  manage- 
ment of  current  affairs;  these  fifteen  are  presided  over  by 
three  of  their  number,  in  whom  rests  the  chief  authority; 
and  of  these  three,  one  is  chairman.  No  one  can  become 
a  timuchus  unless  he  has  children  and  has  been  a  citizen 
for  three  generations.  Their  laws,  which  are  the  same  as 
those  of  the  Ionians,  they  expound  in  public. 

Their  country  abounds  in  vines  and  olives,  but  on  ac- 
count of  its  ruggedness  their  wheat  is  poor.  Hence  they 
trust  more  to  the  resources  of  the  sea  than  of  the  land,  and 
avail  themselves  of  their  excellent  position  for  commerce. 
They  have  found  it  possible,  however,  through  persever- 
ance to  annex  some  of  the  surrounding  plains,  and  also 
to  found  cities.  Of  this  number  are  the  cities  they  founded 
in  Iberia  as  a  rampart  against  the  Iberians,  in  which  they 
introduced  the  worship  of  Artemis  of  Ephesus  as  practised 
in  the  fatherland,  with  the  Greek  mode  of  sacrifice.  .  .  . 
They  possess  also  dry  docks  and  armories.  Formerly 
they  had  an  abundance  of  vessels,  arms,  and  machines 
for  navigation  and  for  besieging  towns,  by  which  means 
they  defended  themselves  against  the  barbarians. 


Colonial  Institutions  109 

V.  Relation  between  the  Colony  and  the 
Mother-City 

I  maintain  that  this  colony  of  ours  has  a  father  and  a   As  a  child  to 

•   •  ,,,  „    a  parent, 

mother,  who  are  no  other  than  the  colonizing  state.    Well 

I  know  that  many  colonies  have  been,  and  will  be,  at   Plato,  Laws, 

enmity  with  their  parents.    But  in  early  days,  the  child, 

as  in  a  family,  loves  and  is  loved;  even  if  there  come  a   Greece,  39; 

time  later  when  the  tie  is  broken,  still  while  he  is  in  want   World,  106. 

of  education,  he  naturally  loves  his  parents  and  is  beloved 

by  them,  and  flies  to  his  relatives  for  protection,  and  finds 

in  them  his  only  natural  allies  in  time  of  need;  and  this 

parental  feeling  already  exists  in  the   Cnossians,   as  is 

shown  by  their  care  of  the  new  city;  and  there  is  a  similar 

feeling  on  the  part  of  the  young  city  toward  Cnossus. 

VI.  Athenian  Decree  for  the  Colonization  of  Brea, 

440-445 
The  leaders  of  the  colonists  shall  provide  flocks  of  goats,  Religious 
as  many  as  they  shall  deem  sufficient,  for  the  offering  of 
auspicious  sacrifices  in  behalf  of  the  colony.    Ten  men  shall  lion 
be  chosen  as  surveyors,  one  from  each  tribe,  and  these   Surveyors. 
men  shall  assign  the  land.     Democlides  shall  have  full  Thg 
power  to  establish  the  colony  according  to  the  best  of  his  founder, 
ability.     The  sacred  domains  that  have  been  set  apart 
shall  be  left  as  they  are,  and  no  others  shall  be  conse- 
crated. 

STUDIES 

1.  What  things  must  the  farmer  have  to  begin  with?  Do  these 
directions  have  reference  to  a  large  or  a  small  farm?  Describe  the 
making  of  a  plow.  What  kinds  of  wood  grew  in  the  forests?  Who 
will  make  the  best  plowman?  Is  this  man  of  forty  slave  or  free? 
I  ><x     this  reference  to  the  plowman  and  the  skive  boy  indicate  a  very 


no  Economy  and  Colonization 

small  farm?  How  was  the  seed  covered?  What  class  of  men  frequent 
the  club-houses?  What  should  the  farmer  do  during  winter?  De- 
scribe  the  threshing;  the  vintage.  What  directions  arc  given  for 
marriage? 

2.  What  are  the  seasons  for  navigation?  What  precaution  is  to 
be  taken  regarding  the  cargo?  What  seems  to  have  been  the  condi- 
tion of  navigation? 

3.  Describe  the  situation  of  Tarentum.  What  became  of  its  works 
of  art?    What  was  its  form  of  government? 

4.  How  did  Artemis  come  to  be  the  chief  deity  of  Marseilles?  Com- 
pare the  government  of  this  city  with  that  of  Tarentum.  What  were 
the  occupations  of  the  people? 

5.  How  was  the  colony  related  to  the  mother-city? 

6.  What  regulations  for  the  founding  of  Brea  did  Athens  establish 
by  decree? 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  RISE  OF  SPARTA  AND  THE  PELOPONNESIAN 
LEAGUE 

I.  Lyctjrgus:  Regency  and  Travels 

With  regard  to  Lycurgus  the  lawgiver  there  is  noth-  Nothing 

i-i-ii-  i       positively 

ing  whatever  that  is  undisputed;  as  his  birth,  his  travels,  known  of 

his  death,  and  besides  all  this,  his  legislation,  have  all  been  him* 
related  in  various  ways.  ...     He  was  king  for  eight   Plutarch, 
months  in  all;  and  was  much  looked  up  to  by  the  citizens   I_6. 
who  rendered  a  willing  obedience  to  him,  because  of  his 
eminent  virtues  rather  than  because  he  was  regent  with   Greece,  56; 
royal  powers.     There  was,  nevertheless,  a  faction  which   World,  117  f. 
grudged  him  his  elevation,  and  tried  to  oppose  him,  as 
he  was  a  young  man.  ...    He  decided  to  avoid  all  sus- 
picion by  leaving  the  country  and  travelling  until  his 
nephew  should  be  grown  up  and  have  an  heir  born  to 
succeed  him. 

With  this  intention  he  set  sail,  and  first  came  to  Crete,  His  visit  to 

Crete 

where  he  studied  the  constitution  and  mixed  with  the 
leading  statesmen.  Some  part  of  their  laws  he  approved 
and  made  himself  master  of,  with  the  intention  of  adopting 
them  on  his  return  home,  while  with  others  he  was  dis- 
satisfied. One  of  the  men  who  had  a  reputation  there 
for  learning  and  state-craft  he  made  his  friend,  and  in- 
duced him  to  go  to  Sparta.  This  was  Thaletas,  who  was 
thought  to  be  merely  a  lyric  poet,  and  who  used  this  art 
to  conceal  his  graver  requirements,  being  in  reality  deeply 
versed  in  legislation.     His  poems  were  exhortations  to 

in 


I  I  2 


Sparta  and  the   Peloponnesian  League 


Public 
tables. 


Plutarch, 
Lycurgus,  10. 


Girls  and 
women. 


lb. 


t4- 


unity  and  concord,  breathing  a  spirit  of  calm  and  order, 
which  insensibly  civilised  their  hearers  and  by  urging 
them  to  the  pursuit  of  honorable  objects,  led  them  to  lay 
aside  the  feelings  of  party  strife  so  prevalent  in  Sparta; 
so  that  he  may  be  said  in  some  degree  to  have  educated 
the  people  and  prepared  them  to  receive  the  reforms  of 
Lycurgus. 

II.  His  Idea  of  Education 

Wishing  still  further  to  put  down  luxury  and  take  away 
the  desire  for  riches,  he  introduced  the  third  and  the 
most  admirable  of  his  reforms,  that  of  the  common  din- 
ing-table.  At  tins  the  people  were  to  meet  and  dine 
together  upon  a  fixed  allowance  of  food,  and  not  to  live 
in  their  own  homes,  lolling  on  expensive  couches  at  rich 
tables,  fattened  like  beasts  in  private  by  the  hands  of 
servants  and  cooks,  and  undermining  their  health  by  in- 
dulgence to  excess  in  every  bodily  desire,  long  sleep,  warm 
baths,  and  much  repose,  so  that  they  required  a  sort  of 
daily  nursing  like  sick  people. 

Considering  education  to  be  the  most  important  and 
the  noblest  wrork  of  a  lawgiver,  he  began  at  the  very  be- 
ginning, and  regulated  marriages  and  the  birth  of  children. 
It  is  not  true  that,  as  Aristotle  says,  he  endeavored  to 
regulate  the  lives  of  the  women,  and  failed,  being  foiled 
by  the  liberty  and  habits  of  command  which  they  had 
acquired  by  the  long  absences  of  their  husbands  on  mili- 
tary expeditions,  during  which  they  were  necessarily 
left  in  sole  charge  at  home,  wherefore  their  husbands  looked 
up  to  them  more  than  was  fitting,  calling  them  Mistresses; 
but  he  made  what  regulations  were  necessary  for  them  also. 
He  strengthened  the  bodies  of  the  girls  by  exercises  in 
running,   wrestling,   and   hurling   quoits   or  javelins,   in 


Modesty  and  Moderation 


"3 


order  that  their  children  might  spring  from  a  healthy 
source  and  so  grow  up  strong.  .  .  .  He  did  away  with  all 
affectation  of  seclusion  and  retirement  among  the  women, 
and  ordained  that  the  girls,  no  less  than  the  boys,  should 
go  unclad  in  processions,  and  dance  and  sing  at  festivals 
in  the  presence  of  the  young  men. 


III.  The  Modesty  of  the  Youths;  the  Moderation 
oe  their  Food 

Furthermore,  in  his  desire  firmly  to  implant  in  their 
youthful  souls  a  root  of  modesty  he  imposed  upon  these 
bigger  boys  a  special  rule.  In  the  very  streets  they  were 
to  keep  their  two  hands  within  the  folds  of  the  cloak; 
they  were  to  walk  in  silence  and  without  turning  their 
heads  to  gaze,  now  here  now  there,  but  rather  to  keep 
their  eyes  fixed  upon  the  ground  before  them.  And  hereby 
it  would  seem  to  be  proved  conclusively  that,  even  in  the 
matter  of  quiet  bearing  and  sobriety,  the  masculine  type 
may  claim  greater  strength  than  that  which  we  attribute 
to  the  nature  of  women.  At  any  rate,  you  might  sooner 
expect  a  stone  image  to  find  voice  than  one  of  those  Spar- 
tan youths;  to  divert  the  eyes  of  some  bronze  statue  were 
less  difficult.  And  as  to  quiet  bearing,  no  bride  ever 
stepped  in  bridal  bower  with  more  natural  modesty.  Note 
them  when  they  have  reached  the  public  table.  The 
plainest  answer  to  the  question  asked, — that  is  all  you 
need  expect  from  their  lips. 

As  to  food,  his  ordinance  allowed  them  so  much  as 
while  not  inducing  repletion,  should  guard  them  from 
actual  want.  And. in  fact,  there  are  many  exceptional 
dishes  in  the  shape  of  game  supplied  from  the  hunting 
field.    Or,  as  a  substitute  for  these,  rich  men  will  occasion- 


Silent  and 
dignified. 

Xenophon, 
Canslilution 
of  the  Lace- 
damonians, 
3- 


Their  food. 

lb.  5-7. 


The  land 
system. 

Plutarch, 
Lycurgus, 

8.' 


The  Cryp- 
teia. 

lb.  28. 

59  f  ; 
.•1  ncient 

World,  1 12  f. 


114     Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian   League 

ally  garnish  the  feast  with  wheaten  loaves.  So  that  from 
beginning  to  end,  till  the  mess  breaks  up,  the  common 
board  is  never  stinted  for  viands,  nor  yet  extravagantly 
furnished. 

IV.  The  Perkeci  and  the  Helots 

Putting  his  proposal  immediately  into  practice,  he 
divided  the  outlying  lands  of  the  state  among  the  periaci, 
in  thirty  thousand  lots,  and  that  immediately  adjoining 
the  metropolis  among  the  native  Spartans,  in  nine  thou- 
sand lots,  for  to  that  number  they  then  amounted.  Some 
say  that  Lycurgus  made  six  thousand  lots,  and  that 
Polydorus  added  three  thousand  afterwards;  others  that 
he  added  half  the  nine  thousand,  and  that  only  half  was 
allotted  by  Lycurgus. 

Each  man's  lot  was  of  such  a  size  as  to  supply  a  man 
with  seventy  medimni  of  barley,  and  his  wife  with  twelve, 
and  oil  and  wine  in  proportion;  for  thus  much  he  thought 
ought  to  suffice  them,  as  the  food  was  enough  to  maintain 
them  in  health,  and  they  wanted  nothing  more.  It  is  said 
that,  some  years  afterwards,  as  he  was  returning  from  a 
journey  through  the  country  at  harvest- time,  when  he  saw 
the  sheaves  of  corn  lying  in  equal  parallel  rowrs,  he  smiled, 
and  said  to  his  companions  that  all  Laconia  seemed  as  if 
it  had  just  been  divided  among  so  many  brothers. 

In  all  these  acts  of  Lycurgus  we  cannot  find  any  traces 
of  the  injustice  and  unfairness  which  some  complain  of 
in  his  laws,  which  they  say  are  excellent  to  produce  cour- 
age but  less  so  for  justice.  And  the  institution  called 
Crypteia,  if  indeed  it  is  one  of  the  laws  of  Lycurgus,  as 
Aristotle  tells  us,  would  agree  with  the  idea  which  Plato 
1  onceived  about  him  and  his  system.  The  Crypteia  was 
this:  the  leaders  of  the  young  men  used  at  intervals  to 


The  Helots  115 

send  the  most  discreet  of  them  into  different  parts  of  the 
country,  equipped  with  daggers  and  necessary  food;  in 
the  daytime  these  men  used  to  conceal  themselves  in  un- 
frequented spots,  and  take  their  rest,  but  at  night  they 
would  come  down  into  the  roads  and  murder  any  helots 
they  found.  And  often  they  would  range  about  the  fields, 
and  make  away  with  the  strongest  and  bravest  helots 
they  could  find.  Also,  as  Thucydides  mentions  in  his 
History  of  the  Peloponnesian  War,  those  helots  who  were 
especially  honored  by  the  Spartans  for  their  valor  were 
crowned  as  free  men,  and  taken  to  the  temples  with  re- 
joicings; but  in  a  short  time  they  all  disappeared,  to  the 
number  of  more  than  two  thousand,  and  in  such  a  way 
that  no  man,  either  then  or  afterward,  could  tell  how  they 
perished.  Aristotle  says  that  the  Ephors,  when  they  first 
take  office,  declare  war  against  the  helots,  in  order  that  it 
may  be  lawful  to  destroy  them.  And  much  other  harsh 
treatment  used  to  be  inflicted  upon  them;  and  they  were 
compelled  to  drink  much  unmixed  wine,  and  then  were 
brought  into  the  public  dining  halls,  to  show  the  young 
what  drunkenness  is. 

Thev  were  also  forced  to  sing  low  songs,  and  to  dance  Degradation 
J  ...-,.,         of  the  helots, 

low  dances,  and  not  to  meddle  with  those  of  a  higher 

character.     It  is  said  that  when  the  Thebans  made  their 

celebrated   campaign   in   Laceda'inun,    they   ordered   the 

helots  whom  they  captured   to  sing  them   the  songs  of 

Terpander,    and    Alcman,    and    Spendon    the   Laconian; 

but  they  begged  to  be  excused  for  they  said,  "the  masters 

do  not  like  it."    So  it  seems  to  have  been  well  said  that  in 

Lacedaemon,  the  free  man  was  more  free,  and  the  slave 

more  a  slave  than  anywhere  else.    This  harsh  treatment, 

I  imagine,  began  in  later  times,  especially  after  the  great 

earthquake,  when  they  relate  that  the  helots  joined  the 


n6     Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian  League 


Criticisms 
on  the  coun- 
cil. 


Aristotle, 
Politics,  ii.  g. 


Candidates 
passed  one 
by  one 
through  the 
assembly 
and  were 
acclaim<  d 
The  returning 
board  behind 
a  screen 
determined 
the  choice  by 
the  intensity 
of  the  ap- 
plause. 


Messenians,  ravaged  the  country  and  almost  conquered 
it.  I  cannot  impute  this  wicked  act  of  the  Crypteia  to 
Lycurgus,  when  I  consider  the  gentleness  and  justice  of 
his  general  behavior,  which  also  we  know  was  inspired  by 
heaven. 

VI.  The  Council  of  Elders 

Again,  the  council  of  elders  is  not  free  from  defects.  It 
may  be  said  that  the  elders  are  good  men  and  well  trained 
in  manly  virtue;  and  that,  therefore,  there  is  an  advantage 
to  the  state  in  having  them.  But  that  judges  of  important 
causes  should  hold  office  for  life  is  not  a  good  thing,  for 
the  mind  grows  old  as  well  as  the  body.  And  when  men 
have  been  educated  in  such  a  manner  that  even  the  legis- 
lator himself  cannot  trust  them,  there  is  real  danger. 
Many  of  the  elders  are  well  known  to  have  taken  bribes 
and  to  have  been  guilty  of  partiality  in  public  affairs. 
And  therefore  they  ought  not  to  be  irresponsible;  yet  at 
Sparta  they  are  so.  But  it  may  be  replied:  "All  magis- 
tracies are  accountable  to  the  Ephors."  Yes,  but  this 
prerogative  is  too  great  for  them,  and  we  maintain  that 
the  control  should  be  exercised  in  some  other  manner. 
Further,  the  mode  in  which  the  Spartans  elect  their  elders 
is  childish ;  and  it  is  improper  that  the  person  to  be  elected 
should  canvass  for  the  office;  the  worthiest  should  be  ap- 
pointed whether  he  chooses  or  not.  And  here  the  legis- 
lator clearly  indicates  the  same  intention  which  appears 
in  other  parts  of  his  constitution;  he  would  have  his 
citizens  ambitious,  and  he  has  reckoned  upon  this  quality 
in  the  election  of  the  elders;  for  no  one  would  ask  to  be 
elected  if  he  were  not.  Yet  ambition  and  avarice,  almost 
more  than  any  other  passions,  are  the  motives  of  crime.  .  . 

The  charge  which  Plato  brings,  in  the  Laws,  against 


Kings  117 


the  intention  01  the  legislator,  is  likewise  justified;  the  They  think 

,  P     .  'too  much  of 

whole  constitution  has  regard  to  one  part  of  virtue  only, —  war. 

the  virtue  of  the  soldier,  which  gives  victory  in  war.    And 

so  long  as  they  were  at  war,  their  power  was  preserved, 

but  when  they  had  attained  empire  they  fell ;  for  of  the 

arts  of  peace  they  knew  nothing,  and  had  never  engaged 

in  any  employment  higher  than  war.     There  is  another 

error,  equally  great,  into  which  they  have  fallen.    Although 

they  truly  think  that  the  goods  for  which  they  contend 

are  to  be  acquired  by  virtue  rather  than  by  vice,  they  err 

in  supposing  that  these  goods  are  to  be  preferred  to  the 

virtue  which  gains  them. 

VII.  The  Two  Kings 

These  are  the  royal  rights  which  have  been  given  by  Privileges 
the   Spartans   to   their  kings,   namely,   two  priesthoods, 
of  Zeus  Lacedaemon  and  Zeus  Uranius;  and  the  right  of  vier5°6  °  l 
making  war  against  whatsoever  land  they  please,  and 
that  no  man  of  the  Spartans  shall  hinder  this  right,  or  if  Greece,  61; 
he  do,  he  shall  be  subject  to  the  curse;  and  that  when   World,  116  f. 
they  go  on  expeditions  the  kings  shall  go  out  first  and  re- 
turn last;  that  a  hundred  picked  men  shall  be  their  guard 
upon  expeditions;  and  that  they  shall  use  in  their  goings 
forth  to  war  as  many  cattle  as  they  desire,  and  take  both 
the  hides  and  the  backs  of  all  that  are  sacrificed. 

These  are  their  privileges  in  war;  and  in  peace  moreover  Privileges  in 
things  have  been  assigned   to  them  as  follows:- — if  any   peace- 
sacrifice  is  performed  at  the  public  charge,  it  is  the  priv-   [,Iicro<lotus 
ilege  of  the  kings  to  sit  down  at  the  feast  before  all  others, 
and  the  attendants  shall  begin  with  them  first,  and  serve 
to  each  of  them  a  portion  of  everything  double  that  which 
is  given  to  the  other  guests,  and  I  hey  shall  have  the  first 


nS     Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian  League 


Their  din- 
ner. 


Jurisdiction. 


Seats  in  the 
Council. 


Funeral. 

Herodotus 


pouring  of  libations  and  the  hides  of  the  animals  slain 
in  sacrifice.  On  every  new  moon  and  seventh  day  of  the 
month  there  shall  be  delivered  at  the  public  charge  to  each 
one  of  them  a  full-grown  victim  in  the  temple  of  Apollo, 
and  a  measure  of  barley-groats  and  a  Laconian  "quarter" 
of  wine;  and  at  all  the  games  they  shall  have  seats  of  honor 
specially  set  apart  for  them.  Moreover  it  is  their  privilege 
to  appoint  as  protectors  of  strangers  whomsoever  they 
will  of  the  citizens,  and  to  choose  each  two  "Pythians." 
Xow  the  Pythians  are  men  sent  to  consult  the  god  at 
Delphi,  and  they  eat  with  the  kings  at  the  public  charge. 

And  if  the  kings  do  not  come  to  dinner,  it  is  the  rule 
that  there  shall  be  sent  out  for  them  to  their  houses  two 
quarts  of  barley-groats  for  each  one  and  half  a  pint  of 
wine;  but  if  they  are  present,  double  shares  of  everything 
shall  be  given  them,  and  moreover  they  shall  be  honored 
in  this  same  manner  when  they  have  been  invited  to  dinner 
by  private  persons.  The  kings  also,  it  is  ordained,  shall 
have  charge  of  the  oracles  which  are  given,  but  the  Pyth- 
ians too  shall  have  knowledge  of  them. 

It  is  the  rule  moreover  that  the  kings  alone  give  de- 
cisions on  the  following  cases  only,  that  is  to  say,  about 
the  maiden  who  inherits  her  father's  property,  namely 
who  ought  to  have  her,  if  her  father  have  not  betrothed 
her  to  anyone,  and  about  public  ways;  also  if  any  man  de- 
sires to  adopt  a  son,  he  must  do  it  in  presence  of  the  kings; 
and  it  is  ordained  that  they  shall  sit  in  council  with  the 
elders,  who  are  in  number  eight  and  twenty;  and  if  they 
do  not  come,  those  of  the  elders  who  are  most  closely 
related  to  them  shall  have  the  privileges  of  the  kings  and 
give  two  votes  besides  their  own,  making  three  in  all. 

These  rights  have  been  assigned  to  the  kings  for  their 
lifetime  by  the  Spartan  state;  and  after  they  are  dead  these 


A  Royal  Funeral  119 

which  follow: — horsemen  go  round  and  announce  that 
which  has  happened  throughout  the  whole  of  the  Lacon- 
ian  land;  and  in  the  city  women  go  about  and  strike  upon 
a  copper  kettle.  Whenever  this  happens  so,  two  free 
persons  of  each  household  must  go  into  mourning,  a  man 
and  a  woman,  and  for  those  who  fail  to  do  this,  great 
penalties  are  appointed.  Now  the  custom  of  the  Lace- 
daemonians about  the  death  of  their  kings  is  the  same  as 
that  of  the  barbarians  who  dwell  in  Asia,  for  most  of  the 
barbarians  practise  the  same  custom  as  regards  the  death 
of  their  kings.  Whensoever  a  king  of  the  Lacedaemonians 
is  dead,  then  from  the  whole  territory  of  Lacedaemon, 
not  reckoning  the  Spartans,  a  certain  fixed  number  of  the 
"dwellers  round"  are  compelled  to  go  to  the  funeral  cere- 
mony; and  when  there  have  been  gathered  together 
of  these  and  of  the  helots  and  of  the  Spartans  themselves 
many  thousands  in  the  same  place,  with  their  women 
intermingled,  they  beat  their  foreheads  with  a  good  will 
and  make  lamentation  without  stint,  saying  that  this  one 
who  has  died  last  of  their  kings  was  the  best  of  all;  and 
whenever  any  of  their  kings  has  been  killed  in  war,  they 
prepare  an  image  to  represent  him,  laid  upon  a  couch  with 
fair  coverings,  and  carry  it  out  to  be  buried.  Then  after 
they  have  buried  him,  no  assembly  is  held  among  them 
for  ten  days,  nor  is  there  any  meeting  for  choice  of  magis- 
trates, but  they  have  mourning  during  these  days. 

YHI.  Constitution  of  the  Peloponnesian  League 

In  418  B.C.  Lacedaemon  made  an  alliance  with  Argos,  practically 
admitting  the  latter  to  the  Peloponnesian  league.  The  terms  of  the 
treaty  throw  a  clear  light  on  the  relation  between  Sparta  and  her 

allies 

It  seems  good  to  the  Lacedaemonians  and  to  the  Argives 


Treaty  be- 
tween Lace- 
daemon    and 
Argos,  418 
B.C. 

ment 
quoted  by 
Thucydides 

v.  79. 

It  is  only 
from  such 
documents 
and  from  oc- 
casional 
references  of 
historians 
that  we 
obtain  a 
knowledge 
of  the  Pel- 
oponnesian 
constitution. 

Greece,  79  f.; 
A  ncieni 

World,  120  f. 


120     Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian  League 

to  make  peace  and  alliance  for  fifty  years  on  the  follow- 
ing conditions: — 

I.  They  shall  submit  to  arbitration  on  fair  and  equal 
terms,  according  to  their  ancestral  customs. 

II.  The  other  cities  of  Peloponnesus  shall  participate 
in  the  peace  and  alliance,  and  shall  be  independent  and 
their  own  masters,  retaining  their  own  territory  and  sub- 
mitting to  arbitration  on  fair  and  equal  terms,  according 
to  their  ancestral  customs. 

III.  All  the  allies  of  the  Lacedaemonians  outside  Pelo- 
ponnesus shall  share  in  the  same  terms  as  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians, and  the  allies  of  the  Argives  shall  be  in  the  same 
position  as  the  Argives,  and  shall  retain  their  present 
territory. 

IV.  If  it  shall  be  necessary  to  make  any  expedition  in 
common  against  any  place,  the  Lacedaemonians  and  the 
Argives  shall  consult  together  and  fix  the  share  in  the  war 
which  may  be  equitably  borne  by  the  allies. 

V.  If  any  of  the  states  either  within  or  without  Pelopon- 
nesus, have  a  dispute  about  a  frontier,  or  any  other  matter, 
the  difference  shall  be  duly  settled.  But  should  a  quarrel 
break  out  between  two  of  the  allied  cities,  they  shall  ap- 
peal to  some  state  which  both  the  cities  deem  to  be  im- 
partial. 

VI.  Justice  shall  be  administered  to  the  individual 
citizens  according  to  their  ancestral  customs. 


We  may  add  the  following  clauses  from  an  earlier  treaty,  which 
shed  further  light  on  the  Peloponnesian  constitution: — 


Document 

quoted  by 
Thucydides 
v.  77. 


VII.  The  cities  of  Peloponnesus,  both  small  and  great, 
shall  be  independent  according  to  their  ancestral  laws. 

VIII.  If    anyone    from    without    Peloponnesus    comes 
against  Peloponnesus  with  evil  intent,  the  Peloponnesians 


A  Treaty  121 

shall  take  counsel  together  and  shall  repel  the  enemy; 
and  the  several  states  shall  bear  such  a  share  in  the  war 
as  shall  seem  equitable  to  the  Peloponnesians. 

IX.  Treaty  between  the  Eleians  and  the  Hermans 

This  document  is  interesting  as  the  earliest  Greek  treaty  for  which 
we  have  inscriptional  evidence.  It  belongs  to  the  first  half  of  the 
sixth  century  B.C. — probably  about  572,  when  the  Eleians  gained 
control  of  Olympia  and  its  festival.  Herasa  was  a  neighboring  dis- 
trict of  Arcadia.  Probably  the  treaties  between  Lacedasmon  and 
her  individual  allies  were  cast  in  a  similar  form. 

The  covenant  of  the  Eleians  and  the  Heraeans:  There  The  terms. 
shall  be  an  alliance  for  one  hundred  years,  and  this  year 
shall  begin  it.  If  anything  shall  be  needed,  whether  word 
or  deed,  they  shall  assist  one  another  in  all  other  respects 
and  in  war.  If  they  fail  to  assist  one  another,  the  party 
that  fails  shall  pay  a  talent  of  silver  as  an  offering  to 
Olvmpian    Zeus.      If   anyone,    whether   private    citizen,   Or  possibly, 

J      r  r  .   ,  i  ■   ■  "injures   this 

magistrate    or    community,    violates    these    provisions,   inscription." 
he  shall  be  subject  to  the  sacred  fine  herein  provided. 

STUDIES 

1.  What  evidence  do  we  here  find  that  Lycurgus  was  a  myth? 
What  significance  has  the  story  that  he  got  his  laws  from  Crete? 

2.  What  do  we  gather  from  this  passage  as  to  the  spirit  and  object 
of  Spartan  education?    How  were  the  girls  trained? 

3.  What  does  Xenophon  say  of  the  deportment  of  youths?    What 
restriction  was  placed  on  their  food? 

4.  What  lands  were  owned  by  the  Spartans  and  the  periceci  re- 
spectively?   What  did  a  Spartan  receive  from  his  lot? 

5.  Describe  the  crypteia.     What  was  the  condition  of  the  helots? 
Why  were  they  treated  harshly? 

6.  What  defects  does  Aristotle  find  in  the  Lacedaemonian  council 
of  Elders?    What  objection  has  he  to  canvassing  for  offices?    What 


122     Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian  League 

would  he  think  of  our  politics?    What  arc  the  two  chief  motives  to 
crime? 

7.  What  rights  have  the  Lacedaemonian  kings  in  war  and  in  peace 
respectively?  Who  wen-  the  Pythians?  Describe  the  ceremonies  at 
t  he  funeral  of  a  king.  From  what  source  did  the  Lacedaemonians 
probably  adopt  this  custom? 

8.  From  these  two  documents  make  out  as  full  a  written  state- 
ment as  possible  of  the  relation  between  Sparta  and  her  several  allies. 
To  what  extent  was  arbitration  employed? 

9.  What  are  the  terms  of  treaty  mentioned  in  this  document?  Who 
was  the  Olympian  Zeus? 


CHAPTER  XIII 

ATHENS:   FROM   MONARCHY  TO   DEMOCRACY 

I.  The  Kingship  and  the  Aristocracy 

Afterward  it  came  about  that  for  a  long  time  the  Social  con- 
nobles  and  commons  disturbed  the  state  by  their  sedition.   fore  Solon. 
For  the  government  was  oligarchic  in  all  respects;  and   Aristotle, 
particularly   the   poor,    with   their   children   and   wives,   ^slllutton 
were  in  slavery  to  the  rich.     They  were  called  pelatas  Athenians,  2. 
[clients]  and  hectemori  "[sixth-part  men"],  for  they  tilled   Greece,  46  f.; 
the  fields  of  the  wealthy  for  that  amount  of  rent.    All  the   \yodd,  130. 
land  was  in  the  hands  of  the  few;  and  if  they  [the  tenants] 
failed  to  render  the  rents  due,  they  and  their  children  were 
liable  to  enslavement.    There  were  loans  on  the  security 
of  every  one's  person  down  to  the  time  of  Solon;  and  he 
was  in  fact  the  first  to  stand  forth  as  a  patron  of  the  com- 
mons.   Now  it  was  a  most  hard  and  grievous  feature  of 
the  constitution  that  the  masses  should  be  in  slavery; 
not  but  that  they  had  other  grounds  of  complaint,  for 
they  were,  so  to  speak,  excluded  from  everything. 

The  organization  of  the  original  government  [of  the  From  king- 

...  rjv,     .      ship  to  ans- 

republic]  as  it  existed  before  Draco,  was  as  follows,     lheir  tocracy. 

appointments  to  office  were  based  on  the  qualifications   Arist  ib  3< 

of  birth  and  wealth.    Originally  the  offices  were  life-long 

and  afterward  decennial.    The  first  and  most  important 

magistrates  were  the  king,  polemarch,  and  archon.    The 

earliest  of  these  three  was  the  kingship,  for  it  existed  from 

the  beginning.     Secondly  was  instituted  in  addition  the 

polemarchy  because  of  the  fact  that  some  of  the  kings 

123 


124  Athens 

had  proved  incapable  in  war;  hence  they  had  sent  for  Ion 
on  an  occasion  of  especial  need.  The  last  was  the  arch- 
onship.  .  .  .  The  thesmothetae  were  for  the  first  time 
chosen  many  years  later — when  the  magistrates  had  al- 
ready come  to  beelected  annually— in  order  that  they  might 
record  the  customary  laws  and  keep  them  for  the  trial 
of  offenders.  Therefore  this  alone  of  the  offices  has  never 
been  longer  than  a  year  in  duration.  Thus  much  do  they 
precede  one  another  in  the  time  (of  their  institution).  .  .  . 
They  had  absolute  power  to  settle  cases  without  appeal, 
and  not  as  now  merely  to  hold  a  preliminary  trial.  These, 
then,  were  the  regulations  regarding  the  offices.  And  the 
council  of  the  Areopagus  had  the  function  of  watching 
over  the  laws;  but  in  fact  it  managed  the  most  numerous 
and  important  public  affairs  with  full  power  to  chastise 
and  fine  all  who  acted  disorderly.  Birth  and  wealth  were 
required  of  those  who  were  elected  archons;  and  from  them 
the  Areopagites  were  constituted.  Hence  the  office  of 
the  latter  has  alone  remained  lifelong  to  the  present  day. 

II.  The  Timocracy 

Constitution  Such  is  an  outline  of  the  original  constitution.  No  long 
of  Draco!™6  time  afterward  in  the  archonship  of  Aristaechmus,  Draco 
lb.  4.  drew  up  his  laws.    But  the  constitution  itself  [as  it  then 

existed]  had  the  following  character.  The  franchise  had 
already  been  granted  to  those  who  could  furnish  a  pan- 
oply. They  elected  the  nine  archons  and  the  treasurers 
from  such  as  possessed  an  estate  worth  not  less  than  ten 
minas  free  from  encumbrance,  and  the  other,  less  im- 
portant offices  from  those  who  had  the  franchise.  The 
generals  and  hipparchs  must  show  an  estate  free  from 
encumbrance,  worth  no  less  than  a  hundred  minas,  and 


Timocracy;  Solon  125 

must  be  the  fathers  of  children  above  ten  years  of  age,  There  can 

be  no   doubt 

born  of  a  lawful  wife.    It  was  necessary  for  these  persons,  that  such  a 

namely  the  prytanes,   generals  and  hipparchs,   to  give  ernment  in°V" 

security  for  the  year  to  the  time  of  their  audit,  furnishing  f^"^^ 

four  securities  of  the  same  census  class  as  the  generals  Solon,  though 

.  „  „  __,  some  of  these 

and  the  hipparchs.  There  was  to  be  a  Council  of  four  details  seem 
Hundred  and  One,  appointed  by  lot  from  those  who  had  £  bge  ™reong 
a  right  to  vote.    This  and  other  offices  were  filled  by  lot  property 

°  .  qualifications 

from  the  citizens  above  thirty  years  of  age,  and  it  was  not  0f  these 
permitted  to  hold  the  same  office  a  second  time  till  all  masistra  ' 
had  their  turn,  then  the  lot  was  drawn  anew  from  the  Greece,  45; 

Ancient 

beginning.  When  there  was  a  session  of  the  council  or  World,  126  f. 
assembly  if  any  councillor  was  absent,  he  was  fined  if  a 
pentacosiomedimnus  three  drachmas,  if  a  knight  two,  if 
a  zeugite  one.  The  council  of  the  Areopagus  was  guard- 
ian of  the  laws,  and  supervised  the  offices  to  see  that  they 
were  legally  administered.  It  was  permitted  to  anyone 
who  was  injured,  to  bring  an  impeachment  before  the 
Areopagites,  citing  the  law  in  violation  of  which  he  was 
suffering  harm.  However,  there  were  loans  on  the  secur- 
ity of  the  person,  as  has  been  said,  and  the  land  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  few. 

III.  Solon 

Such  being  the  organization  of  the  government,  while  Election  to 
the  many  were  in  slavery  to  the  few,  the  commons  rose  in   ShiP. 
revolt  against  the  nobles.    After  the  sedition  had  grown  Arist.  ib.  $. 
strong  and  the  two  parties  had  long  been  arrayed  against 
each  other,  they  in  common  elected  Solon  as  arbitrator  Greece,  50  if.; 

1  )h  tt'ilt 

and  archon,  and  intrusted  to  him  the  constitution.    The   World,  130  ff. 
occasion  was  his  composition  of  the  elegy  beginning  thus: — 
"I  perceive,  and  within  my  heart  lie  griefs,  as  I  see  the 
oldest  country  of  Iaonia  in  distress.    Never  is  it  the  will 


126 


Ath 


ens 


Oppression 
of  the  poor. 

Only  the  first 
two  lines  of 
this  poem 
are  found 
in  .\ri--t. 
Const.  Mli.; 
the  rest  is 
taken  from 
another 
source. 


of  Zeus  and  the  thought  of  the  blessed  immortal  gods  that 
our  city  perish;  for  in  such  wise  the  high-souled  guardian 
of  the  city,  Pallas  Athena,  daughter  of  a  mighty  sire 
spreads  over  it  her  hands.  The  nobles,  persuaded  by  their 
love  of  money,  desire  recklessly  to  destroy  the  great  city. 
And  as  to  the  people,  the  mind  of  their  magistrates  is 
dishonest — magistrates  who  are  destined  to  suffer  many 
ills  because  of  their  monstrous  violence.  For  they  know 
not  how  to  be  satisfied  or  to  enjoy  the  present  feast  in 
quiet.  .  .  .  They  grow  wealthy  in  obedience  to  unjust 
deeds.  .  .  .  They  spare  neither  sacred  nor  public  prop- 
erty and  they  rob  and  steal,  one  here  and  one  there.  They 
guard  not  the  revered  foundations  of  Justice,  who  though 
silent,  knows  what  is  going  on,  what  went  on  before,  and 
has  come  to  demand  full  settlement  in  time.  This  wound 
inevitable  hath  come  upon  all  the  city,  namely  evil  slavery 
into  which  the  state  hath  quickly  fallen,  and  which  stirs 
up  civil  strife  and  war, — war  that  destroys  our  lovely 
youth  in  numbers.  For  our  well-beloved  city  is  consumed 
by  the  evil-minded  in  their  meetings,  in  which  unjust 
plans  are  held  dear.  These  are  the  ills  prevailing  in  the 
commons;  but  many  of  the  poor  are  going  into  a  foreign 
land,  sold  and  bound  in  unseemly  chains  and  suffer  hate- 
ful woes  by  force  of  slavery.  Hall  doors  no  longer  will 
to  hold  the  evil,  it  leapeth  over  the  lofty  edge,  and  you  find 
it  everywhere,  even  if  you  hide  in  a  chamber  corner.  This 
my  soul  bids  me  teach  the  Athenians,  that  misrule  brings 
most  ills  to  a  city;  but  good  rule  makes  all  things  har- 
monious and  at  one.  Good  order  puts  bonds  upon  the 
wicked,  smooths  the  rough,  stays  satiety,  weakens  vio- 
lence, withers  flowers  that  grow  of  Ate  (reckless  guilt), 
straightens  crooked  judgments,  softens  acts  of  cruelty, 
ends  disputation,  ends  the  wrath  of  hateful  strife." 


Constitutional  Reforms 


127 


When  he  had  become  master  of  the  state,  Solon  freed 
the  commons  both  for  the  present  and  for  the  future  by 
forbidding  loans  on  the  security  of  the  person;  and  he 
enacted  laws  and  made  an  abolition  of  debts  both  private 
and  public.  .  .  . 

He  established  a  constitution  and  made  laws  besides, 
and  the  ordinances  of  Draco  they  ceased  using  with  the 
exception  of  those  concerning  homicide.  Engraving  the 
laws  on  tablets,  he  set  them  up  in  the  King's  Porch,  and 
all  swore  to  obey  them.  The  nine  archons,  taking  oath 
on  a  stone,  swore  that  they  would  dedicate  a  golden 
statue  in  case  they  transgressed  any  of  the  laws,  hence  to 
the  present  day  they  continue  to  take  this  oath. 

He  divided  [the  population]  into  four  census  classes, 
just  as  it  had  been  divided  before,  into  pentacosiomed- 
imni,  knights  (hippeis),  zeugitae,  and  thetes.  He  assigned 
the  offices  to  be  filled  from  the  pentacosiomedimni,  knights 
and  zeugitce,  namely  the  nine  archons,  the  treasurers, 
the  commissioners  of  contracts,  the  eleven,  and  the  cola- 
cretas,  distributing  them  among  the  several  classes  ac- 
cording to  their  property  ratings.  To  the  thetic  class  he 
granted  a  share  in  the  assembly  and  the  popular  courts 
only.  A  pentacosiomedimnus  was  one  who  produced  from 
his  own  estate  five  hundred  measures  wet  and  dry  to- 
gether, a  knight  three  hundred  measures,  but  as  some 
say,  one  who  could  support  a  horse;  and  they  adduce  as 
proof  the  name  of  the  class,  with  the  idea  that  it  was  de- 
rived from  this  circumstance,  and  they  cite  the  dedi- 
catory offerings  of  the  ancients,  for  there  stands  on  the 
Acropolis  a  statue  with  the  following  inscription: — 

"Anthemion,  son  of  Diphilus,  dedicated  this  statue 
to  the  gods  when  he  exchanged  the  thetic  for  the  knightly 


Abolition    of 
debts. 

Aristotle, 
Const.  Ath.  6. 


His  laws. 

lb.  7. 

Aristotle 
does  not  say 
that  all 
debts  were 
abolished; 
and  Solon's 
poems  seem 
to  indicate 
that  the 
abolition   ap- 
plied only  to 
securities    on 
land  and 
person. 

The  census 
classes. 


128 


Athens 


Method  of 
filling  the 
archonship. 

lb.  S. 


Here  Aristotle 
seems  to  be 
wrong;  it 
seems  certain 
that  the 
archons  wore 
elected  till 
sS7  B.C.;  see 
ch.  22. 


The    tribes, 
trittyes,   and 
naucraries. 


The    council 
of  the  Are- 
opagus. 


The  zeugita;  were  those  who  produced  two  hundred 
measures  of  both  kinds,  and  the  rest  were  thetes,  who  had 
no  right  to  any  magistracy.  Hence  even  now  when  the 
question  is  asked  of  one  who  is  to  be  taken  by  lot  for  any 
office,  what  census  class  he  belongs  to,  no  one  answers 
the  thetic. 

The  archonship  he  caused  to  be  filled  by  lot  from  nomi- 
nees whom  the  tribes  severally  selected.  Each  tribe  chose 
ten  nominees  for  the  archonships  and  lots  were  drawn 
from  them;  hence  even  now  remains  the  custom  for  the 
tribes  to  draw  severally  by  lot  ten  candidates,  from  whom 
the  archons  are  then  appointed  by  lot.  A  proof  that  he 
caused  them  to  be  taken  by  lot  from  the  census  classes 
is  the  law  which  they  continue  even  now  to  use  concerning 
the  treasurers;  it  prescribes  that  they  be  appointed  by 
lot  from  the  pentacosiomedimni.  Thus  Solon  legislated 
regarding  the  nine  archons,  whereas  in  the  original  form 
of  constitution  the  council  of  the  Areopagus  had  called 
up  men  and  of  its  own  judgment  had  assigned  them  ac- 
cording to  their  qualifications  to  the  several  offices  for 
the  year.  There  were  four  tribes  as  before  and  four  tribe- 
kings.  From  the  several  tribes  were  formed  three  trittyes, 
with  twelve  naucraries  to  each.  Over  the  naucraries 
were  established  as  a  magistracy,  the  naucrars,  having 
charge  of  the  current  receipts  and  expenditures.  In  the 
laws  of  Solon,  therefore,  which  they  no  longer  use,  it  is 
often  written  that  the  naucrars  shall  pay  into  and  expend 
from  the  naucraric  fund.  He  constituted  further  a  coun- 
cil of  four  hundred,  a  hundred  from  each  tribe;  and  he 
assigned  the  council  of  the  Areopagus  to  the  duty  of  pro- 
tecting the  laws,  just  as  formerly  it  was  guardian  of  the 
constitution.  In  fact  it  continued  to  supervise  in  addition 
the  most  numerous  and  most  important  administrative 


All  Factions  Dissatisfied  129 

matters,  while  it  corrected  wrong-doers  with  full  power 
to  fine  and  punish,  and  it  brought  up  the  fines  to  the 
Acropolis  without  the  obligation  of  stating  the  ground 
for  their  exaction.  Furthermore  it  tried  conspirators 
against  the  state  under  a  law  of  impeachment  which  Solon 
enacted  concerning  such  offenders.  Seeing  the  state  often 
disturbed  by  sedition  and  many  of  the  citizens  through 
sheer  inertness  allowing  such  affairs  to  take  their  own 
course,  he  enacted  with  reference  to  them  a  peculiar  law, 
that  whoever,  when  the  country  is  disturbed  by  sedition, 
shall  not  take  up  arms  with  either  faction,  shall  be  dis- 
franchised and  deprived  of  all  part  in  the  state.  .  .  . 

When  he  had  arranged  the  government  in  the  manner  Solon's  jour- 

1-1  •         ney  abroad, 

described,  many  people  kept  coming  to  him  and  annoying 

him  in  regard  to  the  laws,  finding  fault  with  some  points  lb.  n. 
and  asking  questions  concerning  others;  and  as  he  wished 
neither  to  disturb  these  arrangements  nor  to  remain  and 
incur  enmities,  he  went  on  a  journey  for  trade  and  sight- 
seeing to  Egypt,  saying  he  would  not  return  for  ten  years; 
for  he  thought  it  was  not  right  that  he  should  remain  and 
interpret  the  laws  but  that  everyone  should  obey  them  to 
the  letter.  It  was  at  the  same  time  his  misfortune  that 
many  of  the  nobles  were  at  variance  with  him  because 
of  the  abolition  of  debts  and  that  both  factions  had  shifted 
their  attitude  because  his  reform  had  turned  out  contrary 
to  their  expectation.  For  the  commons  supposed  he  would 
redistribute  everything,  whereas  the  nobles  hoped  he 
would  restore  to  them  the  same  constitution  or  make  but 
little  change  in  it.  He,  however,  opposed  both  parties, 
and  though  it  was  permitted  him  by  conspiring  with 
either  to  make  himself  tyrant,  he  preferred  to  incur  the 
emnity  of  both  parties  by  saving  his  country  and  legislat- 
ing for  the  best.  .  .  . 


130 


Athens 


Justification 
of  his  policy. 

lb.  12,  quot- 
i:i,M  poem  of 
Solon. 


Abolition  of 
mortg  i 
and  emanci- 
pation of 
debt-slaves. 


Usurpation 
of  Peisis- 
tratus, 
560  B.C. 

Arist.  Const. 
Ath.  14. 


"In  the  just  fulness  of  time  the  most  mighty  mother 
of  the  Olympian  gods  will  bear  me  witness,  even  black 
Earth,  most  excellent,  that  I  removed  the  mortgage  pil- 
lars which  stood  in  many  places, — she  was  formerly  in 
slavery  but  now  set  free.  To  Athens  our  country  divinely 
founded,  I  restored  many  men  who  had  been  sold,  some 
illegally,  others  under  the  law,  others  whom  hard  necessity 
forced  into  exile,  who  in  their  many  wanderings  had  for- 
got the  Attic  tongue.  Others  held  here  in  unseemly 
slavery  and  trembling  under  their  masters'  caprices  I 
set  free.  These  things  I  did  by  the  power  of  law,  uniting 
force  with  justice,  and  I  fulfilled  my  promise.  Ordinances, 
too,  alike  for  the  bad  and  the  good  I  enacted,  adapting 
straightforward  justice  to  every  case.  Had  another  than 
I,  some  evil-minded,  avaricious  man,  seized  the  goad, 
he  would  not  have  restrained  the  commons;  for  had  I 
willed  what  would  then  have  pleased  this  opposing  party, 
or  again  what  their  foes  devised  for  them,  this  state  would 
now  be  bereft  of  many  men.  Therefore  gathering  courage 
from  every  source,  I  stood  at  bay  like  a  wolf  amid  a  pack 
of  dogs."  .  .  . 

IV.  The  Tyranny 

Peisistratus  appeared  to  be  most  devoted  to  the  popular 
cause,  and  had  won  a  brilliant  reputation  in  the  war  with 
Megara.  Having  wounded  himself,  he  persuaded  the 
people,  on  the  supposition  that  his  injuries  were  inflicted 
by  political  enemies,  to  grant  him  a  guard  for  his  person. 
Taking  the  club-bearers,  as  they  were  called,  he  conspired 
with  them  against  the  state,  and  seized  the  Acropolis 
in  the  archonship  of  Corneas,  in  the  thirty-second  year 
after  (Solon's  legislation).  The  story  is  told  that  when 
Peisistratus  was  asking  for  a  guard,  Solon  opposed  him, 


Peisistratus  131 

saving  that  he  was  wiser  than  some  and  braver  than  Greece,  70  f.; 
others — wiser  than  those  who  failed  to  see  that  Peisis-   World,  135  f. 
tratus  was  aiming  at  the  tyranny,  and  braver  than  those 
who  knew  it  but  kept  silent.    As  he  accomplished  nothing 
with  words,  he  brought  out  his  armor  and  placed  it  before 
his  door,  saying  he  had  aided  his  country  to  the  best  of  his 
ability  (for  he  was  at  this  time  a  very  old  man)  and  asking 
the  rest  now  to  perform  this  service.    But  Solon  accom- 
plished nothing  by  his  exhortations  at  that  crisis.    Peisis- 
tratus,   however,    assuming    the    government,    managed 
affairs  constitutionally  rather  than  despotically.     Before 
his  supremacy  was  firmly  rooted,  the  party  of  Megacles,  His  first 
joining  in  friendship  with  that  of  Lycurgus,  expelled  him  turn. 
in  the  sixth  year  after  his  first  establishment,  in  the  archon- 
ship  of  Hegesias.     But  in   the  twelfth  year  afterward  There  is  great 
Megacles,  harassed   by   sedition,  again   made   overtures  I" The  dates y 
of  peace  to  Peisistratus  on  condition  that  the  latter  should  ^g^6 
take  the  daughter  of  the  former  in  marriage.     Megacles 
brought  him  back  in  an  exceedingly  old-fashioned  and 
simple  way.    Spreading  a  report  that  Athena  was  restor-  The  demes 
ing  Peisistratus,  he  found  a  tall,  handsome  woman — of   had  no 
the  Paeanian  deme  as  Herodotus  says,  whereas  others  °fCefm^f'tSy~ 

describe  her  as  a  Thracian  flower-girl,  named  Phye,  of  CleisthenLs 

....         ,    ,  j ,  (ch.  21),  but 

Collytus — and  dressing  her  up  m  imitation  of  the  goddess,   some  existed 

he  brought  her  in  along  with  Peisistratus,  the  latter  seated  fs  Sorb- 
in the  chariot  with  the  woman  at  his  side,  while  the  people  ized  villages. 
ot  the  city  on  their  knees  received  them  with  adoration. 

Thus  was  brought  about  the  first  restoration.    He  went  His  second 
again  into  exile  about  the  seventh  year  after  his  return;  return, 
for  he  did  not  maintain  himself  long,  but  because  he  was 
unwilling  to  treat  the  daughter  of  Megacles  as  his  wife,   Arist.  ib.  15. 
and  consequently  feared  a  combination  of  the  two  fac- 
tions, he  secretly  withdrew    from  the  country.     First  he 


132 


Athens 


The  people 
deprived  of 
their  arms. 


Constitu- 
tional gov- 
ernment. 


Arist.  Const. 
Alh.  16. 


colonized  a  place  called  Rha'celus  about  the  Thermaic 
Gulf;  then  he  crossed  over  to  the  neighborhood  of  Mount 
Pangaeus.  Making  money  in  that  locality  and  hiring 
soldiers,  he  came  to  Eretria  in  the  eleventh  year.  Then 
for  the  first  time  he  attempted  to  recover  his  supremacy 
by  force,  with  the  cooperation  of  the  Thebans,  of  Lygdamis 
of  Naxos,  and  of  the  knights  who  had  the  government 
at  Eretria.  Gaining  a  victory  at  Pallene  and  thus  re- 
covering his  authority,  he  deprived  the  people  of  their 
arms  and  firmly  established  his  despotism.  Then  taking 
possession  of  Naxos,  he  appointed  Lygdamis  governor. 
The  people  he  deprived  of  their  arms  in  the  following 
manner.  Holding  a  review  of  the  citizens  under  arms  at 
the  Theseum,  he  attempted  to  address  them,  but  spoke 
in  a  low  voice;  and  when  they  declared  they  could  not 
hear  him,  he  bade  them  come  up  near  the  gateway  of  the 
Acropolis  in  order  that  his  voice  might  sound  louder. 
While  he  was  passing  the  time  making  his  speech,  persons 
appointed  to  the  task  took  the  arms  and  locking  them 
in  a  building  near  the  Theseum,  came  and  made  a  sign  to 
Peisistratus.  He  finished  his  speech  and  then  told  them 
about  the  arms,  bidding  them  not  wonder  or  be  dejected 
but  go  and  attend  to  their  private  affairs,  as  he  would 
himself  manage  all  public  matters. 

Such  was  the  origin  of  the  tyranny  of  Peisistratus  and 
such  were  its  vicissitudes.  He,  as  has  been  said,  con- 
ducted the  government  moderately  and  more  in  the  char- 
acter of  a  statesman  than  of  a  tyrant.  In  general  he  was 
humane  and  unusually  mild  and  forgiving  to  wrong-doers, 
and  especially  he  lent  money  to  the  needy  for  use  in  their 
labors,  in  order  that  they  might  gain  a  livelihood  by  agri- 
culture. This  he  did  for  two  reasons,  that  they  might  not 
pass  their  time  in  the  city  but  be  scattered  throughout 


Rural  Policy;   Personal  Character     133 

the  country,  and  that,  being  moderately  well  off  and  oc- 
cupied with  their  private  concerns,  they  might  have  neither 
the  desire  nor  the  leisure  to  attend  to  public  affairs.  At 
the  same  time  the  cultivation  of  the  land  resulted  in  the 
increase  of  his  revenues,  for  he  collected  a  tenth  of  the 
produce.  For  this  reason,  too,  he  established  judges  to 
go  throughout  the  demes,  and  he  himself  often  journeyed 
into  the  country  to  inspect  it  and  to  settle  disputes.  While 
Peisistratus  was  on  one  of  these  expeditions,  it  is  said  that 
he  had  the  adventure  with  the  man  on  Hymettus  who 
was  cultivating  the  so-called  tax-free  farm.  Seeing  a  The"tax-> 
certain  man  digging  and  working  among  the  rocks  with  a 
stake,  he  bade  his  servant  ask  what  was  produced  in  the 
place.  The  other  replied,  "Only  aches  and  pains,  and  of 
these  aches  and  pains  Peisistratus  must  have  his  tenth." 
The  man  answered  without  knowing  him;  but  Peisistratus, 
pleased  with  his  candor  and  his  love  of  work,  made  him 
exempt  from  all  taxes. 

In  all  other  respects  he  absolutely  refrained  from  dis-  His  charac- 
turbing  the  masses  by  his  government,  and  he  always 
preserved  peace  and  maintained  quiet;  so  that  the  tyranny 
of  Peisistratus  was  often  spoken  of  proverbially  as  the  age 
of  Cronos  (golden  age) ;  for  afterward  when  his  sons  had 
succeeded  to  the  throne,  the  result  was  that  the  govern- 
ment became  much  harsher.  Most  praiseworthy  of  all 
his  qualities  was  his  popular  and  kindly  character;  for 
in  general  he  chose  to  manage  all  affairs  in  accordance 
with  the  laws,  giving  himself  no  advantage,  and  once 
when  cited  for  murder  before  the  council  of  the  Areopagus,  Ancient 

•  M  orld,  127, 

he  presented  himself  with  a  view  to  making  his  delence,  iv.  1.  c. 
but   the  accuser  failed   through  fear   to  come  forward. 
Hence  he  remained  in  power  for  a  long  time,  and  whenever 
he  was  banished,  he  easily  recovered  his  position;  for  many 


134 


Athens 


His  death; 
his  children. 


Arist.  Const. 

Alh.  17. 


Here  is  a  mis- 
conception of 
the  writer. 
It  was  law- 
ful for  an 
Athenian  to 
marry  a  for- 
eign woman 
till  451  B.C.; 
Greece,  178  f.; 
A  ncient 
World,  20O. 


of  the  nobles  and  commons  were  pleased  with  his  rule. 
The  former  he  attached  to  himself  by  his  associations  with 
them,  the  latter  by  aid  in  their  private  affairs.  Through- 
out these  times  the  laws  of  the  Athenians  concerning 
tyrants  were  mild,  and  particularly  the  one  referring  to 
the  establishment  of  tyranny.  The  law  runs  thus:  "These 
are  the  ancestral  usages  of  the  Athenians.  If  anyone 
attempts  to  make  himself  tyrant,  or  if  anyone  has  a  hand 
in  establishing  a  tyranny,  let  him  and  his  gens  be  dis- 
franchised." 

Peisistratus  accordingly  grew  old  in  office  and  died  of 
illness  in  the  archonship  of  Philoneos,  having  lived  thirty 
three  years  after  the  time  when  he  first  became  tyrant, 
but  having  actually  remained  in  power  nineteen  years; 
for  during  the  rest  of  the  time  he  was  in  exile.  Evidently 
therefore  they  speak  foolishly  who  assert  that  Peisistratus 
was  a  youthful  favorite  of  Solon  and  a  general  in  the  war 
with  Megara  for  the  possession  of  Salamis.  Their  ages 
do  not  agree,  if  one  reckons  the  length  of  their  respective 
lives  and  the  dates  of  their  deaths.  After  the  decease 
of  Peisistratus  his  sons  secured  the  power  and  conducted 
the  administration  in  the  same  way.  Of  his  lawful  wife 
he  had  two  sons,  Hippias  and  Hipparchus,  and  two  of  his 
Argive  wife,  Iophon  and  Hegesistratus,  surnamed  Thet- 
talus.  Peisistratus  had  married  from  Argos  the  daughter 
of  an  Argive  named  Gorgilus.  This  lady,  Timonassa, 
had  formerly  been  the  wife  of  the  Cypselid  Archinus  of 
Ambracia.  Thence  arose  his  alliance  with  the  Argives 
a  thousand  of  whom  fought  on  his  side  in  the  battle  of 
Pallene,  having  been  brought  by  Hegesistratus.  Some 
say  he  married  the  Argive  woman  after  his  first  banish- 
ment, others  while  he  was  in  possession  of  his  authority. 

Because  of  their  greater  reputation  and  age  Hipparchus 


Hippias  and  Hipparchus  135 

and  Hippias  were  rulers  of  the  state,  while  Hippias  the  Accession  of 

elder,  who  was  naturally  statesmanlike  and  intelligent, 

was  at  the  head  of  the  government.    Hipparchus,  however, 

was  youthful  and  amorous,  and  fond  of  literature.     He 

it  was  who  invited  to  Athens  Anacreon  and  Simonides 

and   the  rest  of  the  poets.     [But  Thettalus  was  much  This  sen- 

1  .  i      tt  tence  seems 

younger,  and  was  bold  and  insolent  in  manner.]    He  was  an  interpola- 
te source  of  all  their  misfortunes.     In  love  with  Har- 
modius  but  failing  to  win  his  affection,  he  could  not  re-  Greece,  71; 
strain  his  anger.     On  all  occasions  he  showed  himself  World,  136-8. 
bitter;  and  finally  when  the  sister  of  Harmodius  was  about 
to  act  as  basket-carrier  at  the  Panathensea,  he  forbade  it, 
at  the  same  time  accusing  Harmodius  of  being  effeminate. 

Hence  it  resulted  that  in  their  rage  Harmodius  and  The  conspir- 

acy. 
Aristogeiton  did  the  deed  with  the  help  of  many  others. 

At  the  Panathenaea  they  were  watching  Hippias  on  the 

Acropolis  (as  he  chanced  to  be  sacrificing  while  Hipparchus 

was  arranging   the  procession),   and   seeing  one  of  the 

participants  in  the  plot  talking  in  a  friendly  manner  with 

Hippias,  they  believed  he  was  informing  against  them. 

Wishing  accordingly  to  accomplish  something  before  their 

arrest,  they  descended,  and  beginning  action  before  the 

others,  they  killed  Hipparchus  while  he  was  arranging 

the  procession  near  the  Leocorium.     Thus  they  ruined 

the  whole  plot.     Harmodius  was  immediately  killed  by 

the  guards,  and  Aristogeiton,  arrested  afterward,  died  by 

prolonged   torture.     Under  constraint  he  accused  many 

who  belonged  by  birth  to  the  nobility  and  were  friends 

of  the  tyrants.    For  they  were  unable  forthwith  to  find  a 

clue  to  the  plot.  .  .  . 

He  accused  the  tyrants'  friends,  purposely  as  the  demo-  Accusations 

cratic  writers  say,  in  order  that  the  tyrants  might  commit 

impiety  and  at  the  same  time  be  weakened  by  the  dc- 


136 


Athe 


ns 


struction  of  innocent  persons  and  their  own  friends, 
though  as  some  say,  he  did  not  deceive  but  actually  in- 
formed against  his  accomplices.  Lastly  as  he  was  unable, 
whatever  he  did,  to  find  death,  he  proposed  to  denounce 
many  others,  and  after  persuading  Hippias  to  give  him 
his  right  hand  as  a  pledge,  he  grasped  it,  at  the  same  time 
reproaching  Hippias  with  having  offered  his  hand  to  the 
murderer  of  his  brother.  In  this  way  he  so  exasperated 
Hippias  that  the  latter  could  not  restrain  his  wrath  but 
drew  his  dagger  and  killed  him. 

From  these  events  it  resulted  that  the  tyranny  became 
far  harsher;  for  in  taking  vengeance  for  his  brother  and  in 
slaying  and  banishing  many  citizens,  Hippias  became 
distrustful  and  embittered  toward  all.  About  the  fourth 
year  after  the  death  of  Hipparchus,  as  his  affairs  in  the 
city  were  in  a  bad  condition,  he  undertook  the  fortification 
of  Munychia  with  the  idea  of  changing  his  residence  to 
that  place. 

While  engaged  in  this  work  he  was  expelled  by  Cle- 
omenes,  king  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  inasmuch  as  oracles 
were  continually  given  to  the  Laconians  to  the  effect  that 
they  should  abolish  the  tyranny.  The  reason  for  the 
oracles  is  as  follows.  The  exiles,  led  by  Alcmeonidae, 
were  unable  by  their  own  means  to  effect  their  return. 
In  all  their  other  undertakings  they  failed  and  particularly 
when  they  fortified  Leipsydrium  on  Mount  Parnes  within 
the  country  of  Attica.  Here,  joined  by  certain  men  from 
the  city,  they  were  besieged  by  the  tyrants,  wherefore 
after  their  disaster  people  used  to  sing  in  skolia: — 

"Alas,  Leipsydrium,  traitor  to  your  friends,  how  good  the  men  you 
slew,  how  brave  in  fight,  how  nobly  born!  They  showed  in  that  fray 
their  illustrious  parentage." 

Having  failed  in  everything  else,  they  contracted  to 


Fall  of  the  Tyranny 


137 


This  transaction  provided   The  Lace- 

da-'monians 


build  the  temple  at  Delphi 

them  well  with  the  means  of  gaining  the  aid  of  the  Laco- 
nians.  Whenever,  accordingly,  the  Lacedaemonians  con- 
sulted the  oracle,  the  Pythia  always  replied  that  they  must 
set  Athens  free,  till  she  succeeded  in  persuading  the 
Spartans  notwithstanding  that  they  were  guest-friends 
of  the  Peisistratidae.  There  was  added  a  no  small  cause 
of  the  undertaking  on  the  part  of  the  Laconians  in  the 
alliance  existing  between  the  Argives  and  the  Peisistra- 
tidae. In  the  first  place  they  despatched  Anchimolus  with 
an  army  by  sea.  He  was  beaten  and  slain  with  the  aid  of 
Cineas  the  Thessalian,  who  came  with  a  thousand  cavalry. 
Enraged  at  the  event,  they  sent  by  land  with  a  larger  force 
Cleomenes  the  king,  who  after  defeating  the  Thessalian 
horsemen  in  their  endeavor  to  prevent  his  invasion  of 
Attica,  drove  Hippias  into  the  so-called  Pelargic  wall,  and 
besieged  him  there  with  the  aid  of  the  Athenians.  This 
event  took  place  in  the  archonship  of  Harpactides,  after 
they  had  held  the  tyranny  about  seventeen  years  since 
the  death  of  their  father,  and  including  his  reign,  forty 
nine  years  in  all. 


war  against 
the  tyrant. 


V.     Cleisthenes  and  the  Democracy 

When  the  tyranny  had  alien,  a  sedition  arose  between 
Isagoras,  son  of  Teisander,  a  friend  of  the  tyrants,  and 
Cleisthenes  of  the  gens  of  the  Alcmeonidae.  Beaten  by 
means  of  the  clubs,  Cleisthenes  attached  the  commons 
to  himself  by  promising  the  franchise  to  the  masses.  Isa- 
goras, now  proving  inferior  in  strength,  called  to  his  aid 
Cleomenes,  his  guest-friend,  and  persuaded  him  to  expel 
the  pollution;  for  it  was  the  common  opinion  that  the 
Alcmeonidae  were  under  a  curse.    Thereupon  Cleisthenes 


Cleisthenes 
and  Isag- 
oras, 510- 
509  B.C. 

Arist. 
Const.  Ath. 

20' 

Because  they 

had  im- 
piously slain 
the  follow- 
ers of  Cylon; 
Greece,  46; 
A  ncient 
World,  128  f. 


138 


Athens 


with  a  few  persons  secretly  withdrew  from  the  country, 
while  Cleomenes  proceeded  to  expel  as  polluted  seven 
hundred  Athenian  families.  Having  accomplished  this 
object,  lie  attempted  to  dissolve  the  council  and  to  make 
Isadoras  and  three  hundred  of  his  partisans  masters  of  the 
state.  But  as  the  council  opposed  and  the  multitude 
gathered,  Cleomenes  and  Isagoras  with  their  party  took 
refuge  in  the  Acropolis.  The  commons  thereupon  en- 
camped and  besieged  them  two  days;  on  the  third  day 
they  permitted  Cleomenes  and  all  with  him  to  depart 
under  a  truce,  but  recalled  Cleisthenes  and  the  rest  of 
the  exiles.  Now  that  the  commons  had  become  masters 
of  the  state,  Cleisthenes  was  their  leader  and  champion: 
for  the  Alcmeonidae  were  perhaps  the  chief  cause  of  the 
tyrants'  expulsion  and  were  almost  always  at  sedition 
with  them.  .  .  . 

For  these  reasons  the  people  trusted  Cleisthenes.  On 
that  occasion,  as  he  was  leader  of  the  people  in  the  fourth 
year  after  the  overthrow  of  the  tyrants,  in  the  archonship 
of  Isagoras,  in  the  first  place  he  distributed  all  the  people 
among  ten  tribes  in  place  of  four,  with  the  object  of  inter- 
mixing them  in  order  that  more  might  have  a  share  in  the 
franchise.  Hence  arose  the  saying,  "Do  not  discriminate 
between  the  tribes"  with  reference  to  those  who  wished 
to  scrutinize  the  gentes.  Then  he  constituted  the  council 
of  five  hundred  in  place  of  four  hundred,  fifty  from  each 
tribe  instead  of  a  hundred  as  formerly.  The  reason  for 
his  not  distributing  the  people  among  twelve  tribes  was  his 
desire  to  avoid  the  division  into  the  existing  trittyes.  .  .  . 

The  country  he  divided  by  demes  into  thirty  parts, 
ten  about  the  city,  ten  in  the  paralia,  ten  in  the  midland; 
and  calling  these  parts  trittyes,  he  assigned  three  by  lot 
to  each  tribe  in  such  a  way  that  every  tribe  might  have 


Tribes  and  Demes  139 

a  trittys  in  each  of  the  three  local  sections.  The  inhabit- 
ants of  the  respective  demes  he  made  demesmen  of  one 
another  in  order  that  they  might  not  expose  the  new  citi- 
zens by  calling  them  after  the  names  of  their  fathers, 
but  that  they  might  be  named  after  their  demes.  Hence 
the  Athenians  continue  to  call  themselves  by  the  names 
of  their  demes.  He  instituted  demarchs  with  the  same  Naucraries; 
function  as  the  earlier  naucrars,  for  he  made  the  demes 
to  take  the  place  of  the  naucraries.  Some  of  the  demes 
he  named  after  localities,  others  after  their  founders;  for 
all  the  localities  did  not  preserve  the  names  of  their  found- 
ers. Their  gentes  and  phratries  and  priesthoods  he  per-  Gentes  and 
mitted  them  severally  to  keep  according  to  ancestral 
usage.  As  eponyms  of  the  tribes  he  appointed  the  ten 
whom  the  Pythia  had  selected  from  the  hundred  founders 
nominated  to  her. 

Through   these   changes   the   constitution   became  far  The  govem- 
nore  democratic  than  that  of  Solon.    The  fact  is  that  the  more  demo- 
\  yranny  had  abolished  some  of  the  laws  of  Solon  through  cratic- 
f  lilure  to  observe  them,  and  Cleisthenes  in  his  effort  to  lb.  22. 
win  the  populace  enacted  new  regulations,  among  which 
was  the  law  of  ostracism.     It  was  not  however  till  the 
fifth  year  after  his  legislation  that,  in  the  archonship  of 
Hermocreon,  they  drew  up  for  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred   The  Council 
the  oath  which  the  members  continue  even  now  to  swear.   Hundred. 
Then,  they  began  to  elect  the  generals  by  tribes,  one  from 
each  tribe,  whereas  the  commander  of  the  entire  army  was  The  gei> 
the  p^lemarch. 

STUDIES 

1.  What  was  the  condition  of  the  majority  of  Athenian  citizens 
before  So'ron?  How  did  tin-  change  from  monarchy  to  aristocracy 
affect  the  offices?  Whal  place  in  the  government  was  held  by  the 
Council  of  the  Areopagus? 


140  Athens 


2.  What  were  the  chief  features  of  the  timocracy?  Compare  it  in 
detail  with  the  preceding  aristocracy. 

3.  What  brought  Solon  into  prominence?  What  conditions  are 
described  by  his  poem?  How  do  his  poems  compare  as  sources  with 
Aristotle's  Constitution  of  the  Athenians?  Where  did  Aristotle  prob- 
ably get  his  knowledge  of  Solon?  What  debts  did  he  abolish?  How 
were  his  laws  to  be  preserved?  What  was  now  to  be  the  place  of  the 
Council  of  the  Areopagus?  What  features  of  Solon's  government 
were  new  and  what  were  continued  from  earlier  time?  Why  did 
Solon  go  abroad?     What  does  he  say  of  his  own  achievements? 

4.  How  did  Peisistratus  make  himself  tyrant?  Narrate  his  exiles 
and  returns.  How  did  he  finally  establish  his  power?  What  was  the 
character  of  his  rule?  From  the  story  of  the  tax-free  farm  what  do  we 
learn  as  to  the  condition  of  the  poorest  farmers?  Describe  the  char- 
acter of  Peisistratus.  Compare  the  rule  of  his  sons.  What  led  to  the 
overthrow  of  the  tyranny?  What  part  in  the  event  was  taken  by 
Cleisthenes? 

5.  What  were  the  aims  of  Cleisthenes  and  Isagoras?  Does  the 
former  seem  to  have  been  at  heart  a  democrat?  What  arrangement 
of  demes  and  tribes  did  he  make,  and  with  what  objects?  Compare 
his  form  of  government  with  that  established  by  Solon.  Which 
deserves  the  greater  credit  as  a  reformer? 


CHAPTER   XI  v 

THE   POETS   AND   THE   PHILOSOPHERS 


FROM  THE  SEVENTH  TO  THE  EARLY  FIFTH  CENTURY  B.C. 

I.  A  War-Song 

By  Callinus 

Sit  ye  in  quiet  how  long?    Stir  up  the  fierce  spirit  within  you; 
Have  ye  no  feeling  of  shame,  youths,  for  the  dwellers  around? 
Why  thus  remiss?    Do  ye  think  ye  are  sitting  in  blissful  contentment 
Peace  given,  while  dread  war  holds  all  our  dear  native  land? 
Now  in  the  moment  of  death  hurl  your  last  spear  at  the  foe! 
Honored  is  he  and  esteemed  who  fights  in  the  foremost  of  lancers, 
Guarding  his  country,  his  home,  guarding  his  dear  wedded  wife, 
Fighting  with  foes;  for  death  comes  but  once,  and  whenever  it  may  be. 
Fate  cuts  the  thread  of  our  life.    Each  must  go  quick  to  the  front, 
Grasping  his  spear  in  his  hand,  and  under  his  shield  his  untrembling 
Heart  pressing,  panting  for  fight,  mingling  in  deadliest  fray. 
Fate  hath  decreed  that  from  death  there  shall  be  by  no  prudence 

avoiding; 
Doomed  are  all  mortals  to  die,  saving  no  sons  of  the  gods. 
Often  the  din  of  the  battle,  the  hurtling  of  lances  escaping, 
Sees  man  the  terror  of  death  stalking  into  his  home. 
Weaklings  are  dear  to  no  state,  nor  in  death  by  the  people  lamented; 
Warriors  the  great  and  the  small  mourn  when  they  face  their  fair 

doom ; 
Longing  intense  fills  all  hearts  in  the  land  for  the  stout-minded  hero 
Dying  in  liberty's  cause;  living  they  hold  him  divine. 
Just  like  a  tower  of  defence  in  the  eyes  of  the  people  appearing, 
Works  he  the  deeds  of  a  host,  striving  alone  in  his  might. 

IT.   TYRT.EUS 

Noblk  it  is  to  fall  a  valiant  man  in  the  front  line  of  war- 
riors battling  for  the  fatherland,  hut   of  all  things  most 

141 


Callinus  of 
Ephesus 
wrote  this 
poem  to 
rouse  his 
country- 
men against 
the  barbarous 
Cimmerians, 
who  assailed 
them. 

The  metre  of 
the  transla- 
tion— elegiac 
pentameter — 
is  that  of 
the  original. 

The  poem 
breathes 
military  fire. 


142      The  Poets  and  the  Philosophers 

grievous  to  leave  one's  city  and  rich  farm  and  to  wandej 
begging  with  a  dear  mother,  an  aged  father,  little  children 
and  wedded  wife.  One  driven  about  by  need  and  hate- 
ful penury  will  seem  a  foe  to  all  among  whom  he  comes. 
Every  kind  of  dishonor  and  evil  will  pursue  him.  If  for 
such  a  wanderer  there  is  no  care  or  respect  or  heed  or  pity, 
then  let  us  fight  with  heart  for  this  our  country;  let  us  die 
for  children's  sake  with  no  stint  of  life.  Come,  youths, 
to  battle,  firm  standing  by  comrade's  side;  begin  not 
shameful  flight  and  panic.  Do  not  by  retreat  abandon 
the  old  whose  knees  no  more  are  supple;  indeed  it  is  a 
shameful  thing  for  an  elder  to  fall  in  battle  in  front  of 
youths — the  aged  man  with  white  head  and  hoary  beard, 
breathing  out  his  valiant  soul  in  the  very  dust,  covering 
bloody  wounds  with  his  own  hands, — his  person  stripped — 
a  sight  to  stir  up  pity  and  revenge.  But  to  the  young, 
all  this  is  fitting  while  yet  remains  the  brilliant  bloom  of 
lovely  youth,  admired  of  men,  adored  of  women  while 
he  lives;  and  when  he  has  fallen  in  the  front — still  beauti- 
ful. Then  with  firm  poise  with  both  feet  fixed  on  earth, 
teeth  biting  lip,  let  each  man  stand  his  ground! 

Ye  of  the  race  of  Heracles  unconquered,  be  brave; 
Zeus  turns  not  away  in  disfavor.  Fear  not  nor  dread  a 
mass  of  men;  let  each  bring  shield  quick  into  the  front 
rank,  holding  his  own  life  hateful  but  death's  black  fates 
dear  as  sunbeams.  For  well  ye  know  the  war-god's  actions 
all-annihilating,  that  cause  the  tears  to  flow;  well  have  ye 
learned  the  wrath  of  troublous  war.  Of  fleeing  and  pur- 
suing oft  have  ye  told,  young  men,  and  of  both  have  ye 
pushed  into  surfeit.  Now  let  those  who  dare,  side  by  side, 
advance  as  champions  into  closest  fray;  thus  fewer  die 
and  they  save  the  host  behind;  but  when  some  are  cowards, 
all  bravery  has  departed.    No  one  could  in  words  recount 


Tyrteus;  Alcsus 


i43 


the  ills  that  befall  a  man  who  suffers  cowardice.  Horrible 
it  is  to  cleave  the  back  of  a  fugitive  in  hostile  war,  pitiable 
a  body  lying  in  the  dust,  the  back  thrust  through  with 
spear-point.  With  firm  poise,  then,  with  both  feet  fixed 
on  earth,  teeth  biting  lip,  let  each  man  stand  his  ground, 
covering  with  broad  shield  his  hips  and  legs  beneath,  his 
shoulders,  breast  and  vitals.  With  right  hand  let  him 
wield  a  mighty  lance  and  toss  above  the  head  his  fearful 
crest.  Let  the  timid  learn  to  do  knightly  deeds,  and  stand 
not  off  with  shield  beyond  the  range  of  darts;  but  come  to 
close  fight  and  with  long  lance  or  sword-thrust  slay  his 
foeman.  Pressing  foot  on  foot,  shield  on  shield,  crest  on 
crest,  helmet  on  helmet,  grapple  your  man,  with  hand  on 
sword  hilt  or  long  spear.  And  ye  light  troops  here  and 
there,  beneath  your  shields  crouched,  pelt  them  with  heavy 
stones,  hurl  with  polished  darts,  but  keep  you  near  the 
phalanx. 


This  passage 
gives  inter- 
esting in- 
formation 
concerning 
equipments 
and  manner 
of  fighting. 


III.  Selections  from  Alcleus 


WINTER 

Zeus  hails.    The  streams  are  frozen.    In  the  sky 

A  mighty  storm  is  raging  high. 

And  now  the  forest  thick,  the  ocean  hoar, 

Grow  clamorous  with  the  Thacian  tempest's  roar. 

But  drive  away  the  storm,  and  make  the  fire 
Hotter  and  pile  the  logs  and  faggots  higher; 
Pour  out  the  tawny  wine  with  lavish  hand, 
And  bind  about  thy  head  a  fleecy  band. 


The  metre  of 
the  original 
is  Alcaic, 
named  after 
Alcasus;  that 
of  the  trans- 
lation is 
somewhat 
similar 

Greece,  go; 
Ancient 
World,  154. 


It  ill  befits  to  yield  the  heart  to  pain. 

What  profits-grief,  or  what  will  sorrow  gain? 
0  Bac«  Ims,  bring  us  wine,  deli<  ious  wine, 
And  sweet  intoxication,  balm  divine. 


144      The  Poets  and  the  Philosophers 


This  poem 
Alacus  wrote 
to  encourage 
his  comrades 
in  a  civil  war. 


THE   ARMORY 

The  spacious  hall  in  brazen  splendor  gleams, 

And  all  the  house  in  Ares'  honor  beams. 
The  helmets  glitter;  high  upon  the  wall 

The  nodding  plumes  of  snowy  horse's  hair, 
Man's  noblest  ornaments,  wave  over  all; 

And  brightly  gleaming  brazen  greaves  are  there, 
Each  hanging  safe  upon  its  hidden  nail, 
A  sure  defence  against  the  arrowy  hail. 

And  many  coats  of  mail,  and  doublets  stout, 

Breast-plates  of  new-spun  linen,  hollow  shields, 
Well-worn  and  brought  from  foe-abandoned  fields, 

And  broad  Chalcidian  swords  are  stacked  about. 

Bear  well  in  mind  these  tools  of  war,  they  make 
Easy  and  sure  the  work  we  undertake. 


A  newly  dis- 
covered frag- 
ment of 
Alcxus,  trans- 
lated by 
Edmonds, 
Classical 
Review,  xxiii. 
72-4. 

The  scene  is 
a  window 
opening  on  a 
harbor 
in  the  fore- 
noon of  a  hot 
summer  day. 
Alcaeus  urges 
his  friend 
to  come  out 
for  a  sail. 

The  friend 
is  too  lazy 
to  budge. 


ALC^EUS   PROPOSES   A   MORNING    SAIL 

Mix  no  more  into  the  great  bowl.  Why  toilest  so, 
when  I  tell  thee  that  never  will  I  have  thee  waste  the  day 
from  dawn  onward  in  drunkenness  and  song?  O  why  do  we 
forbear  to  use  the  sea,  suffering  the  winter-cool  freshness 
of  the  morn  to  pass  like  a  drunken  sleep?  If  we  would 
but  quickly  go  aboard,  and  take  the  rudder  in  our  grasp, 
and  loose  the  ship  from  her  moorings,  turning  the  sailyard 
to  front  the  breeze,  then  merrier  should  we  be  and  light 
of  heart,  and  'twould  be  as  good  work  as  a  right  long 
draught  of  wine.  But  thou,  linking  one  idle  hand  in  an- 
other over  thy  robe,  sayest,  As  for  me,  bring  myrrh 
for  my  head;  for  I  am  little  pleased  with  what  this  fellow 
putteth  into  song  of  his.  Never  think  thou  troublest  my 
soul,  thou  wild  clamorer,  thou  roarest  like  a  great  fire. 


Sappho 


145 


IV.  Selections  from  Sappho 


MNASIDICA,   A   SOMETIME   PUPIL   OF    SAPPHO 

Atthis,  our  beloved  Mnasidica  dwells  in  far-off  Sardis, 
but  she  often  sends  her  thoughts  hither,  recalling  how  once 
we  used  to  live  in  the  days  when  she  thought  thee  like  a 
glorious  goddess,  and  loved  thy  song  the  best.  Now  she 
shines  among  the  dames  of  Lydia,  as  after  sunset  the  stars 
that  are  about  her,  when  she  spreads  her  light  o'er  briny 
sea  and  eke  o'er  flowery  field,  while  the  good  dew  lies  on 
the  ground  and  the  roses  revive  and  the  dainty  anthrysc 
and  the  honey  lotus  with  all  its  blooms.  And  oftentimes 
when  our  beloved,  wandering  abroad,  calls  to  mind  her 
gentle  Atthis,  the  heart  devours  her  tender  breast  with  the 
pain  of  longing;  and  she  cries  aloud  for  us  to  come  thither; 
and  what  she  says  we  know  full  well,  thou  and  I,  for  Night, 
the  many-eared,  calls  it  to  us  across  the  dividing  sea. 


A  newly  dis- 
covered frag- 
ment of  Sap- 
pho, trans- 
lated by  Ed- 
monds,  Clas- 
sical Reviej.', 
xxiii.  99  ff. 
Sappho  ad- 
dresses 
Atthis,  a 
present  pupil, 
regarding 
Mnasidica, 
a  former 
pupil,  who 
has  married 
a  Lydian 
grandee. 

Telepathy. 


HYMN   TO   APHRODITE 


Glittering-throned,  immortal  Aphrodite, 
Wile-weaving  daughter  of  high  Zeus,  I  pray  thee, 
Tame  not  my  soul  with  heavy  woes;  dread  mistress, 
Nay,  nor  with  anguish. 

But  hither  come,  if  erst  in  the  days  departed 
Thou  didst  incline  and  listendst  to  my  crying, 
And  from  thy  father's  palace,  down  descending 
Cam'st  with  the  golden 

Chariot  yoked.    Thee  fair,  swift-flying  sparrows, 
Over  black  earth  multitudinously  fluttering, 
Pinion  on  pinion  through  middle  ether 
Down  from  heaven  hurried; 


Translated 
by  Symonds. 

The  stanza 
is  Sapphic, 
named  after 
Sappho; 
the  transla- 
tion   has   the 
metre  of  the 
original. 

Sappho; 
Greece,  90; 
Ancient 

World,  154. 


146      The  Poets  and  the  Philosophers 

Quickly  they  came  like  light;  and  thou,  blest  lady. 
Smiling  with  clear,  undying  eyes  didst  ask  me 
What  was  the  woe  thai  troubled  me  and  wherefore 
Now  I  had  (ailed  thee; 

Whal  I  fain  would  have  to  assuage  the  torment 
Of  my  frenzied  soul;  and  whom  now,  to  please  thee, 
Musi  persuasion  lure  to  thy  love,  and  who  now, 
Sappho,  hath  wronged  thee? 


Come  to  me  now,  too,  and  from  tyrannous  sorrow 
Free  me;  and  all  things  that  my  soul  desires  to 
Have  done,  do  for  me,  Queen,  and  let  thyself  now,  too, 
Be  my  great  ally! 

V.  Pindar 


Most  splen- 
did of  games 
are  the 
Olympic. 

Pindar, 
Olympian,  i. 

Greece,  91  f.; 
Ancient 

World,  154. 


Hieron  is 
tyrant  of 
Syracuse. 

Pherenicus 
("Victor") 

is  the  horse 
that  won; 
Pisa  is  here 
used  for 
Olympia;  the 
Alpheus  flows 
by  Olympia. 


HIERON  S  VICTORY  IN  THE  HORSE-RACE  AT  OLYMPIA 

Best  is  Water  of  all,  and  Gold  as  a  naming  fire  in  the 
night  shineth  eminent  amid  lordly  wealth;  but  if  of  prizes 
in  the  games  thou  art  fain,  0  my  soul,  to  tell,  then,  as  thou 
must  search  in  the  void  firmament  by  day  for  no  bright 
star  more  quickening  than  the  sun,  so  neither  shall  we 
find  any  games  greater  than  the  Olympic  whereof  to  utter 
our  voice;  for  hence  cometh  the  glorious  hymn  and  en- 
tereth  into  the  minds  of  the  skilled  in  song,  so  that  they 
celebrate  the  son  of  Cronos,  when  to  the  rich  and  happy 
hearth  of  Hieron  they  are  come;  for  he  wieldeth  the  sceptre 
of  justice  in  Sicily  of  many  flocks,  culling  the  choice  fruits 
of  all  lands  of  excellence;  and  with  the  flower  of  music 
is  he  made  splendid,  even  such  strains  as  we  sing  blithely 
at  the  table  of  a  friend. 

Take  from  the  peg  the  Dorian  lute,  if  in  any  wise  the 
glory  of  Pherenicus  at  Pisa  hath  swayed  thy  soul  unto 
glad  thoughts,  when  by  the  banks  of  Alpheus  he  ran, 


An  Olympic  Victory  147 

and  gave  his  body  ungoaded  in  the  course,  and  brought 

victory  to  his  master,  the  Syracusans'  king,  who  delighteth 

in  horses.  .  .  . 

Now  the  good  that  cometh  of  to-day  is  ever  sovereign  Hieron  a  fit 
.     .  TT.  •  ,  subject  for 

unto  every  man.     My  part  it  is  to  crown  Hieron  with  an   Song. 

equestrian  strain  in  /Eolian  mood;  and  sure  I  am  that  no 
host  among  men  that  are  now  shall  I  ever  glorify  in  sound- 
ing labyrinths  of  song  more  learned  in  the  learning  of 
honor  and  withal  with  more  might  to  work  thereto.     A 
god  hath  guard  over  thy  hopes,  O  Hieron,  and  taketh  care  The  hill  of 
for  them  with  a  peculiar  care;  and  if  he  fail  thee  not,  I   overlooks  the 
trust  that  I  shall  again  proclaim  in  song  a  sweeter  glory  |t  01^piai 
yet,  and  find  thereto  in  words  a  ready  way,  when  to  the 
fair-shining  hill  of  Cronos  I  am  come.     Her  strongest- 
winged  dart  my  Muse  hath  yet  in  store. 

Of  many  kinds  is  the  greatness  of  men;  but  the  highest   ^j^  ;P°em 
is  to  be  achieved  by  kings.    Look  not  thou  for  more  than   called  a  king, 
this.    May  it  be  thine  to  walk  loftily  all  thy  life,  and  mine 
to  be  the  friend  of  winners  in  the  games,  winning  honor 
for  my  art  among  Hellenes  everywhere. 


VI.  Thales 

He  asserted  that  water  was  the  principle  of  all  things,  The  first 

i  Greek 

and  that  the  world  had  life,  and  was  full  of  spirits:  they   scientist. 

say,  too,  that  he  was  the  original  definer  of  the  seasons  Diogenes 

•  Ldcrtius 

of  the  year,  and  that  it  was  he  who  divided  the  year  into   Thaks,'i 

three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days.    And  he  never  had 

any  teacher  except  during  the  time  that  he  was  in  Egypt, 

and  associated  with  the  priests.     Hieronymus  also  says  Greece,  94  f. 

that  he  measured  the  Pyramids;  watching  their  shadows,   World,  154  f- 

and  calculating  when  they  were  of  the  same  size  as  those 

were.   .  .  . 


148      The   Poets  and  the  Philosophers 

An  unpracti-       It  is  said  that  once  he  was  led  out  of  his  house  by  an 

pher.  old  woman  for  the  purpose  of  observing  the  stars,  and  he 

Diog.Laert.S.  fell  into  a  ditch  and  bewailed  himself,  on  which  the  old 

woman  said  to  him — "Do  you,  O  Thales,  who  can  not  see 

what  is  under  your  feet,  think  that  you  shall  understand 

what  is  in  heaven?".  .  . 

His  wise  And  the  following  are  quoted  as  sayings  of  his: — "God 

SAvintis. 

is  the  most  ancient  of  all  things,  for  he  has  no  birth:  the 
lb.  9.  world  is  the  most  beautiful  of  all  things,  for  it  is  the  work 

of  God:  place  is  the  greatest  of  things,  for  it  contains  all 
things :  intellect  is  the  swiftest  of  things,  for  it  runs  through 
all  things;  necessity  is  the  strongest  of  things,  for  it  rules 
everything:  time  is  the  wisest  of  things,  for  it  finds  out 
everything."  He  said  also  that  there  was  no  difference 
between  life  and  death.  "Why,  then,"  said  some  one  to 
him,  "do  you  not  die?"  "Because,"  said  he,  "it  makes  no 
difference."  A  man  asked  him  which  was  made  first, 
night  or  day,  and  he  replied,  "Night  was  made  first  by 
one  day."  Another  man  asked  him  whether  a  man  who 
did  wrong,  could  escape  the  notice  of  the  Gods.  "No, 
not  even  if  he  thinks  wrong,"  said  he.  .  .  .  When  he  was 
asked  what  was  very  difficult,  he  said,  "To  know  one's 
self."  And  what  was  easy,  "To  advise  another."  What 
was  most  pleasant?  "To  be  successful."  To  the  question, 
"What  is  the  divinity?"  he  replied,  "That  which  has 
neither  beginning  or  end."  When  asked  what  hard  thing 
he  had  seen,  he  said,  "An  old  man  a  tyrant."  When  the 
question  was  put  to  him  how  a  man  might  most  easily 
endure  misfortune,  he  said,  "If  he  saw  his  enemies  more  un- 
fortunate still!"  When  asked  how  men  might  live  most 
virtuously  and  most  justly,  he  said,  "If  we  never  do  our- 
selves what  we  blame  in  others."  To  the  question,  "Who 
is  happy,  he  made  answer,  "He  who  is  healthy  in  his 


Pythagoras 


149 


body,  easy  in  his  circumstances,  and  well-instructed  in 
mind." 

VII.     Pythagoras 

The  Pythagoreans  called  music  philosophy.  They 
maintained  that  the  world  subsisted  by  harmony,  and 
considered  every  kind  of  music  to  be  the  work  of  the  gods. 
It  is  thus  that  the  muses  are  regarded  as  deities,  and  Apollo 
has  the  name  of  President  of  the  Muses,  and  all  poetry 
is  divine,  being  conversant  about  the  praises  of  the  gods. 
Thus  also  they  ascribe  to  music  the  formation  of  manners, 
as  everything  which  refines  the  mind  approximates  to  the 
power  of  the  gods. 

And  as  he  was  a  young  man,  and  devoted  to  learning, 
he  quitted  his  country,  and  got  initiated  into  all  the 
Grecian  and  barbarian  sacred  mysteries.  Accordingly, 
he  went  to  Egypt,  on  which  occasion  Polycrates  gave  him 
a  letter  of  introduction  to  Amasis;  and  he  learned  the 
Egyptian  language,  as  Antiphon  tells  us,  in  his  treatise 
on  those  men  who  have  been  conspicuous  for  virtue,  and 
he  associated  with  the  Chaldaeans  and  with  the  Magi. 

Afterward  he  went  to  Crete,  and  in  company  with  Epi- 
menides,  he  descended  into  the  Idaean  cave,  and  in  Egypt 
he  entered  into  the  holiest  parts  of  their  temples,  and 
learned  all  the  most  sacred  mysteries  that  relate  to  their 
gods.  Then  he  returned  again  to  Samos;  and  finding  his 
country  reduced  under  the  absolute  dominion  of  Poly- 
crates, he  set  sail,  and  fled  to  Croton  in  Italy.  And  there, 
having  given  laws  to  the  Italians,  he  gained  a  very  high 
reputation,  together  with  his  scholars,  who  were  about 
three  hundred  in  number,  and  governed  the  republic  in  a 
most  excellent  manner;  so  that  the  constitution  was  very 
nearly  an  aristocracy. 


His  theory 
of  music. 

Strabo  x.  3. 
10. 

Greece,  95; 
Ancient 
World,  155. 


His  travels. 

Diogenes 
Laertius, 
Pythagoras, 
3- 

There  is  some 
doubt  as  to 
his  travelling 
so  exten- 
sively. 

Initiated  into 
the  Oriental 
mysteries. 

lb. 


He   founds 
school. 


150      The  Poets  and  the  Philosophers 


He  believes 
in  the  trans- 
migration of 
souls. 

76.4. 


He  recog- 
nizes an  old 
friend. 

Xenophanes, 
quoted  by 
Diog.  Laert. 
Pythag.  15. 


Heraclides  Pont k  us  says,  that  he  was  accustomed  to 
speak  of  himself  in  this  manner:  that  he  had  formerly 
been  iEthalides,  and  had  been  accounted  the  son  of 
Hermes;  and  that  Hermes  had  desired  him  to  select  any 
gift  he  pleased  except  immortality.  He  accordingly  re- 
quested that,  whether  living  or  dead,  he  might  preserve 
the  memory  of  what  had  happened  to  him.  While,  there- 
fore, he  was  alive  he  recollected  everything;  and  when  he 
was  dead,  he  retained  the  same  memory.  And  at  a  sub- 
sequent period  he  passed  into  Euphorbus,  and  was  wounded 
by  Menelaus.  And  while  he  was  Euphorbus,  he  used  to 
say  that  he  had  formerly  been  /Ethalides;  and  that  he 
had  received  as  a  gift  from  Hermes  the  perpetual  trans- 
migration of  his  soul,  so  that  it  was  constantly  transmi- 
grating and  passing  into  whatever  plants  or  animals  it 
pleased;  and  he  had  also  received  the  gift  of  knowing  and 
recollecting  all  that  his  soul  had  suffered  in  the  lower 
world,  and  what  sufferings  too  are  endured  by  the  rest  of 
the  souls.  .  .  . 

They  say  that  once,  as  passing  by  he  saw 

A  dog  severely  beaten,  he  did  pity  him, 

And  spoke  as  follows  to  the  man  who  beat  him: — 

"Stop  now,  and  beat  him  not;  since  in  his  body, 

Abides  the  soul  of  a  dear  friend  of  mine, 

Whose  voice  I  recognized  as  he  was  crying." 


STUDIES 

1.  What  reasons  does  Callinus  give  for  bravery  in  battle?  What 
is  his  idea  of  the  working  of  fate? 

2.  Should  the  Spartans  fail  in  war,  what  according  to  Tyrtaeus 
would  be  their  fate?  From  this  passage  describe  the  offensive  and 
defensive  arms  of  the  Spartans.  Describe  their  military  formation 
and  manner  of  fighting. 

2.  Mention  some  of  the  subjects  on  which  Alcaeus  wrote.     How 


Studies  151 

did  he  like  to  pass  a  winter  evening?    What  weapons  filled  the  ar- 
mory?   Did  the  Greeks  enjoy  the  same  things  as  we  do? 

4.  What  idea  do  we  get  of  the  relation  between  Sappho  and  her 
pupils?  between  her  country  and  Lydia?  What  does  Sappho  ask  of 
Aphrodite?  What  impression  do  you  get  of  her  poetry  from  these  two 
selections? 

5.  Write  in  your  own  words  the  meaning  of  this  selection  from 
Pindar.  How  does  he  describe  Hieron?  What  did  he  think  of  his 
own  poetry? 

6.  What  scientific  discoveries  are  attributed  to  Thales?  What 
do  the  anecdotes  aim  to  teach?  W'hat  light  do  his  wise  sayings 
throw  on  his  character? 

7.  What  importance  did  Pythagoras  attach  to  music?  Why 
should  we  not  accept  everything  Diogenes  tells  us  as  to  the  travels  of 
this  philosopher?  What  account  did  he  give  of  his  soul  before  it  had 
entered  his  body? 


CHAPTER  XV 


THE  IONIC   REVOLT 


Aristagoras 
determines 
to  revolt, 
49g  B.C. 

Herodotus  v. 
36. 

On   Aristago- 
ras and  I  list i- 
ffius;  Greece, 
no  £.;  An- 
cient World, 
160. 

Hecataeus 
was  a  geogra- 
pher and 
writer  of 
Genealogies, 
chiefly  mythi- 
cal. 


Aristagoras," 
in  combina- 
tion with  the 
Persians,  had 
just  failed 
in  an  attempt 
to  conquer 
Naxos; 
Ancient 
World,  160. 


I.  The  Beginning 

He  (Aristagoras)  took  counsel  therefore  with  his  parti- 
sans, declaring  to  them  both  his  own  opinion  and  the 
message  from  Histiseus;  and  while  all  the  rest  expressed 
an  opinion  to  the  same  effect,  urging  him  namely  to  make 
revolt,  Hecataeus,  the  writer  of  genealogies,  urged  first 
that  they  should  not  undertake  war  with  the  king  of  the 
Persians,  describing  all  the  nations  over  whom  Darius 
was  ruler,  and  his  power;  and  when  he  did  not  succeed 
in  persuading  him,  he  counselled  next  that  they  should 
manage  to  make  themselves  masters  of  the  sea.  Now 
this,  he  continued,  could  not  come  to  pass  in  any  other 
way,  so  far  as  he  could  see,  for  he  knew  that  the  force  of 
the  Milesians  was  weak;  but  if  the  treasures  should  be 
taken  which  were  in  the  temple  at  Branchidae,  which 
Croesus  the  Lydian  dedicated  as  offerings,  he  had  great 
hopes  that  they  might  become  masters  of  the  sea;  and  by 
this  means  they  would  not  only  themselves  have  wealth 
at  their  disposal,  but  the  enemy  would  not  be  able  to  carry 
the  property  off  as  plunder.  Now  these  treasures  were  of 
great  value,  as  I  have  shown  in  the  first  part  of  the  history. 
This  opinion  did  not  prevail;  but  nevertheless  it  was  re- 
solved that  they  should  revolt,  and  that  one  of  them  should 
sail  to  Myus,  to  the  force  which  had  returned  from  Naxos 
and  was  then  there,  and  endeavor  to  seize  the  commanders 
who  sailed  in  the  ships. 

152 


Overthrow  of  the  Tyrants  153 

So  Iatragoras  was  sent  for  this  purpose  and  seized  by  Beginning  of 
°  .     the  revolt, 

craft  Oliatus  the  son  of  Ibanollis  of  Mylasa,  and  Histi- 

aeus  the  son  of  Tymnes  of  Termera,  and  Coes  the  son  of 
Erxander,  to  whom  Darius  had  given  Mytilene  as  a  gift,  Ancient*1' 
and  Aristagoras  the  son  of  Heracleides  of  Cyme,  and  many  World,  160-4. 
others;  and  then  Aristagoras  openly  made  revolt  and  de- 
vised all  that  he  could  to  the  hurt  of  Darius.  And  first 
he  pretended  to  resign  the  despotic  power  and  give  to 
Miletus  equality,  in  order  that  the  Milesians  might  be 
willing  to  revolt  with  him;  then  afterward  he  proceeded 
to  do  this  same  thing  in  the  rest  of  Ionia  too;  and  some 
of  the  despots  he  drove  out,  but  those  whom  he  had  taken 
from  the  ships  which  had  sailed  with  him  to  Naxos,  these 
he  surrendered,  because  he  desired  to  do  a  pleasure  to 
their  cities,  delivering  them  over  severally  to  that  city  from 
which  each  one  came. 

Now  the  men  of  Mytilene,  as  soon  as  they  received  Fall  of  the 
Coes  into  their  hands,  brought  him  out  and  stoned  him  tyrants, 
to  death;  but  the  men  of  Cyme  let  their  tyrant  go,  and  so 
also  most  of  the  others  let  theirs  go.  Thus  then  the  ty- 
rants were  deposed  in  the  various  cities;  and  Aristagoras 
the  Milesian,  after  having  deposed  them,  bade  each  people 
appoint  commanders  in  their  several  cities,  and  then  him- 
self set  forth  as  an  envoy  to  Lacedaemon;  for  in  truth  it 
was  necessary  that  he  should  find  out  some  powerful 
alliance.  .  .  . 

II.  The  Attempt  to  Win  Allies 

However,  Aristagoras,  the  tyrant  of  Miletus,  arrived  Aristagoras 
at  Sparta  while  Cleomenes  was  reigning;  and  accordingly   winter  of' 
with  him  he  came  to  speech,  having,  as  the  Lacedaemo-   H<dt~4v84o. 
nians  say,  a  tablet  of  bronze,  on  which  was  engraved  a 
map  of  the  whole  Earth,  with  all  the  sea  and  all  the  rivers. 


154  The  Ionic  Revolt 

And  when  he  came  to  speech  with  Cleomenes  he  said  to 
him  as  follows: 

"Marvel  not,  Cleomenes,  at  my  earnestness  in  coming 
hither,  for  the  case  is  this.  That  the  sons  of  the  Ionians 
should  be  slaves  instead  of  free  is  a  reproach  and  a  grief 
most  of  all  indeed  to  ourselves,  but  of  all  others  most  to 
you,  inasmuch  as  ye  are  the  leaders  of  Hellas.  Now  there- 
fore I  entreat  you  by  the  gods  of  Hellas  to  rescue  from 
slavery  the  Ionians,  who  are  your  own  kinsmen.  And 
ye  may  easily  achieve  this,  for  the  barbarians  are  not 
valiant  in  fight;  whereas  ye  have  attained  to  the  highest 
point  of  valor  in  wrar;  and  their  fighting  is  of  this  fashion, 
namely  with  bows  and  arrows  and  a  short  spear,  and  they 
go  into  battle  wearing  trousers  and  with  caps  on  their 
heads.  Thus  they  are  easily  conquered.  Then  again  they 
who  occupy  that  continent  have  good  things  in  such 
quantity  as  not  all  the  other  nations  of  the  world  together 
possess;  first  gold,  then  silver  and  bronze  and  embroidered 
garments  and  beasts  of  burden  and  slaves;  all  of  which 
ye  might  have  for  yourselves,  if  ye  so  desired.  And  the 
nations,  moreover,  dwell  in  such  order  one  after  the  other 
as  I  shall  declare: — the  Ionians  here;  and  next  to  them  the 
Lydians  who  not  only  dwell  in  a  fertile  land,  but  are  also 
exceedingly  rich  in  gold  and  silver," — and  as  he  said  this 
he  pointed  to  the  map  of  the  Earth,  which  he  carried  with 
him  engraved  upon  the  tablet, — "and  here  next  to  the 
Lydians,"  continued  Aristagoras,  "are  the  Eastern  Phryg- 
ians, who  have  the  greatest  number  of  sheep  and  cattle 
of  all  people  that  I  know,  and  also  the  most  abundant 
crops.  Next  to  the  Phrygians  are  the  Cappadocians, 
whom  we  call  Syrians;  and  bordering  upon  them  are  the 
Cilicians,  coming  down  to  this  sea,  in  which  lies  the  island 
of  Cyprus  here;  and  these  pay  five  hundred  talents  to 


On  the  Road  to  Susa  155 

the  king  for  their  yearly  tribute.  Next  to  these  Cilicians 
are  the  Armenians,  whom  thou  mayest  see  here,  and  these 
also  have  great  numbers  of  sheep  and  cattle.  Next  to 
the  Armenians  are  the  Matienians  occupying  this  country 
here;  and  next  to  them  is  the  land  of  Cissia  here,  in  which 
land  by  the  banks  of  the  river  Choaspes  is  situated  that 
city  of  Susa  where  the  great  king  has  his  residence,  and 
where  the  money  is  laid  up  in  treasuries.  After  ye  have 
taken  this  city  ye  may  then  with  good  courage  enter  into 
a  contest  with  Zeus  in  the  matter  of  wealth.  Nay,  but 
can  it  be  that  ye  feel  yourselves  bound  to  take  upon  you 
the  risk  of  battles  against  Messenians  and  Arcadians  and 
Argives,  who  are  equally  matched  against  you,  for  the 
sake  of  land  which  is  not  much  in  extent  nor  very  fertile, 
and  for  confines  which  are  but  small,  though  these  peoples 
have  neither  gold  nor  silver  at  all,  for  the  sake  of  which 
desire  incites  one  to  fight,  and  to  die, — can  this  be,  I  say, 
and  will  ye  choose  some  other  way  now,  when  it  is  possible 
for  you  easily  to  have  the  rule  over  all  Asia?  "  Aristagoras 
spoke  thus,  and  Cleomenes  answered  him  saying:  "Guest- 
friend  from  Miletus,  I  defer  my  answer  to  thee  till  the 
day  after  tomorrow.'' 

Thus  far  then  they  advanced  at  that  time;  and  when  To°  distant 

J  anundertak- 

the  appointed  day  arrived  for  the  answer,  and  they  had  ing  for  the 
come  to  the  place  agreed  upon,  Cleomenes  asked  Arista-     p 
goras  how  many  days'  journey  it  was  from  the  sea  of  the      '  5°' 
Ionians  to  the  residence  of  the  king.     Now  Aristagoras, 
who  in  other  respects  acted  cleverly  and  imposed  upon  him 
well,  in  this  point  made  a  mistake;  for  whereas  he  ought 
not  to  have  told  him  the  truth,  at  least  if  he  desired  to 
bring  the  Spartans  out  to  Asia,  he  said  in  fact  that  it  was  a 
journey  up  from  the  sea  of  three  months;  and  the  other 
cutting  short  the  rest  of  the  account  which  Aristagoras 


156 


The  Ionic  Revolt 


The  princess 
Gorgo  lays 
down  the 
moral  law. 

lb.  si. 


Spartan 
women; 
Greece,  58, 
5g;  Ancient 
World,  114, 
115.    The 
story  of 
Gorgo  is 
interesting 
in  view  of  the 
respect  paid 
to  women  at 


Sparta. 


Aristagoras 
at  Athens, 
400-498  B.C. 

Hdt.  v.  97. 


had  begun  to  give  of  the  way,  said,  ''Guest-friend  from 
Miletus,  get  thee  away  from  Sparta  before  the  sun  has 
set;  for  thou  speakest  a  word  which  sounds  not  well  in  the 
ears  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  desiring  to  take  them  a  journey 
of  three  months  away  from  the  sea." 

Cleomenes  accordingly  having  so  said  went  away  to 
his  house;  but  Aristagoras  took  the  suppliant's  branch 
and  went  to  the  house  of  Cleomenes;  and  having  entered 
in  as  a  suppliant,  he  bade  Cleomenes  send  away  the  child 
and  listen  to  him:  for  the  daughter  of  Cleomenes  was 
standing  by  him,  whose  name  was  Gorgo,  and  this  it 
chanced  was  his  only  child,  being  of  the  age  now  of  eight 
or  nine  years.  Cleomenes  however  bade  him  say  that 
which  he  desired  to  say,  and  not  to  stop  on  account  of  the 
child.  Then  Aristagoras  proceeded  to  promise  him  money, 
beginning  with  ten  talents,  if  he  would  accomplish  for 
him  that  for  which  he  was  asking;  and  when  Cleomenes 
refused,  Aristagoras  went  on  increasing  the  sums  of  money 
offered,  until  at  last  he  had  promised  fifty  talents,  and  at 
that  moment  the  child  cried  out,  "Father  the  stranger  will 
do  thee  hurt,  if  thou  do  not  leave  him  and  go."  Cleomenes 
then,  pleased  by  the  counsel  of  the  child,,  departed  into 
another  room,  and  Aristagoras  went  away  from  Sparta 
altogether,  and  had  no  opportunity  of  explaining  any 
further  about  the  way  up  from  the  sea  to  the  residence  of 
the  king.  .  .  . 

While  they  (the  Athenians)  had  these  thoughts  and  had 
been  set  at  enmity  with  the  Persians,  at  this  very  time 
Aristagoras  the  Milesian,  ordered  away  from  Sparta  by 
Cleomenes  the  Lacedaemonian,  arrived  at  Athens;  for 
this  was  the  city  which  had  most  power  of  all  the  rest 
besides  Sparta.  And  Aristagoras  came  forward  before 
the  assembly  of  the  people  and  said  the  same  things  as 


Aristagoras  at  Athens  157 

he  had  said  at  Sparta  about  the  wealth  which  there  was  in 
Asia,  and  about  the  Persian  manner  of  making  war,  how 
they  used  neither  shield  nor  spear  and  were  easy  to  over- 
come.   Thus  I  say  he  said,  and  also  he  added  this,  namely  ^d?f0   . 

J  '  World,  81  1. 

that  the  Milesians  were  colonists  from  the  Athenians, 

and  that  it  was  reasonable  that  the  Athenians  should 

rescue  them,  since  they  had  such  great  power;  and  there 

was  nothing  which  he  did  not  promise,  being  very  urgent 

in  his  request,  until  at  last  he  persuaded  them;  for  it 

would  seem  that  it  is  easier  to  deceive  many  than  one, 

seeing  that,  though  he  did  not  prove  able  to  deceive  Cleo- 

menes   the  Lacedaemonian  by  himself,  yet  he  did   this 

to  thirty  thousand  Athenians.     The  Athenians,  then,  I 

say,  being  persuaded,  voted  a  resolution  to  despatch  twenty 

ships  to  help  the  Ionians,  and  appointed  to  command  them 

Melanthius,  one  of  their  citizens  who  was  in  all  things 

highly  reputed.    These  ships  proved  to  be  the  beginning 

of  evils  for  the  Hellenes  and  the  barbarians.  .  .  . 

Aristagoras  meanwhile,  when  the  Athenians  had  ar-  The  Greeks 

•  -ii  1        c         march 

rived  with  twenty  ships,  bringing  with  them  also  nve  against 

triremes  of  the  Eretrians,  who  joined  the  expedition  not  4"gSc. 
for  the  sake  of  the  Athenians  but  of  the  Milesians  them- 
selves, to  repay  them  a  debt  which  they  owed;  for  the  Hdt.  v.  99. 
Milesians  in  former  times  had  borne  with  the  Eretrians 
the  burden  of  all  that  war  which  they  had  with  the  Chal- 
cidians,  at  the  time  when  the  Chalcidians  on  their  side  were 
helped  by  the  Samians  against  the  Eretrians  and  Milesians. 
When  these,  I  say,  had  arrived  and  the  other  allies  were 
on  the  spot,  Aristagoras  proceeded  to  make  a  march  upon 
Sardls.  On  this  march  he  did  not  go  himself,  but  remained 
at  Miletus,  and  appointed  others  to  be  in  command  of 
the  Milesians,  namely  his  brother  Charopinus  and  of  the 
other  citizens  one  Hermophantus. 


158 


The  Ionic  Revolt 


The  capture 
of  Sardis. 

lb.  ioo. 


The  burning 
of  Sardis. 

lb.  101. 

Greece,  113  f.; 
Ancient 
World,  161  f. 


With  this  force  then  the  Ionians  came  to  Ephesus;  and 
leaving  their  ships  at  Coresus  in  the  land  of  Ephesus,  they 
went  up  themselves  in  a  large  body,  taking  Ephesians 
to  guide  them  in  their  march.  So  they  marched  along  by 
the  river  Cayster,  and  then  when  they  arrived  after  cross- 
ing the  range  of  Tmolus,  they  took  Sardis  without  any 
resistance,  all  except  the  citadel;  but  the  citadel  Ar- 
taphernes  himself  saved  from  capture,  having  with  him  a 
considerable  force  of  men. 

From  plundering  the  city  after  they  had  taken  it  they 
were  prevented  by  this: — the  houses  in  Sardis  were  mostly 
built  of  reeds,  and  even  those  of  them  which  were  of  brick 
had  their  roofs  thatched  with  reeds;  of  these  houses  one 
was  set  on  fire  by  a  soldier,  and  forthwith  the  fire  going 
on  from  house  to  house,  began  to  spread  over  the  whole 
town.  So  then  as  the  town  was  on  fire,  the  Lydians  and 
all  the  Persians  who  were  in  the  city  being  cut  off  from 
escape,  since  the  fire  was  prevailing  in  the  extremities 
round  about  them,  and  not  having  any  way  out  of  the 
town,  flowed  together  to  the  market-place  and  to  the 
river  Pactolus,  which  brings  down  gold-dust  for  them  from 
Tmolus,  flowing  through  the  middle  of  their  market-place, 
and  then  runs  out  into  the  river  Hermus,  and  this  into  the 
sea.  To  this  Pactolus,  I  say,  and  to  the  market-place  the 
Lydians  and  the  Persians  gathered  themselves  together,  and 
were  compelled  to  defend  themselves.  The  Ionians,  then, 
seeing  some  of  the  enemy  standing  on  their  defence  and 
others  in  great  numbers  coming  on  to  the  attack,  were 
struck  with  fear  and  retired  to  the  mountain  called 
Tmolus,  and  afterward  at  nightfall  departed  to  go  to 
their  ships. 


Last  Years  of  the  Revolt  159 


III.  The  Siege  and  Destruction  of  Miletus 

The  Persians,  then,  being  conquerors  of  the  Ionians  JJjletus  be~ 
in  the  sea-fight,  besieged  Miletus  by  land  and  sea,  under-  Herodo'tus  vi 
mining  the  walls  and  bringing  against  it  all  manner  of   18. 
engines;  and  they  took  it  completely  in  the  sixth  year  from  ™^^J 
the  revolt  of  Aristagoras,  and  reduced  the  people  to  slav-   fought  off 
ery;  so  that  the  disaster  agreed  with  the  oracle  which  had   wJm,  162T 
been  uttered  with  reference  to  Miletus.  Greece'  "4- 

For  when  the  Argives  were  inquiring  at  Delphi  about  An  oracle, 
the  safety  of  their  city,  there  was  given  to  them  an  oracle  Hdt.  vi.  19. 
which  applied  to  both,  that  is  to  say,  part  of  it  had  refer- 
ence to  the  Argives  themselves,  while  that  which  was 
added  afterward  referred  to  the  Milesians.  The  part  of  it 
which  had  reference  to  the  Argives  I  will  record  when  I 
reach  that  place  in  the  history,  but  that  which  the  Oracle 
uttered  with  reference  to  the  Milesians  who  were  not 
there  present,  is  as  follows: 

"And  at  that  time,  0  Miletus,  of  evil  deeds  the  contriver, 
Thou  shalt  be  made  for  many  a  glorious  gift  and  a  banquet; 
Then  shall  thy  wives  be  compelled  to  wash  the  feet  of  the  long- 
haired, 
And  in  Didyma  then  my  shrine  shall  be  tended  by  others." 

At  the  time  of  which  I  speak,  these  things  came  upon  the 
Milesians,  since  most  of  the  men  were  killed  by  the  Per- 
sians, who  are  long-haired,  and  the  women  and  children 
were  dealt  with  as  slaves;  and  the  temple  at  Didyma,  with 
the  sacred  building  and  the  sanctuary  of  the  Oracle,  was 
first  plundered  and  then  burnt.  Of  the  things  in  this 
temple  I  have  made  mention  frequently  in  other  parts  of 
the  history. 

After  this  the  Milesians  who  had  been  taken  prisoner 


i6o 


The  Ionic  Revolt 


were  conducted  to  Susa;  and  king  Darius  did  to  them 
no  other  evil,  but  settled  them  upon  the  sea  called  Eryth- 
raean, in  the  city  of  Ampe,  by  which  the  Tigris  flows  when 
it  runs  out  into  the  sea.  Of  the  Milesian  land  the  Persians 
themselves  kept  the  surroundings  of  the  city  and  the  plain, 
but  the  heights  they  gave  to  the  Carians  of  Pedasa  for  a 
possession. 

When  the  Milesians  suffered  this  treatment  from  the 
Persians,  the  men  of  Sybaris,  who  were  dwelling  in  Laos 
and  Scidros,  being  deprived  of  their  own  city,  did  not  re- 
pay like  with  like;  for  when  Sybaris  was  taken  by  the  men 
of  Croton,  the  Milesians  all  from  youth  upwards  shaved 
their  heads  and  put  on  great  mourning;  for  these  cities 
were  more  than  all  others  of  which  we  know  bound  to- 
gether by  ties  of  friendship.  Not  like  the  Sybarites 
were  the  Athenians;  for  these  made  it  clear  that  they  were 
grieved  at  the  capture  of  Miletus,  both  in  many  other 
ways  and  also  by  this,  that  when  Phrynichus  had  com- 
posed a  drama  called  the  " Capture  of  Miletus"  and  had 
put  it  on  the  stage,  the  body  of  spectators  fell  to  weeping, 
and  the  Athenians  moreover  fined  the  poet  a  thousand 
drachmas  on  the  ground  that  he  had  reminded  them  of 
their  own  calamities;  and  they  ordered  also  that  no  one 
in  future  should  represent  this  drama. 


STUDIES 

i.  What  motive  had  Aristagoras  to  revolt  (cf.  Greece,  in;  Ancient 
World,  1 60)?  What  was  the  advice  of  Hecataeus?  Why  were  the 
tyrants  now  deposed? 

2.  Why  did  Aristagoras  go  to  Sparta  for  aid?  By  what  arguments 
did  he  try  to  persuade  Cleomenes?  What  had  he  to  say  of  the  Per- 
sians? Why  did  he  give  the  king  a  lesson  in  geography?  Why  were 
the  Lacedaemonians  unwilling  to  attempt  the  conquest  of  Asia? 
What  part  had  Gorgo  in  the  negotiations,  and  what  idea  do  we  get 


Studies  161 

from  it  of  the  Spartan  girl?  Why  were  the  Athenians  more  easily 
persuaded?  What  does  Herodotus  think  of  the  war?  Describe  the 
houses  of  Sardis. 

3.  How  did  the  Persians  punish  Miletus  for  revolt?  What  is  the 
meaning  of  the  oracle?  Are  we  certain  that  it  was  given  before  the 
event?  How  did  the  fall  of  Miletus  affect  the  Athenians?  WTiere 
did  Herodotus  probably  get  his  information  as  to  these  events,  and 
how  trustworthy  is  it? 


CHAPTER  XVI 


THE  WAR  BETWEEN   GREECE  AND  PERSIA 


Darius  plans 
to  subdue 
Hellas. 

Herodotus  vi. 
94- 

After  the 
destruction 
of  Sardis 
Darius  had 
ordered  a 
servant  to  ad- 
monish him 
daily  to  "re- 
member the 
Athenians." 

Mardonius 
had  failed 
in  an  ex- 
pedition 
against 
Greece; 
Greece,  1 1 8  f . ; 
A  ncient 
World,  1 66  f. 

Athens 
sends  to 
Sparta  for 
aid. 

Hdt.  vi.  105. 

The  Persians 
had  already 
taken  Ere- 
tria;  Ancient 
World,  167. 


I.  The  Invasion  of  Datis  and  Artaphernes 

So  the  Athenians  were  at  war  with  the  Eginetans;  and 
meanwhile  the  Persian  was  carrying  forward  his  design, 
since  he  was  put  in  mind  ever  by  his  servant  to  remember 
the  Athenians,  and  also  because  the  sons  of  Peisistratus 
were  near  at  hand  and  brought  charges  continually  against 
the  Athenians,  while  at  the  same  time  Darius  himself 
wished  to  take  hold  of  this  pretext  and  subdue  those  na- 
tions of  Hellas  which  had  not  given  him  earth  and  water. 
Mardonius  then,  since  he  had  fared  miserably  in  his  ex- 
pedition, he  removed  from  his  command;  and  appointing 
other  generals  to  command,  he  despatched  them  against 
Eretria  and  Athens,  namely  Datis,  who  was  a  Mede  by 
race,  and  Artaphernes  the  son  of  Artaphernes,  a  nephew 
of  the  king;  and  he  sent  them  forth  with  the  charge  to 
reduce  Athens  and  Eretria  to  slavery  and  to  bring  back 
the  slaves  into  his  presence.  .  .  . 

First  of  all,  while  they  were  still  in  the  city  the  generals 
sent  off  to  Sparta  a  herald,  namely  Pheidippides  an  Athe- 
nian, a  runner  of  long  day-courses  and  one  who  practised 
this  as  his  profession.  With  this  man,  as  Pheidippides 
himself  said  and  as  he  made  report  to  the  Athenians, 
Pan  chanced  to  meet  by  Mount  Parthenion,  which  is 
above  Tegea;  and  calling  aloud  the  name  of  Pheidippides, 
Pan  bade  him  report  to  the  Athenians  and  ask  for  what 
reason  they  had  no   care  of  him,   though  he  was  well 

162 


Athens  Prepares  for  Battle  163 

disposed  to  the  Athenians  and  had  been  serviceable  to 
them  on  many  occasions  before  that  time,  and  would  be  so 
also  yet  again.  Believing  that  this  tale  was  true,  the  Athe- 
nians, when  their  affairs  had  now  been  prosperously  settled,  In  a  cave  on 
established  under  the  Acropolis  a  temple  of  Pan,  and  in  declivity, 
consequence  of  this  message  they  propitiate  him  with 
sacrifice  offered  every  year  and  with  a  torch-race. 

However  at  that  time,  the  time  namely  when  he  said  Pheidip- 
that  Pan  appeared  to  him,  this  Pheidippides  having  been  peais  to  the 
sent  by  the  generals  was  in  Sparta  on  the  next  day  after  nf^*1110" 
that  on  which  he  left  the  city  of  the  Athenians;  and  when 
he  had  come  to  the  magistrates  he  said:  " Lacedaemonians,    Hdt.  vi.  106. 
the  Athenians  make  request  of  you  to  come  to  their  help 
and  not  to  allow  a  city  most  anciently  established  among   On  Mara- 
the  Hellenes  to  fall  into  slavery  by  means  of  barbarians;    I20_'2;  An-  ' 
for  even  now  Eretria  has  been  enslaved  and  Hellas  has  ^tYQ°M' 
become  the  weaker  by  a  city  of  renown."    He,  as  I  say, 
reported  to  them  that  with  which  he  had  been  charged 
and  it  pleased  them  well  to  come  to  help  the  Athenians; 
but  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  do  so  at  once,  since  they 
did  not  desire  to  break  their  law;  for  it  was  the  ninth  day 
of  the  month  and  on  the  ninth  day  they  said  they  would 
not  go  forth,  nor  until  the  circle  of  the  moon  should  be  full. 

Now  the  opinions  of  the  generals  of  the  Athenians  were  The   Athen- 
divided,  and  the  one  party  urged  that  they  should  not  deliberate, 
fight  a  battle,  seeing  that  they  were  few  to  fight  with  the   Hdt  vi  JOQ 
army  of  the  Medes,  while  the  others,  and  among  them 
Miltiades,  advised  that  they  should  do  so;  and  when  they 
were  divided  and  the  worse  opinion  was  like  to  prevail,   At  this  time 
then,  since  he  who  had  been  appointed  by  lot  to  be  pole-   march  was 
march  of  the  Athenians  had  a  vote  in  addition  to  the  ten   appointed°by 
(for  in  old  times  the  Athenians  gave  the  polemarch  an    lot;  p.  I28 
equal  vote  with  the  generals)  and  at  that  time  the  pole- 


164   The  War  Between  Greece  and  Persia 


The  gen- 
erals resolve 
to  fight. 

Hdt.  vi.  no. 


march  was  Callimachus  of  the  deme  of  Aphidnae,  to  him 
came  Miltiades  and  said  as  follows:  "With  thee  now  it 
rests,  Callimachus,  either  to  bring  Athens  into  slavery,  or 
by  making  her  free  to  leave  behind  thee  for  all  the  time 
that  men  shall  live  a  memorial  such  as  not  even  Har- 
modius  and  Aristogeiton  have  left.  For  now  the  Atheni- 
ans have  come  to  a  danger  the  greatest  to  which  they  have 
ever  come  since  they  were  a  people;  and  on  the  one  hand, 
if  they  submit  to  the  Medes,  it  is  determined  what  they 
shall  suffer,  being  delivered  over  to  Hippias,  while  on  the 
other  hand,  if  this  city  shall  gain  the  victory  it  may  become 
the  first  of  the  cities  of  Hellas.  How  this  may  happen  and 
how  it  comes  to  thee  of  all  men  to  have  the  decision  of 
these  matters,  I  am  now  about  to  tell.  Of  us  the  generals, 
who  are  ten  in  number,  the  opinions  are  divided,  the  one 
party  urging  that  we  fight  a  battle  and  the  others  that  we 
do  not  fight.  Now  if  we  do  not,  I  expect  that  some  great 
spirit  of  discord  will  fall  upon  the  minds  of  the  Athenians 
and  so  shake  them  that  they  shall  go  over  to  the  Medes; 
but  if  we  fight  a  battle  before  any  unsoundness  appear 
in  any  part  of  the  Athenian  people,  then  we  are  able  to 
gain  the  victory  in  the  fight,  if  the  gods  grant  equal  con- 
ditions. These  things  then  all  belong  to  thee,  and  depend 
upon  thee;  for  if  thou  attach  thyself  to  my  opinion,  thou 
hast  both  a  fatherland  which  is  free  and  a  native  city 
which  shall  be  the  first  among  the  cities  of  Hellas;  but  if 
thou  choose  the  opinion  of  those  who  are  earnest  against 
fighting,  thou  shalt  have  the  opposite  of  those  good  things 
of  which  I  have  told  thee." 

Thus  speaking  Miltiades  gained  Callimachus  to  his 
side;  and  the  opinion  of  the  polemarch  being  added,  it  was 
thus  determined  to  fight  a  battle.  After  this,  those  gen- 
erals whose  opinion  was  in  favor  of  fighting,  as  the  turn 


The  Battle  of  Marathon  165 

of  each  one  of  them  to  command  for  the  day  came  round, 

gave  over  their  command  to  Miltiades;  and  he,  accepting 

it,  would  not  yet  however  bring  about  a  battle,  until  his 

own  turn  to  command  had  come. 

And  when  it  came  round  to  him,  then  the  Athenians  The  order  of 

battle 
were  drawn  up  for  battle  in  the  order  which  here  follows : — 

On  the  right  wing  the  polemarch  Callimachus  was  leader  ' II1- 
(for  the  custom  of  the  Athenians  was  this,  that  the  pole- 
march  should  have  the  right  wing);  and  he  leading,  next 
after  him  came  the  tribes  in  order  as  they  were  numbered 
one  after  the  other,  and  last  were  drawn  up  the  Plataeans 
occupying  the  left  wing;  for  ever  since  this  battle,  when  the 
Athenians  offer  sacrifices  in  the  solemn  assemblies  which 
are  made  at  the  four-yearly  festivals,  the  herald  of  the 
Athenians  prays  thus,  "that  blessings  may  come  to  the 
Athenians  and  to  the  Plataeans  both."  On  this  occasion 
however,  when  the  Athenians  were  being  drawn  up  at 
Marathon,  something  of  this  kind  was  done: — their  army 
being  made  equal  in  length  of  front  to  that  of  the  Medes, 
came  to  be  drawn  up  in  the  middle  with  a  depth  of  but 
a  few  ranks,  and  here  their  army  was  weakest,  while  each 
wing  was  strengthened  with  numbers. 

And  when  they  had  been  arranged  in  their  places  and  The  charge, 
the  sacrifices  proved  favorable,  then  the  Athenians  were  ib.  112. 
let  go,  and  they  set  forth  at  a  run  to  attack  the  barbarians. 
Now  the  space  between  the  armies  was  not  less  than  eight 
furlongs;  and  the  Persians  seeing  them  advancing  to  the 
attack  at  a  run,  made  preparations  to  receive  them;  and 
in  their  minds  they  charged  the  Athenians  with  madness 
which  must  be  fatal,  seeing  that  they  were  few  and  yet 
were  pressing  forward  at  a  run,  having  neither  cavalry 
nor  archers.  Such  was  the  thought  of  the  barbarians; 
but  the  Athenians,  when  all  in  a  body  they  had  joined 


166   The  War  Between  Greece  and  Persia 


The  Persian 
route. 

lb.  113. 


The  slain. 
lb.  114. 


Cynegeirus 
was  a 
brother  of 
iEschylus, 
the  great 
dramatic 
poet. 

Attempt  to 

surprise 

Athens. 

lb.  115. 


in  combat  with  the  barbarians,  fought  in  a  memorable 
fashion;  for  they  were  the  first  of  all  the  Hellenes  about 
whom  we  know  who  went  to  attack  the  enemy  at  a  run, 
and  they  were  the  first  also  who  endured  to  face  the 
Median  garments  and  the  men  who  wore  them,  whereas 
up  to  this  time  the  very  name  of  the  Medes  was  to  the 
Hellenes  a  terror  to  hear. 

Now  while  they  fought  in  Marathon,  much  time  passed 
by;  and  in  the  centre  of  the  army,  where  the  Persians 
themselves  and  the  Sacans  were  drawn  up,  the  barbarians 
were  winning, — here,  I  say,  the  barbarians  had  broken 
up  the  ranks  of  their  opponents  and  were  pursuing  them 
inland,  but  on  both  wings  the  Athenians  and  the  Plataeans 
severally  were  winning  the  victory;  and  being  victorious 
they  left  that  part  of  the  barbarians  which  had  been  routed 
to  fly  without  molestation;  and  bringing  together  the  two 
wings  they  fought  with  those  who  had  broken  their  centre, 
and  the  Athenians  were  victorious.  So  they  followed  after 
the  Persians  as  they  fled,  slaughtering  them,  until  they 
came  to  the  sea;  and  then  they  called  for  fire  and  began 
to  take  hold  of  the  ships. 

In  this  part  of  the  work  wras  slain  the  polemarch  Cal- 
limachus  after  having  proved  himself  a  good  man,  and 
also  one  of  the  generals,  Stesilaus  the  son  of  Thrasylaus, 
was  killed;  and  besides  this  Cynegeirus  the  son  of  Eupho- 
rion,  while  taking  hold  there  of  the  ornament  at  the  stern 
of  a  ship,  had  his  hand  cut  off  with  an  axe  and  fell;  and 
many  others  also  of  the  Athenians  who  were  men  of  note 
were  killed. 

Seven  of  the  ships  the  Athenians  got  possession  of  in 
this  manner,  but  with  the  rest  the  barbarians  pushed  off 
from  land,  and  after  taking  the  captives  from  Eretria 
off  the  island  where  they  had  left  them,  they  sailed  around 


The  Athenians  Win 


167 


Sunion,  purposing  to  arrive  at  the  city  before  the  Athe- 
nians. An  accusation  became  current  among  the  Athenians 
to  the  effect  that  they  formed  this  design  by  contrivance 
of  the  Alcmeonida? ;  for  these,  it  was  said,  having  concerted 
matters  with  the  Persians,  displayed  to  them  a  shield  when 
they  had  now  embarked  in  their  ships. 

These  then,  I  say,  were  sailing  round  Sunion;  and  mean- 
while the  Athenians  came  to  the  rescue  back  to  the  city 
as  speedily  as  they  could,  and  they  arrived  there  before 
the  barbarians  came;  and  having  arrived  from  the  temple 
of  Heracles  at  Marathon  they  encamped  at  another 
temple  of  Heracles,  namely  that  which  is  in  Cynosarges. 
The  barbarians  however  came  and  lay  with  their  ships 
in  the  sea  which  is  off  Phaleron,  (for  this  was  then  the  sea- 
port of  the  Athenians);  they  anchored  their  ships,  I  say, 
off  this  place,  and  then  proceeded  to  sail  back  to  Asia. 

In  this  fight  at  Marathon  there  were  slain  of  the  bar- 
barians about  six  thousand  four  hundred  men,  and  of  the 
Athenians  a  hundred  and  ninety  and  two.  Such  was  the 
number  which  fell  on  both  sides.  .  .  . 


The  shield  is 
said   to  have 
been    hoisted 
on    the  sum- 
mit of  Mount 
Pentelicus, 
which  over- 
looks the 
battlefield. 

The  attempt 
is  checked. 

lb.  116. 


Losses  in 
men. 

lb.  117. 


II.  Greek  Preparations  for  Another  Invasion 

When  those  Hellenes  who  had  the  better  mind  about 
Hellas  came  together  to  one  place,  and  considered  their 
affairs  and  interchanged  assurances  with  one  another, 
then  deliberating  together  they  thought  it  well  first  of  all 
things  to  reconcile  the  enmities  and  bring  to  an  end  the 
wars  which  they  had  with  one  another.  Now  there  were 
wars  engaged  between  others  also,  and  especially  between 
the  Athenians  and  the  Eginetans.  After  this,  being  in- 
formed that  Xerxes  was  with  his  army  at  Sardis,  they 
determined  to  send  spies  to  Asia  to  make  observation  of 


A  session  of 
the  Hellenic 
council, 
winter  of 
481-480  B.C. 

Herodotus 
vii.  145. 
Ancient 
World,  172  f. 
On  the  coun- 
cil (congress) 
of  the  Pelo 
ponnesian 
League, 
sec  A  >n  tent 
World,  121. 


i68   The  War  Between  Greece  and  Persia 


Greece,  137  f.; 

Ancient 
World,  179. 


Greek   spies 
at  Sardis. 

Hdt.  vii.  146. 


Xerxes  is 
confident  of 
his  own 
superiority. 

lb.  147. 


the  power  of  the  king;  and  moreover  they  resolved  to  send 
envoys  to  Argos  to  form  an  alliance  against  the  Persian, 
and  to  send  others  to  Sicily  to  Gelon  the  son  of  Deino- 
menes  and  also  to  Corcyra,  to  urge  them  to  come  to  the 
assistance  of  Hellas,  and  others  again  to  Crete;  for  they 
made  it  their  aim  that  if  possible  the  Hellenic  race  might 
unite  in  one,  and  that  they  might  join  all  together  and 
act  toward  the  same  end,  since  dangers  were  threatening 
all  the  Hellenes  equally.  Now  the  power  of  Gelon  was 
said  to  be  great,  far  greater  than  any  other  Hellenic 
power. 

When  they  had  thus  resolved,  they  reconciled  their 
enmities  and  then  sent  first  three  men  as  spies  to  Asia. 
These  having  come  to  Sardis  and  having  got  knowledge 
about  the  king's  army,  were  discovered,  and  after  having 
been  examined  by  the  generals  of  the  army  were  being 
led  off  to  die.  For  these  men,  I  say,  death  had  been  de- 
termined; but  Xerxes,  being  informed  of  this,  found  fault 
with  the  decision  of  the  generals  and  sent  some  of  the 
spearmen  of  his  guard,  enjoining  them,  if  they  should  find 
the  spies  yet  alive,  to  bring  them  to  his  presence.  So 
having  found  them  yet  surviving,  they  brought  them  into 
the  presence  of  the  king;  and  thereupon  Xerxes,  being 
told  for  what  purpose  they  had  come,  commanded  the 
spearmen  to  lead  them  round  and  to  show  them  the  whole 
army  both  foot  and  horse,  and  when  they  should  have 
had  their  fill  of  looking  at  these  things,  to  let  them  go  un- 
hurt to  whatsoever  land  they  desired. 

Such  was  the  command  which  he  gave,  adding  at  the 
same  time  this  saying,  namely  that  if  the  spies  had  been 
put  to  death,  the  Hellenes  would  not  have  been  informed 
beforehand  of  his  power,  how  far  beyond  description  it 
was;  while  on  the  other  hand  by  putting  to  death  three 


The  Confidence  of  Xerxes 


169 


men  they  would  not  very  greatly  have  damaged  the  enemy; 
but  when  these  returned  back  to  Hellas,  he  thought  it 
likely  that  the  Hellenes,  hearing  of  his  power,  would  de- 
liver up  their  freedom  to  him  themselves,  before  the  ex- 
pedition took  place  which  was  being  set  in  motion;  and 
thus  there  would  be  no  need  for  them  to  have  the  labor 
of  marching  an  army  against  them.  This  opinion  of  his 
is  like  his  manner  of  thinking  at  other  times;  for  when 
Xerxes  wTas  in  Abydos,  he  saw  vessels  which  carried  corn 
from  the  Pontus  sailing  out  through  the  Hellespont  on 
their  way  to  Egina  and  the  Peloponnese.  Those  then  who 
sat  by  his  side,  being  informed  that  the  ships  belonged 
to  the  enemy,  were  prepared  to  capture  them,  and  were 
looking  to  the  king  to  see  when  he  would  give  the  word; 
but  Xerxes  asked  about  them  whither  the  men  were  sail- 
ing, and  they  replied:  "Master,  to  thy  foes,  conveying  to 
them  corn":  he  then  made  answer  and  said,  "Are  we  not 
also  sailing  to  the  same  place  as  these  men,  furnished  with 
corn  as  well  as  with  other  things  necessary?  How  then 
do  these  wrong  us,  since  they  are  conveying  provisions 
for  our  use?" 


III.    The  Battle  of  Salamis 

From  Susa,  from  Ecbatana  they  went, 

From  the  ancient  Cissian  fortress  were  they  sent- 

Seamen,  riders  upon  horses, 

Steady-tramping  footman-forces 

Close-marshalled  in  the  battle-armament. 


Marshalling 
the  Persian 
host. 

/Eschylus, 
Persians. 


Amistres,  Artaphernes,  led  them  on: 
Megabates  and  Astaspcs  forth  are  gone, 
Persian  kings  and  princes  royal, 
And  the  Great  King's  vassals  loyal, 

Chiefs  that  weld  his  thousand  armies  into  one. 


Com- 
manders. 


iyo   The  War  Between  Greece  and  Persia 


Archers  and 
oarsmen. 


Lydians. 


All  Asia. 


Bridging  the 
Hellespont. 


The  king. 


There  are  bow-triumphant  archers,  there  are  riders  of  the  steed, 
Men  terrible  to  look  on,  men  dread  in  battle-deed 

In  the  grim  determination  of  a  spirit  hot  for  war.  .  .  . 
There   be   they   that   mighty   Nile   sent   forth,   the   nation-nursing 

flood—  .  .  . 
The  marshmen  they  that  row  the  rafts  that  skim  the  river-slime, 
Men  cunning  in  the  oarsman's  craft,  a  multitude  untold. 

And  the  dainty-living  Lydians  followed  with  their  battle-throng, 
They  which  people  all  the  mainland;  and  Mitrogathcs  the  strong 
And  Arcteus  led  them  onward,  each  a  satrap  and  a  king. 
There  were  gold-abounding  Sardians,  and  their  chariot-riders  pressed 
Swiftly  on,  with  chariot-horses  yoked  by  two,  by  three  abreast — 
A  sight  of  terror  to  the  eyes  that  marked  their  marshalling. 

Came  the  borderers  on  Tmolus  the  hallowed,  all  aglow 
Around  the  neck  of  Hellas  the  bondage-yoke  to  throw: 
There  were  Tharubis  and  Mardon,  stubborn  anvils  of  the  spear; 
There  were  Mysian  javelin-hurlers:  gold-abounding  Babylon 
Sent  forth  a  mingled  multitude  in  long  lines  sweeping  on, 
Riders  on  the  sea-steeds,  trusty  archers  void  of  fear. 

And  the  people  of  all  Asia,  wielders  of  the  scimitar, 
Have  followed  the  dread  summons  of  the  Great  King  to  the  war. 
Oh,  the  flower  of  all  the  Persian  realm  hath  vanished  from  our  gaze: 
And  all  the  land  of  Asia  which  hath  fostered  them  doth  sigh; 
With  the  passion  of  the  yearning  of  bereavement  doth  she  cry; 
And  the  wives  and  mothers  shudder  as  they  count  the  weary  days. 

For  the  army  of  the  king,  for  the  city-wasting  host 

Long  since  hath  passed  the  channel  of  the  fronting  neighbor-coast; 

For  they  linked  the  rafts  together  with  the  cables  cunningly, 

So  that  Hellas'  strait  was  spanned, 

Land  was  riveted  to  land, 

And  man  had  cast  a  yoke  upon  the  wild  neck  of  the  sea! 

And  myriad-peopled  Asia's  King,  a  battle-eager  lord, 

From  utmost  east  to  utmost  west  sped  on  his  countless  horde 

In  unnumbered  squadrons  marching,  in  fleets  of  keels  untold, 

Knowing  none  dared  disobey, 

For  stern  overseers  were  they 
Of  the  godlike  king  begotten  of  the  ancient  Race  of  Gold. 


Archers  against  Spearmen  171 

And  flashing  from  his  eyes  the  deadly  dragon's  steel-blue  glance 

On  Assyrian  battle-car, 

With  unnumbered  men  of  war 

He  hurls  the  war-god  of  the  bow  on  the  heroes  of  the  lance. 

Heroes? — none  is  so  heroic  as  to  stem  that  warrior-flood! 

Not  their  strongest  dams  shall  bide 

Such  resistless  ocean-tide: — 

Nay,  Persia's  valiant  myriads  shall  in  no  wise  be  withstood. 

Yet — God  sendeth  strong  delusions,  and  what  mortal  may  evade  Foreboding 

them?  of  failure. 
And  who  with  foot  light-leaping  may  spring  clear  of  the  snare? 

For  Ate  smiles  alluring  men,  until  she  hath  betrayed  them  Ate    reckless 

Amidst  her  net:  none  breaks  its  meshes,  once  entangled  there.  infatuation, 

which    brings 

For  the  Gods'  doom  all-controlling  decreed  this  long  ago — 

'Persia's  sons  shall  win  renown 

In  dashing  towers  down, 

In  the  clash  of  charging  horsemen,  and  in  cities'  overthrow/ 

Yet  they  learned  to  look  unquailing  on  the  highways  of  the  sea, 

When  the  flails  of  tempest  smite, 

And  its  meadows  blossom  white, 

Grasping  slender  reins  of  army-wafting  galleys  fearlessly.   .  .   . 

Atossa — Is  there  found  with  them  so  vast  a  multitude  for  war's  Dialogue. 

array?  Atossa  is 

Chorus — Yea,  such  armed  host  as  many  an  evil  once  to  Media  mother  of 

,  .  Xerxes:  the 

wrought.  .  Chorus  is 

Atos.     Have  they  aught  worth  warrior-warding — homes  with  store  composed  of 

of  wealth  full-fraught?  J5t*£ 

Clior.     Silver  have  they,  yea,  a  very  fountain,  treasure  of  their  land,  of  the   realm 

Atos.     And  their  weapons — are  they  cunning  archers  straining  bow    dying  the 

kniKsab- 
m  hand.J  sence.' 

Chor.     Nay,  but  foot  to  foot  in  fight  they  close  with  spear  and  clash-    They  are 
,  .  .  .  speaking 

ing  shield.  al)(iut  the 

Atos.     And  their  shepherd — who  is  lord  and  king  of  these  in  fighting  Greeks. 

field?  The  Creek 

Chor.     No  man's  servants  do  they  name  them,  they  are  subject  to  government. 

none.     .     .     . 


172    The  War  Between  Greece  and  Persia 


The  battle. 

The  messen- 
ger is  a 
Persian,  who 
brings  news 
of  the  battle 
to  the  queen 
and  chorus. 

Greece,  132-4; 
Ancient 

World,  175-7. 


The  deception 
here  men- 
tioned was 
the  work  of 
Themisto- 
cles. 

/Eschylus  re- 
frains from 
mention- 
ing Greeks  by 
name. 


Messenger 
'Twas  this  began  all  our  disaster,  Queen: 
A  demon  or  fell  fiend  rose — who  knows  whence? — 
For  from  the  Athenian  host  a  Hellene  came, 
And  to  thy  son,  to  Xerxes,  told  this  talc, 
That  when  the  mirk  of  black  night  should  be  come, 
The  Greeks  would  not  abide,  but,  leaping  straight 
Upon  the  galley  thwarts,  this  way  and  that 
In  stealthy  flight  would  seek  to  save  their  lives. 
Soon  as  he  heard,  discerning  neither  guile 
In  that  Greek,  nor  the  jealousy  of  heaven, 
This  word  to  all  his  captains  he  proclaims, 
That,  when  the  sun  should  cease  to  scorch  the  earth, 
And  gloom  should  fill  the  hallowed  space  of  sky, 
In  three  lines  should  they  range  their  throng  of  ships 
To  guard  each  pass,  each  seaward-surging  strait; 
And  others  should  enring  all  Aias'  Isle: 
Since,  if  the  Greeks  should  yet  escape  fell  doom, 
And  find  their  ships  some  privy  path  of  flight, 
Doomed  to  the  headsman  all  these  captains  were. 
Thus  spake  he,  in  spirit  over-confident, 
Knowing  not  what  the  Gods  would  bring  to  pass. 
With  hearts  obedient,  in  no  disarray, 
Then  supped  our  crews,  and  every  mariner 
To  the  well-rounded  rowlock  lashed  his  oar. 
But  when  the  splendor  faded  of  the  sun, 
And  night  came  on,  each  master  of  the  oar 
A-shipboard  went,  and  every  man-at-arms. 
Then  rank  to  rank  of  long  ships  passed  the  word: 
And,  as  was  each  appointed,  so  they  sailed. 
So  all  night  long  the  captains  of  the  ships 
Kept  all  the  sea-host  sailing  to  and  fro. 
And  night  passed  by,  yet  did  the  Hellene  host 
Essay  in  no  wise  any  secret  flight. 
But  when  the  day  by  white  steeds  chariot-borne, 
Radiant  to  see,  flooded  all  earth  with  light, 
First  from  the  Hellenes  did  a  clamorous  shout 
Ring  for  a  triumphant  chant;  and  wild  and  high 
Pealed  from  the  island  rock  the  answering  cheer 


The  Battle  of  Salamis  173 

Of  Echo.     Thrilled  through  all  our  folks  dismay 

Of  baffled  expectation;  for  the  Greeks 

Not  as  for  flight  that  holy  paean  sang, 

But  straining  battleward  with  heroic  hearts. 

The  trumpet's  blare  set  all  their  lines  aflame. 

Straightway  with  chiming  dip  of  dashing  oars 

They  smote  the  loud  brine  to  the  timing  cry, 

And  suddenly  flashed  they  all  full  into  view. 

Foremost  their  right  wing  seemly-ordered  led 

In  fair  array;  next,  all  their  armament 

Battleward  swept  on.    Therewithal  was  heard 

A  great  shout — 'On  ye  sons  of  Hellas,  on! 

Win  for  the  home-land  freedom! — freedom  win 

For  sons,  wives,  temples  of  ancestral  Gods, 

And  old  sires'  graves !     This  day  are  all  at  stake ! ' 

Yea,  and  from  us  low  thunder  of  Persian  cheers 

Answered — no  time  it  was  for  dallying ! 

Then  straightway  galley  dashed  her  beak  of  bronze 

On  galley.    'Twas  a  Hellene  ship  began 

The  onset,  and  shore  all  the  figure-head 

From  a  Phoenician:  captain  charged  on  captain. 

At  first  the  Persian  navy's  torrent-flood 

Withstood  them;  but  when  our  vast  fleet  was  cramped 

In  strait-space — friend  could  lend  no  aid  to  friend, — 

Then  ours  by  fangs  of  allies'  beaks  of  bronze 

Were  struck,  and  shattered  all  their  oar-array; 

While  with  shrewd  strategy  the  Hellene  ships 

Swept  around,  and  rammed  us,  and  upturned  were  hulls 

Of  ships; — no  more  could  one  discern  the  sea, 

Clogged  all  with  wrecks  and  limbs  of  slaughtered  men: 

The  shores,  the  rock-reefs,  were  with  corpses  strewn. 

Then  rowed  each  bark  in  fleeing  disarray, 

Yea,  every  keel  of  our  barbarian  host. 

They  with  oar-fragments  and  with  shards  of  wrecks 

Smote.  ha<  hid,  as  men  smite  tunnies,  or  a  draught 

Of  fishes;  and  a  moaning,  all  confused 

With  shrieking,  hovered  wide  o'er  that  sea-brine 

Till  night's  dark  presence  blotted  out  I  lie  horror. 

That  swarm  of  woe.-,,  yea,  though  for  ten  days'  space 


174   The  War  Between  Greece  and  Persia 

I  should  rehearse  could  I  not  tell  in  full. 
Yet  know  this  well,  that  never  in  one  day 
Died  such  a  host,  such  tale  untold,  of  men. 


STUDIES 

i .  Who  were  the  sons  of  Peisistratus,  and  what  was  their  motive  in 
urging  Darius  to  war  against  Greece?  What  illustrations  of  the 
religious  beliefs  of  Athenians  and  Lacedaemonians  do  we  find  in  this 
passage?  Why  did  Athens  appeal  to  Sparta  for  aid?  Explain  the 
official  position  of  the  polemarch  and  his  relation  to  the  ten  generals? 
Who*were  Harmodius  and  Aristogeiton?  By  what  arguments  did 
Miltiades  persuade  Callimachus  to  vote  for  battle?  What  contrib- 
uted most  to  Athenian  victory  at  Marathon?  What  were  the  re- 
spective losses,  and  how  can  the  difference  be  accounted  for? 

2.  Write  out  definitely  the  acts  of  the  council  of  the  Hellenic 
League  (481-0  B.C.)-  How  did  Xerxes  treat  the  Greek  spies,  and 
why?  In  what  ways  did  he  show  confidence  in  his  superiority  to  the 
Greeks? 

3.  Write  in  your  own  language  /Eschylus'  description  of  the  Persian 
armament.  What  peoples  were  represented  in  it?  What  is  said  of 
its  power?  What  information  does  the  chorus  give  Atossa  as  to 
Hellenic  warfare  and  government?  How  did  the  Greeks  deceive 
Xerxes  as  to  their  own  intentions?  What  plan  did  Xerxes  adopt? 
Write  in  your  own  language  /Eschylus'  account  of  the  battle.  What 
is  your  impression  of  his  poetry?  Is  there  any  reason  for  believing 
the  selections  given  in  this  chapter  more  reliable  than  those  of  the 
preceding  chapter? 


CHAPTER  XVII 

THE  DELIAN  CONFEDERACY  AND  THE  ATHENIAN 
EMPIRE 

I.  The  Walls  of  Athens  are  Rebuilt 
Immediately  after  the  great  war,  he  (Themistocles)  be-  ™emis- 
gan  to  rebuild  and  fortify  the  city.     In  order  to  succeed  in  wits  the 
this,  Theopompus  says  that  he  bribed  the  Spartan  ephors 
into  laying  aside  opposition,  but  most  writers  say  that  he   Tkemisto'des, 
outwitted  them  by  proceeding  to  Sparta  nominally  on  an   I0- 
embassy.    Then  when  the  Spartans  complained  to  him  that  Greece,  143-5; 

.,-     i  1       1         t»   i-       1  Ancient 

Athens  was  being  fortified  and  when  Poliarchus  came  ex-   World,  182  f. 
pressly  from  ^Egina  to  charge  him  with  it,  he  denied  it,  and  Theopompus 
bade  them  send  commissioners  to  Athens  to  see  whether  it  ^n  who 
was  true,  wishing  both  to  obtain  time  for  the  fortifications   lived  in  the 

,      ,  ,  ,  •     •  -  v       fourth  cen- 

to be  built,  and  also  to  place  these  commissioners  in  tne  tury  B.C. 

hands  of  the  Athenians,  as  hostages  for  his  own  safety. 

His  expectations  were  realised;  for  the  Lacedaemonians, 

on  discovering  the  truth,  did  him  no  harm,  but  dissembled 

anger  and  sent  him  away.     After  this  he  built  Peiraeus  gj^jj18 

as  he  perceived   the  excellence  of  its  harbors,  and  was 

desirous  to  turn  the  whole  attention  of  the  Athenians  to 

naval  pursuits.  .  .  .    Themistocles  did  not  "  stick  Peiraeus 

on   to  Athens"  as  Aristophanes   the   comic  poet   said, 

so  much  as  he  made  the  city  dependent  upon  Peiraeus, 

and  the  land  dependent  upon  the  sea.    By  this  means  he 

transferred  power  from  the  nobles  to  the  people,  because 

sailors  and  pilots  became  the  real  strength  of  the  state. 

175 


176 


The  Delian  Confederacy 


Aristeides. 

Aristotle, 
Constitution 
of  the  A  the- 
ttians,  23. 

Objects  of 
the  con- 
federacy. 

Thucydides, 
i.  96. 

The  main 
object,  how- 
ever, was 
defence 
against 
Persia. 


The  assess- 
ment by 
Aristeides. 

Plutarch, 
Aristeides,  23. 


Ancient 
World,  184  f. 


II.  The  Delian  Confederacy  is  Formed 

It  was  Aristeides  who  brought  about  the  defection  of 
the  Ionians  from  the  Lacedaemonian  alliance,  finding  his 
opportunity  in  the  circumstance  that  the  people  of  Laconia 
were  in  ill  repute  because  of  Pausanias. 

Thus  the  Athenians  by  the  good-will  of  the  allies,  who 
detested  Pausanias,  obtained  the  leadership.  They  im- 
mediately fixed  which  of  the  cities  should  supply  money 
and  which  of  them  ships  for  the  war  against  the  barba- 
rians, the  avowed  object  being  to  compensate  themselves 
and  the  allies  for  their  losses  by  devastating  the  king's 
country.  Then  was  first  instituted  at  Athens  the  office 
of  Hellenic  treasurers,  who  received  the  tribute,  for  so  the 
impost  was  termed.  ... 

As  they  wished  each  city  to  be  assessed  to  pay  a  reason- 
able sum,  they  asked  the  Athenians  to  appoint  Aristeides 
to  visit  each  city,  learn  the  extent  of  its  territory  and  reve- 
nues, and  fix  upon  the  amount  which  each  was  capable 
of  contributing  according  to  its  means.  Although  he  was 
in  possession  of  such  a  power  as  this — the  whole  of  Greece 
having  as  it  were  given  itself  up  to  be  dealt  with  at  his 
discretion — yet  he  laid  down  his  office  a  poorer  man  than 
when  he  accepted  it,  but  having  completed  his  assessment 
to  the  satisfaction  of  all.  As  the  ancients  used  to  tell  of  the 
blessedness  of  the  golden  age,  even  so  did  the  states  of 
Greece  honor  the  assessment  made  by  Aristeides,  calling 
the  time  when  it  was  made,  fortunate  and  blessed  for 
Greece,  especially  when  no  long  time  afterward  it  was 
doubled,  and  subsequently  trebled.  The  money  which 
Aristeides  proposed  to  raise  amounted  to  four  hundred  and 
sixty  talents;  to  which  Pericles  added  nearly  a  third  part, 
for  Thucydides  tells  us  that,  at  the  commencement  of  the 


From  Confederacy  to  Empire        177 

Peloponnesian  war,  the  Athenians  received  six  hundred 
talents  a  year  from  their  allies.  After  the  death  of  Pericles, 
the  popular  orators  gradually  raised  the  sum  total  to  thir- 
teen hundred  talents.  It  was  not  so  much  that  the  money 
was  required  for  the  expenses  of  a  long  and  costly  war, 
as  that  these  men  had  accustomed  the  people  to  largesses 
of  money,  dramatic  representations,  and  the  erection  of 
statues  and  temples. 

III.  Change  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
Confederacy 

At  first  the  allies  were  independent  and  deliberated  The  confed- 
eracy trans- 
in  a  common  assembly  under  the  leadership  of  Athens,   formed  into 

But  in  the  interval  between  the  Persian  and  Peloponnesian  an  empire* 

wars,  by  their  military  success  and  by  policy  in  dealing  Thuc-  '•  °7- 

with  the  barbarian,  with  their  own  rebellious  allies  and 

with  the  Peloponnesians  who  came  across  their  path  from 

time  to  time,  the  Athenians  made  immense  strides  in  power. 

I  have  gone  out  of  my  way  to  speak  of  this  period  because  Greece,  152  f.; 

the  writers  who  have  preceded  me  treat  either  of  Hellenic   world,  1S6  f. 

affairs  previous  to  the  Persian  invasion  or  of  that  invasion 

itself;  the  intervening  portion  of  history  has  been  omitted 

by  all  of  them,  with  the  exception  of  Hellanicus;  and  he,  A  historian 

......  .  who  wrote 

where  he  has  touched  upon  it  in  his  Attic  history,  is  very   shortly  be- 

brief,  and  inaccurate  in  his  chronology.     The  narrative  £lt.     UCy  " 

will  also  serve  to  explain  how  the  Athenian  empire  grew  up. 

The  causes  which  led  to  the  defections  of  the  allies  were  Causes  of 

the  trans- 
of  different  kinds,  the  principal  one  being  their  neglect  to  formation. 

pay  the  tribute  or  to  furnish  ships,  and,  in  some  cases,  Thuc.  i.  99. 
failure  of  military  service.     For  the  Athenians  were  ex- 
acting and  oppressive,  using  coercive  measures  toward 
men  who  were  neither  willing  nor  accustomed  to  work 
hard.    And  for  various  reasons  they  soon  began  to  prove 


178  The  Delian  Confederacy 

less  agreeable  leaders  than  at  first.  They  no  longer  fought 
upon  an  equality  with  the  rest  of  the  confederates,  and 
they  had  no  difficulty  in  reducing  them  when  they  re- 
volted. Now  the  allies  brought  all  this  upon  themselves; 
for  the  majority  of  them  disliked  military  service  and  ab- 
sence from  home,  and  so  they  agreed  to  contribute  a 
regular  sum  of  money  instead  of  ships.  Whereby  the 
Athenian  navy  was  proportionately  increased,  while  they 
themselves  were  always  untrained  and  unprepared  for 
war  when  they  revolted. 

Imperialism        Afterwards  as  the  citizens  of  the  (Athenian)  state  had 

and  democ-  .  . 

racy  go  hand   acquired  confidence  and  a  great  quantity  01  money  had 

accumulated,  he  (Aristeides)  advised  them  to  lay  hold  on 

Anst.  Const.     ^G  leadership,  and  to  come  in  from  the  country  and  live  in 

the  city,  assuring  them  that  there  would  be  a  livelihood 

for  all, — some  serving  in  the  army,  others  in  garrisons, 

others  attending  to  administrative  work, — and  that  thus 

they  would  secure  the  leadership.     Adopting  this  policy 

and  usurping  the  imperial  power,  they  began  to  treat  their 

allies  more  despotically,  with  the  exception  of  the  Chians, 

Lesbians,  and  Samians,  whom  they  retained  as  guards  of 

their  empire,  leaving  them  their  own  constitutions  and  the 

dependencies  which  they  severally  chanced  to  rule.    Thus 

they  established  for  the  multitude  an  abundant  supply 

of  provisions,  as  Aristeides  had  pointed  out;  for  it  resulted 

that  from  the  tributes  and  the  taxes  more  than  twenty 

thousand  men  derived  their  support. 

STUDIES 

1.  How  did  Themistocles  contrive  to  have  the  walls  of  Athens 
rebuilt?     How  did  the  growth  of  Peiraeus  affect  Athenian  politics? 

2.  What  had  Pausanias  done  to  bring  ill  repute  upon  the  Spartans 
(Greece,  146;  Ancient  World,  184)?    What  object  of  the  Confederacy 


Studies  179 


is  mentioned?     Give  an  account  of  the  first  assessment.     What 
changes  were  afterward  made? 

3.  What  change  gradually  took  place  in  the  constitution  of  the 
confederacy?  What  causes  brought  it  about?  Who  were  more  to 
blame  for  it,  the  Athenians  or  the  allies?  What  criticism  does  Thu- 
cydides  make  upon  Hellanicus?  Why  did  the  growth  of  imperialism 
and  democracy  go  hand  in  hand  at  Athens?  Who  are  the  authors  of 
the  several  selections  of  this  chapter,  and  what  is  their  relative  worth 
as  historians  of  this  period? 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

THE  AGE  OF  PERICLES 

I.  Pericles:  Family  and  Education 

Family  and  Pericles  was  descended  from  the  noblest  families  in 
Eearan?eaP"  Athens,  on  both  his  father's  and  mother's  side.  His 
father,  Xanthippus,  defeated  the  Persian  generals  at 
Mycale,  while  his  mother,  Agariste,  was  a  descendant 
Plutarch,  of  Cleisthenes,  who  drove  the  sons  of  Peisistratus  out  of 
Pendes,  3.  Athens>  put  an  en(±  to  their  despotic  rule,  and  established 
fcS**i37-  a  new  constitution  admirably  calculated  to  reconcile  all 
4i-  parties  and  save  the  country.  ...     His  body  was  sym- 

Thetrue  metrical,  but  his  head  was  long  out  of  all  proportion; 
LTwaVa  l  at  hence  in  nearly  all  his  statues  he  is  represented  wearing 
general.  a  helmet,  as  the  sculptors  did  not  wish,  I  suppose,  to  re- 

proach him  with  this  blemish.  The  Attic  poets  called  him 
squill-head,  and  the  comic  poet,  Cratinus,  in  his  play 
"C  heir  ones"  says, 

From  Cronos  old  and  faction, 
Is  sprung  a  tyrant  dread, 
And  all  Olympus  rails  him, 
The  man-compelling  head. 

Telecleides,  too,  speaks  of  him  as  sitting, 

Bowed  down, 
With  a  dreadful  frown, 
Because  matters  of  state  have  gone  wrong, 
Until  at  last, 
From  his  head  so  vast, 
His  ideas  burst  forth  in  a  throng.   .   .  . 
180 


Education  of  Pericles 


181 


It  was  Anaxagoras  of  Clazomenas  who  had  most  to  do  His 
with  forming  Pericles'  style,  teaching  him  an  elevation 
and  sublimity  of  expression  beyond  that  of  ordinary  popu- 
lar speakers,  and  altogether  purifying  and  ennobling  his 
mind.  This  Anaxagoras  was  called  Intelligence,  by  the 
men  of  that  time,  either  because  they  admired  his  own  in- 
tellect, or  because  he  taught  that  an  abstract  intelligence 
is  to  be  traced  in  all  the  concrete  forms  of  matter,  and  that 
to  this,  and  not  to  chance,  the  universe  owes  its  origin. 

Pericles    greatly    admired    Anaxagoras,    and    became  His  dignified 
...  .  .       .  .  ,      .  ...  style  of  ora- 

deeply  interested  in  these  grand  speculations,  which  gave  tory. 

him  a  haughty  spirit  and  a  lofty  style  of  oratory  far  re-  /^  5 
moved  from  vulgarity  and  low  buffoonery,  and  also  an 
imperturbable  gravity  of  countenance,  and  a  calmness  of 
demeanor  and  appearance  which  no  incident  could  disturb 
as  he  was  speaking,  while  the  tone  of  his  voice  never  showed 
that  he  heeded  any  interruption.  These  advantages 
greatly  impressed  the  people.  Once  he  sat  quietly  all 
day  in  the  market-place  despatching  some  pressing  busi- 
ness, reviled  in  the  foulest  terms  all  the  while  by  some 
low  worthless  fellow.  Towards  evening  he  walked  home, 
the  man  following  him  and  heaping  abuses  upon  him. 
When  about  to  enter  his  own  door,  as  it  was  dark,  he 
ordered  one  of  his  servants  to  take  a  torch  and  light  the 
man  home.  .  .  . 


II.  His  Statesmanship 

Pericles  when  young  greatly  feared  the  people.    He  had   Reluctant  to 
....  ,        ,  t-.  •  •  i    engage  in 

a  certain  personal  likeness  to  the  despot  Peisistratus;  and   politics. 

as  his  own  voice  was  sweet,  and  he  was  ready  and  fluent  n  7 

m  speech,  old  men  who  had  known  Peisistratus  were  struck 

by  his  resemblance  to  him.     He  was  also  rich,  of  noble 

birth,    and  had   powerful    friends,   so   that  he   feared   he 


182 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


On  ostracism; 
Ancient 
World,  140  f. 


He  takes  the 
side  of  the 
people. 


The  Sala- 
minian  tri- 
reme was 
reserved  for 
carrying 
official  mes- 
sages and 
important 
officers  and 
embassies. 


might  be  banished  by  ostracism,  and  consequently  held 
aloof  from  politics,  but  proved  himself  a  brave  and  daring 
soldier  in  the  wars.  But  when  Aristeides  was  dead,  The- 
mistocles  banished,  and  Cimon  generally  absent  on  distant 
campaigns,  Pericles  engaged  in  public  affairs,  taking  the 
popular  side,  that  of  the  poor  and  many  against  that  of 
the  rich  and  few,  quite  contrary  to  his  own  feelings,  which 
were  entirely  aristocratic. 

He  feared,  it  seemed,  that  he  might  be  suspected  of  a 
design  to  make  himself  tyrant,  and  seeing  that  Cimon  took 
the  side  of  the  nobility,  and  was  much  beloved  by  them, 
he  betook  himself  to  the  people,  as  a  means  of  obtaining 
safety  for  himself,  and  a  strong  party  to  combat  that  of 
Cimon.  He  immediately  altered  his  mode  of  life;,  was 
never  seen  in  any  street  except  that  which  led  to  the 
market-place  and  the  national  assembly,  and  declined  all 
invitations  to  dinner  and  such  social  gatherings,  so  ut- 
terly that  during  the  whole  of  his  long  political  life  he 
never  dined  with  one  of  his  friends  except  when  his  first 
cousin,  Euryptolemus,  was  married.  On  this  occasion  he 
sat  at  table  till  the  libations  were  poured,  upon  which  he 
at  once  got  up  and  went  away.  For  solemnity  is  wont 
to  unbend  at  festive  gatherings,  and  a  majestic  demeanor 
is  hard  to  keep  up  when  one  is  in  familiar  intercourse  with 
others.  True  virtue,  indeed,  appears  more  glorious  the 
more  it  is  seen,  and  a  really  good  man's  life  is  never  so 
much  admired  by  the  outside  world  as  by  his  own  intimate 
friends.  But  Pericles  feared  to  make  himself  too  common 
even  with  the  people,  and  only  addressed  them  after  long 
intervals — not  speaking  upon  every  subject,  and  not 
constantly  addressing  them,  but  as  Critolaus  says,  keep- 
ing himself  like  the  Salaminian  trireme  for  great  crises,  and 
allowing  his  friends  and  the  other  orators  to  manage  mat- 


pian. 

Plut.  Per.  8. 


Oratory  of  Pericles  183 

ters  of  less  moment.    One  of  these  friends  is  said  to  have  °.n  the  fail 

ol  the  Coun- 

been  Ephialtes,  who  destroyed  the  power  of  the  Council  of   dl  of  the 
the  Areopagus,  "pouring  out"  as  Plato  the  comic  poet  ^ec%?fus 
said,  "a  full  and  unmixed  draught  of  liberty  for  the  citi-   J^'f^v^; 
zens,"  under  the  influence  of  which   the  poets  of  the   155  f- 
time  said  that  the  Athenian  people 

"Nibbled  at  Euboea,  like  a  horse  that  spurns  the  rein, 
And  wantonly  would  leap  upon  the  islands  in  the  main." 

Wishing  to  adopt  a  style  of  speaking  consonant  with  w£yAehwas 
his  haughty  manner  and  lofty  spirit,  Pericles  made  free  "oiym- 
use  of  the  instrument  which  Anaxagoras  as  it  were  put 
into  his  hand,  and  often  tinged  his  oratory  with  natural 
philosophy.  He  far  surpassed  all  others  by  using  this 
"lofty  intelligence  and  power  of  universal  consummation," 
as  the  divine  Plato  calls  it;  in  addition  to  his  natural  On  Plato; 

Ancient 

advantages,  adorning  his  oratory  with  apt  illustrations   World,  28S  f. 
drawn  from  physical  science. 

For  this  reason  some  think  that  he  was  nicknamed  the 
Olympian;  yet  some  refer  this  to  his  improvement  of  the 
city  by  new  and  beautiful  buildings,  and  others  to  his 
power  as  a  politician  and  a  general.  It  is  not  by  any  means 
unlikely  that  these  causes  all  combined  to  produce  the 
name.  Yet  the  comedies  of  the  time,  when  they  allude 
to  him,  either  in  jest  or  earnest,  always  appear  to  think 
that  this  name  was  given  him  because  of  his  manner  of 
speaking,  for  they  represent  him  as  "thundering  and 
lightning"  and  "rolling  fateful  thunders  from  his 
tongue." 

A  saying  of  Thucydides,  the  son  of  Melesias,  has  been  fjj^jjj* 
preserved,  which  jestingly  testifies  to  the  power  of  Pericles' 
eloquence.    Thucydides  was  the  leader  of  the  conservative 
party,  and  for  a  long  time  struggled  to  hold  his  own  against 


184 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


On  this 
Thucydidcs 
(not  the 
historian); 
Greece,  1 70  f. 


Stesim- 
brotus,  a 
contemporary 
writer. 


The  Peri- 
clean  gov- 
ernment. 

Plut.  Per.  9. 

Greece,  172- 

8;  .Indent 
World,  195-f 


Pericles  in  debate.  One  day  Archidamus,  the  King  of 
Sparta,  asked  him  whether  he  or  Pericles  was  the  best 
wrestler.  "When  I  throw  him  in  wrestling,"  Thucydidcs 
answered,  "he  beats  me  by  proving  that  he  never  was 
down,  and  by  making  t  he  spectators  believe  him."  For  all 
this  Pericles  was  very  cautious  about  his  words,  and  when- 
ever he  ascended  the  tribune  to  speak,  used  first  to  pray  to 
the  gods  that  nothing  inappropriate  to  the  present  occa- 
sion might  fall  from  his  lips.  He  left  no  writings,  except 
the  measures  which  he  brought  forward,  and  very  few  of 
his  sayings  are  recorded.  One  of  these  was,  that  he  called 
i^Egina  "the  eyesore  of  the  Peiraeus"  and  that  "he  saw 
war  coming  upon  Athens  from  Peloponnesus."  Stesim- 
brotus  tells  us  that  when  he  was  pronouncing  a  public 
funeral  oration  over  those  who  fell  in  Samos,  he  said  that 
they  had  become  immortal,  even  as  the  gods:  for  we  do  not 
see  the  gods,  but  we  conceive  them  to  be  immortal  by  the 
respect  which  we  pay  them,  and  the  blessings  which  we 
receive  from  them;  and  the  same  is  the  case  with  those 
who  die  for  their  country. 

Thucydides  represents  the  constitution  under  Pericles 
as  a  democracy  in  name,  but  really  an  aristocracy,  be- 
cause the  government  was  all  in  the  hands  of  one  leading 
citizen.  But  as  many  other  writers  tell  us  that  during  his 
administration  the  people  received  grants  of  land  abroad, 
and  were  indulged  with  dramatic  entertainments,  and 
payments  for  their  services,  in  consequence  of  which  they 
fell  into  bad  habits,  and  became  extravagant  and  licentious, 
instead  of  sober,  hard-working  people  as  they  had  been 
before,  let  us  consider  the  history  of  this  change,  viewing 
it  by  the  light  of  the  facts  themselves.  First  of  all,  as  we 
have  already  said,  Pericles  had  to  measure  himself  withs 
Cimon,  and  to  transfer  the  affections  of  the  people  from 


Pericles  Wins  the  People  185 

Cimon  to  himself.  As  he  was  not  so  rich  a  man  as  Cimon, 
who  used  from  his  own  ample  means  to  give  a  dinner  daily 
to  any  poor  Athenian  who  required  it,  clothe  aged  persons, 
and  take  away  the  fences  around  his  property,  so  that  any- 
one might  gather  the  fruit,  Pericles,  unable  to  vie  with  him 
in  tins,  turned  his  attention  to  a  distribution  of  the  public 
funds  among  the  people,  at  the  suggestion,  we  are  told 
by  Aristotle,  of  Damonides  of  Oia.  By  the  money  paid 
for  public  spectacles,  for  citizens  acting  as  jurymen  and 
other  paid  offices,  and  largesses,  he  soon  won  over  the 
people  to  his  side,  so  that  he  was  able  to  use  them  in  his 
attack  upon  the  Council  of  the  Areopagus,  of  which  he  £««»*< 

1  .  II  odd,  126. 

himself  was  not  a  member,  never  having  been  chosen 
archon,  or  thesmothete,  or  king  archon,  or  polemarch. 
These  offices  had  from  ancient  times  been  obtained  by  lot,   The  lot  was 

introduced 

and  it  was  only  through  them  that  those  who  had  approved  in  487  B.C.; 
themselves  in  the  discharge  of  them  were  advanced  to  p^^I70. 
the  Areopagus.  For  this  reason  it  was  that  Pericles,  when 
he  gained  strength  with  the  populace,  destroyed  this 
Senate,  making  Ephialtes  bring  forward  a  bill  which  re- 
stricted its  judicial  powers;  while  he  himself  succeeded 
in  getting  Cimon  banished  by  ostracism,  as  a  friend  of 
Sparta  and  a  hater  of  the  people,  although  he  was  second 
to  no  Athenian  in  birth  or  fortune,  had  won  most  brilliant 
victories  over  the  Persians,  and  had  filled  Athens  with 
plunder  and  spoils  of  war,  as  will  be  found  related  in  his 
life.  So  great  was  the  power  of  Pericles  with  the  common 
people.  .  .  . 

III.  Tiie  Public  Works 

The  building  of   the  temples,  by  which  Athens  was 
adorned,  the  people  wen-  delighted,  and  the  rest  of  the 

world  astonished,  and  which  now  alone  prove  that  the 


i86 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


The  money 
for  the 
buildings. 

Plutarch, 

Pericles,  12. 


They  furnish 
the  people 
with  work. 


tales  of  the  ancient  power  and  glory  of  Greece  are  no  fables, 
was  what  particularly  excited  the  spleen  of  the  opposite 
faction,  who  inveighed  against  him  in  the  public  assembly, 
declaring  that  the  Athenians  had  disgraced  themselves 
by  transferring  the  common  treasury  of  the  Greeks  from 
the  island  of  Uelos  to  their  oivn  custody.  "Pericles  him- 
self," they  urged,  "has  taken  away  the  only  possible 
excuse  for  such  an  act — the  fear  that  it  might  be  exposed  to 
the  attacks  of  the  Persians  when  at  Delos,  whereas  it 
would  be  safe  at  Athens.  Greece  has  been  outraged,  and 
feels  itself  openly  tyrannised  over,  when  it  sees  us  using 
the  funds  which  we  extorted  from  it  for  the  war  against 
the  Persians,  for  gilding  and  beautifying  our  city,  as  if  it 
were  a  vain  woman,  and  adorning  it  with  precious  marbles, 
and  statues,  and  temples,  worth  a  thousand  talents." 
To  this  Pericles  replied,  that  the  allies  had  no  right  to 
consider  how  their  money  was  spent,  so  long  as  Athens 
defended  them  from  the  Persians;  while  they  supplied 
neither  horses,  ships,  nor  men,  but  merely  money,  which 
the  Athenians  had  a  right  to  spend  as  they  pleased,  pro- 
vided they  afforded  them  that  security  which  it  purchased. 
It  was  right,  he  argued,  that  after  the  city  had  provided 
all  that  was  necessary  for  war,  it  should  devote  its  surplus 
money  to  the  erection  of  buildings  which  would  be  a  glory 
to  it  for  all  ages. 

At  the  same  time  these  works  would  create  plenty  by 
leaving  no  man  unemployed,  and  encouraging  all  sorts 
of  handicraft,  so  that  nearly  the  whole  city  would  earn 
wages,  and  thus  derive  both  its  beauty  and  its  profit 
from  itself.  For  those  who  were  in  the  flower  of  their 
age,  military  service  offered  a  means  of  earning  money 
from  the  common  stock;  while  as  he  did  not  wish 
the  mechanics  and  the  lower  classes  to  be  without  their 


Industrial  Aspect  187 

share,  nor  yet  to  see  them  receive  it  without  doing  work 

for  it,  he  had  laid  the  foundations  of  great  edifices  which 

would  require  industries  of  every  kind  to  complete  them; 

and  he  had  done  this  in  the  interests  of  the  lower  classes, 

who  thus  although  they  remained  at  home,  would  have 

just  as  good  a  claim  to  their  share  of  the  public  funds  as 

those  who  were  serving  at  sea,  in  garrison,  or  in  the  field. 

The  different  materials  used,  such  as  stone,  brass,  ivory, 

gold,  ebony,  cypress-wood,  and  so  forth,  would  require 

special  artisans  for  each,  such  as  carpenters,  modellers, 

smiths,   stone   masons,    embroiderers,   workers   in   relief; 

and  also  men  to  bring  them  to  the  city,  such  as  sailors 

and  captains  of  ships  and  pilots  for  such  as  came  from 

sea;  and  for  those  which  came  by  land,  carriage-builders, 

horse-breeders,  drivers,  rope-makers,  linen  manufacturers, 

shoemakers,    road-menders,    and    miners.      Each    trade, 

moreover,  employed  a  number  of  unskilled  laborers,  so 

that  in  a  word,  there  would  be  work  for  persons  of  every 

age  and  every  class,  and  general  prosperity  would  be  the 

result. 

These  buildings  were  of  immense  size,  and  unequalled  Artistic  ap- 

ra  preciation. 

in  beauty  and  grace,  as  the  workmen  endeavored  to  make 

the  execution  surpass  the  design  in  beauty;  but  what  was 
most  remarkable  was  the  speed  with  which  they  were 
built.  All  these  edifices,  each  of  which,  one  would  have 
thought,  it  would  have  taken  many  generations  to  com- 
plete, were  all  finished  during  the  most  brilliant  period 
of  one  man's  administration.  We  are  told  that  Zeuxis, 
hearing  Agatharchus  the  painter  boasting  how  easily 
and  rapidly  he  could  produce  a  picture,  said,  "I  paint 
very  slowly."  Ease  and  speed  of  execution  seldom  pro- 
duce work  of  any  permanent  value  or  delicacy.  It  is  the 
time  which  is  spent  in  laborious  production  for  which  we 


lb.  13. 


The  Aire  of  Pericles 


l& 


are  repaid  by  the  durable  character  of  the  result.  And 
this  makes  Pericles'  work  all  the  more  wonderful,  because 
it  was  built  in  a  short  time,  and  yet  has  lasted  fur  ages. 
In  beauty  each  building  at  once  appeared  venerable  as 
soon  as  it  was  finished;  but  even  at  the  present  day  the 
work  looks  as  fresh  as  ever,  for  it  blooms  with  an  eternal 
freshness  which  defies  time,  and  seems  instinct  with  an 
unfading  spirit  of  youth. 
Pheidias  and  The  overseer  and  manager  of  the  whole  was  Pheidias, 
although  there  were  other  excellent  architects  and  work- 
men, such  as  Callicrates  and  Ictinus,  who  built  the  Parthe- 
non on  the  site  of  the  old  Hecatompedon,  which  had  been 
destroyed  by  the  Persians,  and  Coroebus,  who  began  to 
build  the  temple  of  initiation  at  Eleusis,  but  who  lived 
only  to  see  the  columns  erected  and  the  architraves  placed 
upon  them.  On  his  death,  Metagenes,  of  Xypete,  added 
the  frieze  and  the  upper  row  of  columns,  and  Xenocles, 
of  Cholargus,  crowned  it  with  the  domed  roof  over  the 
shrine.  As  to  the  Long  Wall,  about  which  Socrates  says 
that  he  heard  Pericles  bring  forward  a  motion,  Callicrates 
undertook  to  build  it.  Cratinus  satirizes  the  work  for 
being  slowly  accomplished,  saying: 

"He  builds  in  speeches,  but  he  does  no  work." 

The  Odeum.  The  Odeum,  which  internally  consisted  of  many  rows  of 
seats  and  many  columns,  and  externally  of  a  roof  sloping 
on  all  sides  from  a  central  point,  is  said  to  have  been  an 
imitation  of  the  king  of  Persia's  tent,  and  was  built  under 
Pericles'  direction.  For  this  reason  '  Cratinus  alludes  to 
him  in  his  play  of  the  Thracian  Women — 

"Our  Zeus  with  lofty  skull  appears; 
The  Odeum  on  his  head  he  wears, 
Because  he  fears  the  ostrakon  no  more." 


Odeum  and  Propylasa 


189 


Pericles  at  that  period  used  his  influence  to  pass  a  decree 
for  establishing  a  musical  competition  at  the  Panathenaic 
festival;  and  being  himself  chosen  judge,  he  laid  down  rules 
as  to  how  the  candidates  were  to  sing,  and  play  the  flute 
or  the  harp.  At  that  period  and  ever  afterward  all  musical 
contests  took  place  in  the  Odeum. 

The  Propylaea,  before  the  Acropolis,  was  finished  in  The  Propy- 
five  years,  by  Mnesicles  the  architect;  and  a  miraculous 
incident  during  the  work  seemed  to  show  that  the  goddess 
did  not  disapprove,  but  rather  encouraged  and  assisted 
the  building.  The  most  energetic  and  active  of  the  work- 
men fell  from  a  great  height,  and  lay  in  a  dangerous  con- 
dition, given  over  by  his  doctors.  Pericles  grieved  much 
for  him;  but  the  goddess  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream,  and 
suggested  a  course  of  treatment  by  which  Pericles  quickly 
healed  the  workman.  In  consequence  of  this,  he  set  up 
the  brazen  statue  of  Athena  the  healer,  near  the  old  altar 
in  the  Acropolis.  The  golden  statue  of  the  goddess  was 
made  by  Pheidias,  and  his  name  appears  on  the  base  in 
an  inscription.  Almost  everything  was  in  his  hands,  and 
he  gave  his  orders  to  all  the  workmen — as  we  have  said 
before — because  of  his  friendship  with  Pericles. 


IV.  Selections  from  Sophocles 


When  a  god  sends  harm,  not  even  the  strong  man  can   Orestes  in 
escape.     For  on  another  day,  when  chariots  were  to  try   Chariot-rac 
their  speed  at  sunrise,  he  (Orestes)  entered,  with  many 
charioteers.    One  was  an  Achaean,  one  from  Sparta,  two  Sophocles, 
masters  of  yoked   cars  were  Libyans;   Orestes,   driving  606  ff.' 
Thessalian  mares,  came  fifth  among  them;  the  sixth  from 
yEtolia,  with  chestnut  colts:  a  Magnesian  was  the  seventh; 
the  eighth,  with  white  horses,  was  of  ^nian  stock;  the 


On  the 

national 
games; 
Am  ient 
World,  89  f.; 
Greece,  10 1-3. 


A  runaway. 


The  Bar- 
caean  was 
from  Barca, 
Libya. 


Two  teams 
remain  in 
the  race. 


190  The  Age  of  Pericles 

ninth,  from  Athens,  built  of  Gods;  there  was  a  Boeotian 
too,  making  the  tenth  chariot. 

They  took  their  stations  where  the  appointed  umpires 
placed  them  by  lot  and  ranged  the  cars;  then,  at  the  sound 
of  the  brazen  trump,  they  started.  All  shouted  to  their 
horses,  and  shook  the  reins  in  their  hands;  the  whole  course 
was  filled  with  the  noise  of  rattling  chariots;  the  dust  flew 
upward;  and  all,  in  a  confused  throng,  plied  their  goads 
unsparingly,  each  of  them  striving  to  pass  the  wheels 
and  the  snorting  steeds  of  his  rivals;  for  alike  at  their  backs 
and  at  their  rolling  wheels  the  breath  of  the  horses  foamed 
and  smote. 

Orestes,  driving  close  to  the  pillar  at  either  end  of  the 
course,  almost  grazed  it  with  his  wheel  each  time,  and 
giving  rein  to  the  trace-horse  on  the  right,  checked  the 
horse  on  the  inner  side.  Hitherto,  all  the  chariots  had 
escaped  overthrow;  but  presently  the  yfinian's  hard- 
mouthed  colts  ran  away,  and  swerving,  as  they  passed  from 
the  sixth  to  the  seventh  round,  dashed  their  foreheads 
against  the  team  of  the  Barcaean.  Other  mishaps  followed 
the  first,  shock  on  shock  and  crash  on  crash,  till  the  whole 
race-ground  of  Crisa  was  strewn  with  the  wreck  of  the 
chariots. 

Seeing  this,  the  wary  charioteer  from  Athens  drew  aside 
and  paused,  allowing  the  billow  of  chariots,  surging  in 
midcourse,  to  go  by.  Orestes  was  driving  last,  keeping 
his  horses  behind,— for  his  trust  was  in  the  end;  but  when 
he  saw  that  the  Athenian  was  alone  left  in,  he  sent  a  shrill 
cry  ringing  through  the  ears  of  his  swift  colts,  and  gave 
chase.  Team  was  brought  level  with  team,  and  so  they 
raced,— first  one  man,  then  the  other,  showing  his  head 
in  front  of  the  chariots. 

Hitherto  the  ill-fated  Orestes  had  passed  safely  through 


not  uncom- 
mon. 


A  Chariot-Race  191 

every  round,  steadfast  in  his  steadfast  car;  at  last  slacken-   ,°.F,es]e£ 
J  .  killed. 

ing  his  left  rein  while  the  horse  was  turning,  unawares 
he  struck  the  edge  of  the  pillar;  he  broke  the  axle-box  in 
twain;  he  was  thrown  over  the  chariot-rail;  he  was  caught 
in  the  shapely  reins;  and  as  he  fell  on  the  ground,  his  colts 
were  scattered  into  the  middle  of  the  course. 

But  when  the  people  saw  him  fallen  from  the  car,  a 
cry  of  pity  went  up  for  the  youth,  who  had  now  done  such 
deeds  and  was  meeting  such  a  doom, — now  dashed  to  This  false  _ 

i  1    r  1  i  -n      t        report  of  his 

earth,  now  tossed  feet  uppermost  to  the  sky, — till  tne  death  was 
charioteers,  with  difficulty  checking  the  career  of  his  ceivethe6" 
horses,  loosed  him,  so  covered  with  blood  that  no  friend   £earer;    . 

'  .  Such  fatal- 

who  saw  it  would  have  known  the  hapless  corpse.    Straight-  ities,  how- 
way  they  burned  it  on  a  pyre;  and  chosen  men  of  Phocis  doubtless 
are  bringing  in  a  small  urn  of  bronze  the  sad  dust  of  that 
mighty  form,  to  find  due  burial  in  his  fatherland. 

The  human 

Antigone.  Ismene,  sister,  mine  own  dear  sister,  knowest  Jf-wtin-£?th 

thou  what  ill  there  is,  of  all  bequeathed  by  (Edipus,  that  divine. 

Zeus  fulfils  not  for  us  twain  while  we  live?    Nothing  pain-  ^°H^°^S' 

ful  is  there,  nothing  fraught  with  ruin,  no  shame,  no  dis-  (opening). 

honor,  that  I  have  not  seen  in  thy  woes  and  mine.  °L&»*PUS' 

And  now  what  new  edict  is  this  of  which  they  tell,  World,  93. 

that  our   Captain   hath   just   published   to   all   Thebes?  hadc  attacked 

Knowest  thou  aught?    Hast  thou  heard?    Or  is  it  hidden   J**f»  cit>'- 

°  t  I  hebes,  and 

from  thee  that  our  friends  are  threatened  with  the  doom   had  been 

driven  off. 
of  our  foes?  Their  brother 

Ismene.  No  word   of  friends,   Antigone,   gladsome   or  hadbS^with 

painful,  hath  come  to  me,  since  we  two  sisters  were  bereft  the  enemy, 

of  brothers  twain,  killed  in  one  day  by  a  twofold  blow;  and  Eteoi  l(  . 

since  in  this  last  night,  the  Argive  host  hath  fled,  I  know  no  brother,  had 

more,  whether  my  fortune  be  brighter,  or  more  grievous.  k|1hledmacb 

Ant.  I  knew  it  well,  and  therefore  sought  to  bring  thee  battle. 


192 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


Their  father 
(Edipus  had 
been  king, 
but  was 
dethroned, 
and  Creon, 
their  uncle, 
was  reign- 
ing. 


As  a  traitor, 
Polyneices 
was  to  re- 
main un- 
buried. 


Antigone  has 
resolved  to 
obey  the 
religious 
law,  which 
commands 
one  to  bury 
a  relative. 


beyond  the  gates  of  the  court,  that  thou  mightest  hear 
alone. 

Is.  What  is  it?  Tis  plain  that  thou  art  brooding  on 
some  dark  tidings. 

Ant.  What,  hath  not  Creon  destined  our  brothers,  the 
one  to  honored  burial,  the  other  to  unburied  shame? 
Eteocles,  they  say,  with  due  observance  of  right  and  cus- 
tom, he  hath  laid  in  the  earth,  for  his  honor  among  the 
dead  below.  But  the  hapless  corpse  of  Polyneices — as 
rumor  saith,  it  hath  been  published  to  the  town  that  none 
shall  entomb  him  or  mourn,  but  leave  unwept,  unsep- 
ulchred,  a  welcome  store  for  the  birds,  as  they  espy  him, 
to  feast  on  at  will. 

Such,  'tis  said,  is  the  edict  that  the  good  Creon  hath 
set  forth  for  thee  and  for  me — yes,  for  me, — and  is  coming 
hither  to  proclaim  it  clearly  to  those  who  know  it  not; 
nor  counts  the  matter  light,  but  whoso  disobeys  in  aught, 
his  doom  is  death  by  stoning  before  all  the  folk.  Thou 
knowest  it  now;  and  thou  wilt  soon  show  whether  thou  art 
nobly  bred,  or  the  base  daughter  of  a  noble  line. 

Is.  Poor  sister, — and  if  things  stand  thus,  what  could  I 
help  to  do  or  undo? 

Ant.  Consider  if  thou  wilt  share  the  toil  and  the  deed. 

Is.  In  what  venture?    What  can  be  thy  meaning? 

Ant.  Wilt  thou  aid  this  hand  to  lift  the  dead? 

Is.  Thou  wouldst  bury  him, — when  'tis  forbidden  to 
Thebes? 

Ant.  I  will  do  my  part, — and  thine,  if  thou  wilt  not, 
— to  a  brother.    False  to  him  will  I  never  be  found. 

Is.  Ah,  over-bold!  when  Creon  hath  forbidden? 

Ant.  Nay,  he  hath  no  right  to  keep  me  from  mine  own. 

75.  Ah,  me!  think,  sister,  how  our  father  perished,  amid 
hate  and  scorn !  .  .  .    Nay,  we  must  remember,  first  that 


Antigone 


193 


we  were  born  women,  who  should  not  strive  with  men; 
next,  that  we  are  ruled  of  the  stronger,  so  that  we  must 
obey  in  these  things,  and  in  things  yet  sorer.  I,  therefore, 
asking  the  Spirits  Infernal  to  pardon,  seeing  that  force 
is  put  on  me  herein,  will  hearken  to  our  rulers;  for  'tis 
witless  to  be  over-busy. 

Ant.  I  will  not  urge  thee, — no,  nor,  if  thou  yet  shouldst 
have  the  mind,  wouldst  thou  be  welcome  as  a  worker 
with  me.  Nay,  be  what  thou  wilt;  but  I  will  bury  him: 
well  for  me  to  die  in  doing  that.  I  shall  rest,  a  loved  one 
with  him  whom  I  have  loved,  sinless  in  my  crime;  for  I 
owre  a  longer  allegiance  to  the  dead  than  to  the  living:  in 
that  world  I  shall  abide  forever.  But  if  thou  wilt,  be  guilty 
of  dishonoring  laws  which  the  gods  have  stablished  in 
honor. 

Is.  I  do  them  no  dishonor;  but  to  defy  the  state, — I 
have  no  strength  for  that. 

Ant.  Such  be  thy  plea: — I,  then,  will  go  to  heap  the 
earth  above  the  brother  whom  I  love. 


In  punish- 
ment she  was 
buried  alive. 


First  I  call  on  thee,  daughter  of  Zeus,  divine  Athena, 
and  on  thy  sister,  guardian  of  our  land,  Artemis,  who  sits 
on  her  throne  of  fame,  above  the  circle  of  our  Agora,  and 
on  Phoebus  the  far-darter;  O  shine  forth  on  me,  my  three- 
fold help  against  death!  If  ever  aforetime,  in  arrest  of 
ruin  hurrying  on  the  city,  ye  drove  a  fiery  pest  beyond 
our  borders,  come  now  also! 

Woe  is  me,  countless  are  the  sorrows  that  I  bear;  a 
plague  is  on  all  our  host,  and  thought  can  find  no  weapon 
for  defence.  .  .  . 

By  such  deaths,  past  numbering,  the  city  perishes: 
unpitied,  her  children  lie  on  the  ground,  spreading  pesti- 
lence, with  none  to  mourn:  and  meanwhile  young  wives, 


Prayer  for 
deliverance 
from  a 
pestilence. 

Sophocles, 
(Edipus 
Tyr  annus, 

159  ff. 


194 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


Apollo. 


The  "deep  of 
Amphitrite'' 
is  the  ocean. 


and  gray-haired  mothers  with  them,  uplift  a  wail  at  the 
steps  of  the  altars,  some  here,  some  there,  entreating  for 
tluir  weary  woes.  The  prayer  to  the  Healer  rings  clear, 
and  blent  therewith,  the  voice  of  lamentation;  for  these 
things,  golden  daughter  of  Zeus,  send  us  the  bright  face  of 
comfort. 

And  grant  that  the  fierce  god  of  death,  who  now  with 
no  brazen  shields,  yet  amid  cries  as  of  battle,  wraps  me 
in  the  flame  of  his  onset,  may  turn  his  back  in  speedy  flight 
from  our  land,  borne  by  a  fair  wind  to  the  great  deep  of 
Amphitrite,  or  to  those  waters  in  which  none  find  haven, 
even  to  the  Thracian  wave;  for  if  night  leave  aught  un- 
done, day  follows  to  accomplish  this.  O  thou  who  wield- 
est  the  powers  of  the  fire-fraught  lightning,  O  Zeus,  our 
father,  slay  him  beneath  thy  thunderbolt! 
Apollo  again.  Lycean  King,  fain  were  I  that  thy  shafts  also,  from  thy 
bent  bow's  string  of  woven  gold,  should  go  abroad  in  their 
might,  our  champions  in  the  face  of  the  foe;  yea,  and  the 
flashing  fires  of  Artemis  wherewith  she  glances  through 
the  Lycian  hills.  And  I  call  him  whose  locks  are  bound 
with  gold,  who  is  named  with  the  name  of  this  land,  ruddy 
Bacchus  to  whom  Bacchants  cry,  the  comrade  of  the 
Maenads,  to  draw  near  with  the  blaze  of  his  blithe  torch, 
our  ally  against  the  god  unhonored  among  gods.  .  .  . 


Charter  of 
Chalcis. 

Granted  by 
decree  of  the 
council  and 
assembly 
(demus)  of 
Athens. 
The  original 
text  may  be 
found  in 


V.  Condition  of  a  Subject  State  of  the  Empire 

It  has  pleased  the  council  and  the  demus.  Antiochis 
held  the  prytany;  Dracontides  was  chairman;  Diognetus 
made  the  motion;  that  the  council  and  the  jurors  of  the 
Athenians  shall  take  oath  as  follows: — 

I  shall  not  banish  Chalcidians  from  Chalcis  or  destroy 
their  city;  nor  will  I  disfranchise  any  private  citizen 
nor  punish  him  with  exile  nor  arrest  him  nor  put  him  to 


Charter  of  Chalcis 


195 


death  untried,  except  with  the  sanction  of  the  Athenian 
people;  nor  will  I  put  a  resolution  to  vote  against  the  com- 
munity or  any  private  citizen  when  neither  has  been  sum- 
moned to  trial.  Moreover  if  an  embassy  comes,  I  will  in- 
troduce it  to  the  council  and  assembly  within  ten  days 
to  the  best  of  my  ability  whensoever  I  am  serving  as  pry- 
tanis.  These  things  I  will  maintain  for  the  Chalcidians 
as  long  as  they  are  obedient  to  the  Athenian  people. 

An  embassy  coming  from  Chalcis  shall  administer  the 
oath  to  the  Athenians  and  shall  register  the  names  of 
those  who  have  taken  it.  It  shall  be  the  function  of  the 
generals  to  see  that  all  take  the  oath. 

The  Chalcidians  on  their  part  shall  swear  as  follows: 

I  will  not  revolt  against  the  Athenian  people  by  any 
plan  or  contrivance,  by  word  or  deed,  nor  will  I  obey  any 
one  who  does  revolt;  and  if  anyone  revolts,  I  will  denounce 
him  to  the  Athenians.  Furthermore  I  will  pay  to  the 
Athenians  whatever  contribution  I  shall  persuade  the 
Athenians  to  accept,  and  shall  be  as  faithful  and  just  an 
ally  as  I  am  able;  and  I  shall  bring  succor  and  aid  to  the 
Athenian  people  if  anyone  attempts  to  harm  the  Athenian 
people. 

All  the  adult  Chalcidians  shall  take  the  oath.  Who- 
ever shall  refuse  to  swear  shall  be  disenfranchised  and  his 
property  shall  be  confiscated,  and  a  tenth  of  his  goods  shall 
be  sacred  to  the  Olympian  Zeus.  An  embassy  of  Athe- 
nians coming  to  Chalcis  shall,  in  cooperation  with  the  com- 
missioners of  oaths  in  Chalcis,  impose  the  oath  and  register 
the  names  of  the  Chalcidians  who  have  taken  it.  .  .  . 

This  decree  and  oath  the  secretary  of  the  council  at 
Athens  shall  engrave  on  a  stone  pillar  and  set  it  up  on  the 
Acropolis  at  the  expense  of  the  Chalcidians.  The  council 
of  the  Chalcidians  shall  also  engrave  il  and  set  it  up  in  the 


Hicks  and 
Hill,  Manual 
of  Greek  In- 
scriptions, 
no.  40. 
The  opening 
gives  the 
usual   formu- 
la of  a  de- 
cree.    Antio- 
chis  was  the 
tribe  whose 
delegation 
chanced  to 
be  on  duty 
as  prytanes; 
Ancient 
World,  140. 


The  oath 
of  the 
Chalcidians. 


Preserva- 
tion of  the 
decree. 

This  anil  the 
following 
paragraphs 
form   part  of 
an  amend- 
ment by 
Anticlus. 


196 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


Hierocles,  a 
soothsayer 
who  had 
been  with  the 
army  in 
Eubcea. 

Jurisdiction. 

Amendment 
by  Arches- 
tratus. 


Aristophanes, 
A  chamians 
(opening). 
This  play  was 
presented  in 
425  B.C. 
Justown,  an 
upright 
citizen 
from  the 
country, 
comes  early 
to  the  place 
of  assembly, 
on  Pnyx  Hill, 
but  finds 
no  one  there. 
He  is  vexed 
that  the 
citizens  are 
so  neglectful 
of  duty.    He 
is  anxious 
to  deliberate 
on  peace 
with  Sparta. 
The  Presi- 
dents are  the 
prytenes; 
A  ncient 
World,  140. 
The  "painted 
twine''  is  to 
mark  those 
who  neg- 
lected the 
call  to  the 
assembly. 


temple  of  the  Olympian  Zeus  in  Chalcis.  These  things 
they  shall  vote  concerning  the  Chalcidians. 

With  respect  however  to  the  sacrifices  required  by 
the  oracles  concerning  Eubcea,  let  the  council  elect  three 
of  their  own  number,  who  shall  join  with  Hierocles  in 
offering  them  as  speedily  as  possible. 

Archestratus  moved:  other  matters  shall  stand  as 
Anticles  has  proposed;  but  the  Chalcidians  shall  have 
jurisdiction  over  their  own  citizens  at  Chalcis,  just  as  the 
Athenians  have  over  theirs  at  Athens,  except  in  cases  of 
exile,  death,  and  disfranchisement.  In  these  cases  let 
there  be  an  appeal  to  Athens,  to  the  Heliaea  of  the  Thes- 
mothetae  in  accordance  with  the  decree  of  the  assembly. 
Touching  the  garrison  in  Eubcea,  let  the  generals  take 
care  to  the  best  of  their  ability  that  it  be  of  the  greatest 
possible  advantage  to  the  Athenians. 

VI.  Some  Diplomatic  Business  before  the  Assembly 

Justown.     But  never  in  my  lifetime,  man  nor  boy, 
Was  I  so  vexed  as  at  this  present  moment; 
To  see  the  Pnyx,  at  this  time  of  the  morning, 
Quite  empty,  when  the  Assembly  should  be  full. 
There  are  our  citizens  in  the  market-place, 
Lounging  and  talking,  shifting  up  and  down 
To  escape  the  painted  twine  that  ought  to  sweep 
The  shoal  of  them  this  way;  not  even  the  Presidents 
Arrived — they're  always  last,  crowding  and  jostling 
To  get  the  foremost  seat;  but  as  for  peace 
They  never  think  about  it — Oh,  poor  country! 
As  for  myself,  I'm  always  the  first  man. 
Alone  in  the  morning,  here  I  take  my  place, 
Here  I  contemplate,  here  I  stretch  my  legs; 
I  think  and  think — I  don't  know  what  to  think. 
I  draw  conclusions  and  comparisons.   .  .  . 
I  fidget  about  and  yawn  and  scratch  myself; 
Looking  in  vain  to  the  prospect  of  the  fields, 


Embassy  from  Sparta 

Loathing  the  city,  longing  for  a  peace, 

To  return  to  my  poor  village  and  my  farm, 

That  never  used  to  cry  "Come  buy  my  charcoal!" 

Nor  "Buy  my  oil"  nor  "Buy  my  anything!" 

But  gave  me  what  I  wanted,  freely  and  fairly, 

Clear  of  all  cost,  with  never  a  word  of  buying, 

Or  such  buy-words.     So  here  I'm  come,  resolved 

To  bawl,  to  abuse,  to  interrupt  the  speakers, 

"Whenever  I  hear  a  word  of  any  kind 

Except  for  an  immediate  peace.     Ah  there! 

The  Presidents  at  last;  see,  there  they  come! 

All  scrambling  for  their  seats— I  told  you  so! 

Herald.     Move  forward  there!     Move  forward  all  of  ye 

Further!  within  the  consecrated  ground. 

Half  god.     Has  anybody  spoke? 

Her.  Is  anybody 

Prepared  to  speak? 

Half.  Yes,  I. 

Her.  Who  are  you  and  what? 

Half.     Halfgod,  the  demigod. 

Her.  Not  a  man? 

Half.     No  I'm  immortal;  for  the  first  Halfgod 

Was  born  of  Ceres  and  Triptolemus, 

His  only  son  was  Celeus,  Celeus  married 

Phaenarete  my  grandmother;  Lycinus 

My  father,  was  their  son;  that's  proof  enough 

Of  the  immortality  in  our  family. 

The  gods  moreover  have  despatched  me  here 

Commissioned  specially  to  arrange  a  peace 

Betwixt  this  city  and  Sparta— notwithstanding 

I  find  myself  rather  in  want  at  present 

Of  a  little  ready  money  for  my  journey. 

The  magistrates  won't  assist  me. 

Uer.  Constables! 

Half.     0  Celeus  and  Triptolemus,  don't  forsake  me! 

Just.     You  Presidents,  I  say!  you  exceed  your  powers; 

You  insult  the  Assembly,  dragging  off  a  man 

That  offered  to  make  terms  and  give  us  peace. 

Her.     Keep  silence  there. 


197 


The  war 
keeps  him  iB 
the  city 
against  his 
will. 


The  Presi- 
dents enter 
and  take  their 
seats. 

Religious 
ceremony  of 
consecra- 
tion. 

The  proceed- 
ings begin. 


The  haughty 
pride  of 
ancestry. 


Halfgod  has 
come  on  a 
peace  mis- 
sion. 


The  herald 
calls  the  con- 
stables to 
drag  Halfgod 
out;  there  is 
to  be  no  talk 
of  peace  with 
Sparta. 


198 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


The  authori- 
ties want  an 
alliance  with 
Persia,  but 
Justown  will 
not  hear  of  it. 

The  dress  is 

wonderfully 

gay. 


A  High  In- 
spector of  the 
Persian  king 
was  called 
the  "King's 
Eye." 

His  huge  eye 
looks  like  the 
eye  painted 
on  a  ship's 
prow. 


Just.  By  Zeus,  but  I  won't  be  silent, 

Except  I  hear  a  motion  about  peace. 

Her.      Ho,  there!  the  Ambassadors  from  the  King  of  Persia. 

Just.     What  King  of  Persia?  what  Ambassadors? 

I'm  sick  of  foreigners  and  foreign  animals, 

Peacocks  and  coxcombs  and  Ambassadors. 

Her.     Keep  silence  there. 

Just.  What's  here?     What  dress  is  that? 

In  the  name  of  Ecbatana!     What  does  it  mean? 

Ambassadors.     You  sent  us  when  Euthymenes  was  Archon, 

Some  few  years  back,  Ambassadors  to  Persia, 

With  an  appointment  of  two  drachmas  each 

For  daily  maintenance. 

Just.  Alas,  poor  drachmas!  .   .  . 

Amb.  Finally, 

We've  brought  you  here  a  nobleman,  Shamartabas 

By  name,  by  rank  and  office  the  King's  Eye. 

Just.     God  send  a  crow  to  pick  it  out  I  say, 

And  yours  the  Ambassadors'  into  the  bargain! 

Her.     Let  the  King's  Eye  come  forward. 

Just.  Hercules! 

What's  here?  an  eye  for  the  head  of  a  ship?    What  point, 

What  headland  is  he  weathering?  what's  your  course? 

What  makes  you  steer  so  slowly  and  so  steadily? 

Amb.     Come  now,  Shamartabas,  stand  forth;  declare 

The  King's  intentions  to  the  Athenian  people. 

(Shamartabas  here  utters  some  words,  which  Orientalists  have  sup- 
posed to  be  the  common  formula  prefixed  to  the  edicts  of  the 
Persian  monarch — Iartaman  exarksan  apissonai  satra) 

Amb.     You  understand  it? 

Just.  No,  by  Zeus,  not  I. 

A  mb.  (to  Just.)     He  says  the  King  intends  to  send  us  gold,     (tc 

Shamartabas)     Explain  about  the  gold;  speak  more  distinctly. 
Shamartabas.     Sen  gooly  Jaonau  aphooly  chest. 
Just.     Well,  that's  distinct  enough! 
Her.  What  does  he  say? 

Just.  That  it's  a  foolish  jest  for  the  Ionians 
To  imagine  their  King  would  send  them  gold. 
Amb.     No,  no! — He's  telling  ye  of  chests  full  of  gold. 


Embassies  from  Persia  and  Thrace     199 


Just.     What  chests?  you're  an  impostor. — Stand  away, 

Keep  off;  and  let  me  alone  to  question  him. 

(to  Shamartabas)     You  Sir,  you  Persian!  answer  me  distinctly 

And  plainly  in  the  presence  of  this  fist  of  mine; 

On  pain  of  a  royal  purple  bloody  nose. 

Will  the  King  send  us  gold,  or  will  he  not? 

(Shamartabas  shakes  his  head) 
Have  our  Ambassadors  bamboozled  us? 

(Shamartabas  nods) 
These  fellows  nod  to  us  in  the  Grecian  fashion; 
They're  some  of  our  own  people,  I'll  be  bound.  .  .  . 
Her.     Theorus,  our  ambassador  into  Thrace, 
Returned  from  King  Sitalces! 
Theorus.  Here  am  I. 

Just.     More  coxcombs  called  for!     Here's  another  coming. 
Thco.     We  should  not  have  remained  so  long  in  Thrace  .   .   . 
Just.     If  you  hadn't  been  overpaid  I  know  you  wouldn't. 
Theo.     But  for  the  snow  which  covered  all  the  country, 
And  buried  up  the  roads,  and  froze  the  rivers. 
'Twas  singular  this  change  of  weather  happened 
Just  when  Theognis  here,  our  frosty  poet, 
Brought  out  his  tragedy.    We  passed  our  time 
In  drinking  with  Sitalces.    He's  your  friend, 
Your  friend  and  lover,  if  there  ever  was  one, 
And  writes  the  name  of  Athens  on  his  walls.   .   .  . 
And  now  he  has  sent  some  warriors  from  a  tribe 
The  fiercest  in  all  Thrace. 

Just.  Well,  come— That's  fair. 

Her.     The  Thracians  that  came  hither  with  Theorus! 
Let  them  come  forward! 

Just.  What  the  plague  are  these? 

Theo.     The  Odomantian  army. 
Just.  The  Odomantians? 

Thracians?  and  what  has  brought  them  here  from  Thrace 
So  strangely  equipped,  disguised,  and  circumcised? 
Theo.     These  are  a  race  of  fellows,  if  you'd  hire  them, 
Only  a  couple  of  .drachmas  daily  paj  ; 
With  their  light  javelins,  and  their  little  bucklers, 
They'd  worry  and  skirmish  all  over  Bceotia. 


Theorus,  am- 
bassador to 
Thrace,  has 
returned,  and 
wishes  to  re- 
port. 


The  tragedy 
of  Theognis 
has  caused  a 
snow  storm. 


200 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


Rain  was  an 
unpropitious 
sign,  dissolv- 
ing the  as- 
sembly. 


The  old 
juror. 

Aristophanes, 
Wasps,  88  S. 

The  speaker 
is  his  son, 
who  has 
found  it  nec- 
essary to 
keep  the  old 
man  confined 
at  home,   to 
curb  his  pas- 
sion for  jury 
service. 

Greece,  175; 
A  ncient 
World,  195  f. 

Chorus  of 
jurors. 

Aristophanes, 
Wasps,  549  ff. 


Just.     Two  drachmas  for  those  scarecrows!  and  our  seamen 

What  would  they  say  to  it? — left  in  arrears, 

Poor  fellows,  that  are  our  support  and  safeguard. 

Out,  out  upon  it!  I'm  a  plundered  man. 

I'm  robbed  and  ruined  here  with  the  Odomantians. 

They're  seizing  upon  my  garlic. 

Theo.  (to  the  Thracians)     Oh  for  shame, 

Let  the  man's  garlic  alone.     You  shabby  fellow, 

You  countryman,  take  care  what  you're  about; 

Don't  venture  near  them  when  they're  primed  with  garlic. 

Just.     You  magistrates,  have  you  the  face  to  see  it, 

With  your  own  eyes — your  fellow-citizen 

Here,  in  the  city  itself,  robbed  by  barbarians? 

But  I  forbid  the  Assembly.    There's  a  change 

In  the  heaven!     I  felt  a  drop  of  rain!     I'm  witness! 

Her.     The  Thracians  must  withdraw,  to  attend  again 

The  first  of  next  month.     The  Assembly  is  closed. 

VII.  The  Jurors 

"He  is  a  law-court  lover,  no  man  like  him. 
Judging  is  what  he  dotes  on,  and  he  weeps 
Unless  he  sits  on  the  front  bench  of  all. 
At  night  he  gets  no  sleep,  no,  not  one  grain, 
Or  if  he  doze  the  tiniest  speck,  his  soul 
Flutters  in  dreams  about  the  water-clock.  .  .  . 
The  cock  which  crew  at  morningtide,  he  said, 
Was  tampered  with,  he  knew,  to  call  him  late. 
Bribed  by  officials  whose  accounts  were  due. 
Breakfast  scarce  done,  he  clamors  for  his  shoes, 
Hurries  ere  daybreak  to  the  Court,  and  sleeps 
Stuck  like  a  limpit  to  the  doorpost  there.  .  .  . 
Such  is  his  frenzy,  and  the  more  you  chide  him 
The  more  he  judges:  so  with  bolts  and  bars 
We  guard  him  straitly  that  he  stir  not  out." 

No  kinglier  power  than  ours  in  any  part  of  the  world  exists. 

Is  there  any  creature  on  earth  more  blest,  more  feared,  and  petted 

from  day  to  day, 
Or  that  leads  a  happier,  pleasanter  life,  than  a  justice  of  Athens, 

though  old  and  gray? 


The  Jurors  201 


For  first  when  rising  from  bed  in  the  morn,  to  the  criminal  court  be- 
times I  trudge, 

Great  six-foot  fellows  are  there  at  the  rails,  in  anxious  haste  to  salute 

their  judge. 

And  the  delicate  hand,  which  has  dipt  so  deep  in  the  public  purse,  he    Various 
1        •   .        •  classes  of 

claps  into  mine,  offenders. 

And  he  bows  before  me  and  makes  his  prayer,  and  softens  his  voice 

to  a  pitiful  whine.  .  .  . 
So  when  they  have  begged  and  implored  me  enough,  and  my  angry 

temper  is  wiped  away, 
I  enter  in  and  take  my  seat;  and  then  I  do  none  of  the  things  I  say.  .  . 
Some  vow  they  are  needy  and  friendless  men,  and  over  their  poverty 

wail  and  whine, 
And  reckon  up  hardships  false  and  true,  till  they  make  them  out  to  be 

equal  to  mine. 
Some  tell  a  legend  of  days  gone  by,  or  a  joke  from  ^Esop  witty  and 

sage, 
Or  jest  and  banter,  to  make  me  laugh,  that  so  I  may  forget  my 

terrible  rage. 
And  if  all  this  fails,  and  I  stand  unmoved,  he  leads  by  the  hands  his 

little  ones  near, 
He  brings  his  girls  and  he  brings  his  boys;  and  I  the  judge  am  com-    A  common 

posed  to  hear.  §S£  w£ts. 

They  huddle  together  with  piteous  bleats:  while  trembling  above 

them  he  prays  to  me, 
Prays  as  to  God  his  accounts  to  pass,  to  give  him  acquittance,  and 

leave  him  free. 
But  the  nicest  and  pleasantest  part  of  it  all  is  this,  which  I  had    His  salary 

wholly  forgotten  to  say,  g£jjjj  affec- 

Tis  when  with  my  fee  in  my  wallet  I  come,  returning  home  at  the    tion. 

close  of  the  day, 
Oh  then  what  a  welcome  I  get  for  its  sake;  my  daughter,  the  darling, 

is  foremost  of  all, 
And  she  washes  my  feet  and  anoints  them  with  care  and  above  them 

she  stoops  and  a  kiss  lets  fall, 
Till  at  last  by  the  pretty  Papas  of  her  tongue,  she  angles  withal  my 

three  obols  away. 
Then  my  dear  little  wife,  she  sets  on  the  board  nice  manchcts  of 

bread  in  a  tempting  array, 


202 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


And  cosily  taking  a  seat  by  my  side,  with  loving  entreaty  constrains 

me  to  feed; 
"I  beseech  you  taste  this,  I  implore  you  try  that." 


Epitaph  of 
Mannes  the 
woodman. 


Letter  of 

Mnesiergus 
to  those  at 
home. 


Introduction. 


VIII.  Two  Interesting  Documents 

Mannes,  whose  epitaph  is  given  below,  was  a  Phrygian  by  birth, 
doubtless  brought  as  a  slave  to  Attica  and  afterward  liberated.  He 
was  one  of  a  community  of  woodcutters  in  central  Attica,  when  he 
was  killed  by  the  invading  Peloponnesians  in  the  first  year  of  the  war 
(431  B.C.).  The  second  document  is  the  earliest  extant  Greek  letter, 
written  on  a  leaden  tablet  now  in  the  British  Museum.  The  writer 
is  an  Athenian  of  the  later  fifth  century  B.C.  The  translations  are 
by  Zimmern,  Greek  Commonwealth,  272,  278  f. 

A.  Mannes,  son  of  Orymas,  who  was  the  best  of  the 
Phrygians  in  the  broad  lands  of  Athens,  lies  in  this  fine 
tomb ;  and  by  Zeus,  I  never  saw  a  better  woodman  than 
myself.     He  died  in  the  war. 

B.  Carry  to  the  Potters'  Market,  and  deliver  to  Nausias 
or  Thrasycles  or  my  son. 

Mnesiergus  sends  his  love  to  all  at  home  and  hopes  this 
may  find  them  well  as  it  leaves  him. 

Please  send  me  a  rug,  either  a  sheepskin  or  a  goatskin, 
as  cheap  as  you  can  get  it,  and  not  with  the  hairs  on,  and 
some  strong  shoe-soles:  I  will  pay  some  time. 

IX.  Criticism  on  the  Athenian  Democracy 

This  Constitution  oj  the  Athenians  is  wrongly  ascribed  to  Xenophon. 
It  was  written  by  an  oligarch  ("  Old  Oligarch  ")  early  in  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian  war,  and  is  the  oldest  extant  political  pamphlet  in  any 
language. 

Now,  as  concerning  the  Polity  of  the  Athenians,  and 
the  type  or  manner  of  constitution  which  they  have 
chosen,  I  praise  it  not,  in  so  far  as  the  very  choice  involves 


Poor  Citizens,  Aliens,  and  Slaves      203 

the  welfare  of  the  baser  folk  as  opposed  to  that  of  the  Tne  author 

.  ,  T  ...  .  .  hates  democ- 

better  class.    1  repeat,  1  withhold  my  praise  so  far;  but,  racy,  but 

given  the  fact  that  this  is  the  type  agreed  upon,  I  propose  jfmJba  t 

to  show  that  they  set  about  its  preservation  in  the  right  th!ns  ^  to 

j  r  &  existj  the 

Way.    .    .    .  Athenians 

In  the  first  place,  I  maintain,  it  is  only  just  that  the  their  method 

poorer  classes  and  the  People  of  Athens  should  be  better  ?f  uPnoldins 

off  than  the  men  of  birth  and  wealth,  seeing  that  it  is  the  ^, 

0  .  The  poor  are 

people  who  man  the  fleet,  and  put  round  the  city  her  better  pro- 
girdle   of   power.      The   steersman,    the   boatswain,    the  have  more11 
lieutenant,  the  look-out-man  at  the  prow,  the  shipwright —  th^TrT 
these  are  the  people  who  engird  the  city  with  power  far  rich,  because 
rather  than  her  heavy  infantry  and  men  of  birth  and  constitute 
quality.     This  being  the  case,  it  seems  only  just  that  pj^j^8 
offices  of  state  should  be  thrown  open  to  every  one  both 
in  the  ballot  and  the  show  of  hands,  and  that  the  right 
of  speech  should   belong   to   anyone  who  likes,  without 
restriction.  .  .  . 

Another  point  is  the  extraordinary  amount  of  license  Excellent 

1  ■'  condition   of 

granted  to  slaves  and  resident  aliens  of  Athens,  where  a  slaves  and 

blow  is  illegal,  and  a  slave  will  not  step  aside  to  let  you  aliens. 

pass  him  in  the  street.    I  will  explain  the  reason  of  this 

peculiar  custom.    Supposing  it  were  legal  for  a  slave  to  be  Urnntention- 

1  r         °  .  .  ally  the  au- 

beaten  by  a  free  citizen,  or  for  a  resident  alien  or  freed-  thor  pays  a 

man  to  be  beaten  by  a  citizen,  it  would  frequently  happen  pnmnV, "to 

that  an  Athenian  might  be  mistaken  for  a  slave  or  an  democracy, 
alien  and  receive  a  beating;  since  the  Athenian  people,  are 
not  better  clothed  than  the  slave  or  alien,  nor  in  personal 
appearance  is  there  any  superiority.  Or  if  the  fact  itself 
thai  slaves  in  Athens  arc  allowed  to  indulge  in  luxury,  and 
indeed  in  some  cases  to  live  magnificently,  be  found 
astonishing,  this  too,  it  can  be  shown,  is  done  of  set  pur- 
pose.    Where  we  have  a  naval  power  dependent  upon 


204 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


Naval  su- 
premacy 
brings  re- 
finements 
and  breadth 
of  life. 


The  plain 
citizens  have 
a  full  share 
in  the  festi- 
vals. 


wealth  we  must  perforce  be  slaves  to  our  slaves,  in  order 
that  we  may  get  in  our  slave-rents,  and  let  the  real  slave 
go  free.  .  .  . 

And  if  one  may  descend  to  more  trifling  particulars,  it 
is  to  the  same  lordship  of  the  sea  that  the  Athenians  owe 
the  discovery,  in  the  first  place,  of  many  of  the  luxuries  of 
life  through  intercourse  with  other  countries.  So  that  the 
choice  things  of  Sicily  and  Italy,  of  Cyprus  and  Egypt  and 
Lydia,  of  Pontus  or  Peloponnese,  or  wheresoever  it  be,  are 
all  swept,  as  it  were,  into  one  centre,  and  all  owing,  as  I 
say,  to  their  maritime  empire.  And  again,  in  process  of 
listening  to  every  form  of  speech,  they  have  selected  this 
from  one  place  and  that  from  another — for  themselves. 
So  much  so  that  while  the  rest  of  the  Hellenes  employ 
each  pretty  much  their  own  peculiar  mode  of  speech, 
habit  of  life,  and  style  of  dress,  the  Athenians  have 
adopted  a  composite  type,  to  which  all  sections  of  Hellas, 
and  the  foreigner  alike,  have  contributed. 

As  regards  sacrifices  and  temples  and  festivals  and 
sacred  enclosures,  the  People  see  that  it  is  not  possible 
for  every  poor  citizen  to  do  sacrifice  and  hold  festival,  or 
to  set  up  temples  and  to  inhabit  a  large  and  beautiful  city. 
But  they  have  hit  upon  a  means  of  meeting  the  diffi- 
culty. They  sacrifice — that  is,  the  whole  state  sacrifices — 
at  the  public  cost,  a  large  number  of  victims;  but  it  is  the 
People  that  keep  holiday  and  distribute  the  victims  by 
lot  among  its  members.  Rich  men  have  in  some  cases 
private  gymnasia  and  baths  with  dressing-rooms,  but  the 
People  take  care  to  have  built  at  the  public  cost  a  number 
of  palaestras,  dressing-rooms,  and  bathing  establishments 
for  their  own  special  use,  and  the  mob  gets  the  benefit  of 
the  majority  of  these,  rather  than  the  select  few  or  the 
well-to-do. 


Naval  Supremacy  205 

As  to  wealth,  the  Athenians  are  exceptionally  placed  Naval  su- 

....       premacy 

with  regard  to  Hellenic  and  foreign  communities  alike,  in  tends  to  a 

their  ability  to  hold  it.    For,  given  that  some  state  or  other  ^worid's0 

is  rich  in  timber  for  shipbuilding,  where  is  it  to  find  a  products, 
market  for  the  product  except  by  persuading  the  ruler  of 

the  sea?    Or  suppose  the  wealth  of  some  state  or  other  to  The  com- 

rr  .  merce  of 

consist  of  iron,  or  may  be  of  bronze,  or  of  linen  yarn,  other  states 
where  will  it  find  a  market  except  by  permission  of  the  ^earcy  ^  the 
supreme  maritime  power?  Yet  these  are  the  very  things,  ^F£e 
you  see,  which  I  need  for  my  ships.  Timber  I  must  have  power, 
from  one,  7and  from  another  iron,  from  a  third  bronze, 
from  a  fourth  linen  yarn,  from  a  fifth  wax,  etc.  Besides 
which  they  will  not  suffer  their  antagonists  in  those 
parts  to  carry  their  products  elsewhither,  or  they  will 
cease  to  use  the  sea.  Accordingly  I,  without  one  stroke 
of  labor,  extract  from  the  land  and  possess  all  these  good 
things,  thanks  to  my  supremacy  on  the  sea;  whilst  not  a 
single  other  state  possesses  the  two  of  them.  Not  timber, 
for  instance,  and  yarn  together,  can  be  found  in  the  same 
city.  But  where  yarn  is  abundant,  the  soil  will  be  light  and 
devoid  of  timber.  And  in  the  same  way  bronze  and  iron 
will  not  be  products  of  the  same  city.  And  so  for  the  rest, 
never  two  or  at  best  three,  in  one  state,  but  one  thing  here 
and  another  thing  there.  Moreover,  above  and  beyond 
what  has  been  said,  the  coast-line  of  every  mainland  pre- 
sents, either  some  jutting  promontory  or  adjacent  island  or 
narrow  strait  of  some  sort,  so  that  those  who  are  masters 
of  the  sea  can  come  to  moorings  at  one  of  these  points 
and  wreak  vengeance  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  main- 
land. 


206 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


X.  Character  of  the  Athenians  Interpreted  by 
Pericles 


Equality  be- 
fore the  law 
and  offices 
to  the  quali- 
fied. 


Funeral 
Oration   of 
Pericles, 
quoted  by 
Thucydides 
ii-  37- 


The  ideas 
are  those  of 
Pericles;  the 
words  are 

mainly  the 
historian's. 


Refinements 
of  Athenian 
life. 

lb.  38. 


"Our  form  of  government  does  not  enter  into  rivalry 
with  the  institutions  of  others.  We  do  not  copy  our 
neighbors,  but  are  an  example  to  them.  It  is  true  that 
we  are  called  a  democracy,  for  the  administration  is  in  the 
hands  of  the  many  and  not  of  the  few.  But  while  the  law 
secures  equal  justice  to  all  alike  in  their  private  disputes, 
the  claim  of  excellence  is  also  recognized;  and  when  a 
citizen  is  in  any  way  distinguished,  he  is  preferred  for  the 
public  service,  not  as  a  matter  of  privilege,  but  as  a  re- 
ward of  merit.  Neither  is  poverty  a  bar,  but  a  man  may 
benefit  his  country  whatever  be  the  obscurity  of  his  con- 
dition. There  is  no  exclusiveness  in  our  public  life,  and 
in  our  private  intercourse  we  are  not  suspicious  of  one 
another,  nor  angry  with  our  neighbor  if  he  does  what  he 
likes;  we  do  not  put  on  sour  looks  at  him  which,  though 
harmless,  are  not  pleasant.  While  we  are  thus  uncon- 
strained in  our  private  intercourse,  a  spirit  of  reverence 
pervades  our  public  acts;  we  are  prevented  from  doing 
wrong  by  respect  for  authority  and  for  the  laws,  having  a 
special  regard  to  those  which  are  ordained  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  injured  as  well  as  to  those  unwritten  laws  which 
bring  upon  the  transgressor  of  them  the  reprobation  of  the 
general  sentiment. 

"And  we  have  not  forgotten  to  provide  for  our  weary 
spirits  many  relaxations  from  toil ;  we  have  regular  games 
and  sacrifices  throughout  the  year;  at  home  the  style  of 
our  life  is  refined;  and  the  delight  which  we  daily  feel  in 
all  these  things  helps  to  banish  melancholy.  Because  of 
the  greatness  of  our  city  the  fruits  of  the  whole  earth 


Athenian  Character  207 

flow  in  upon  us;  so  that  we  enjoy  the  goods  of  other 

countries  as  freely  as  of  our  own. 

Then,  again,  our  military  training  is  in  many  respects   Generosity 
.  ,  .  ,  .  ~  .        .       ,  of  spirit, 

superior  to  that  of  our  adversaries.     Our  city  is  thrown 

open  to  the  world,  and  we  never  expel  a  foreigner  or  pre-  '  39' 
vent  him  from  seeing  or  learning  anything  of  which  the 
secret,  if  revealed  to  an  enemy,  might  profit  him.  We  rely 
not  upon  management  and  trickery,  but  upon  our  own 
hearts  and  hands.  And  in  the  matter  of  education, 
whereas  they  from  early  youth  are  undergoing  laborious 
exercises  which  are  to  make  them  brave,  we  live  at  ease, 
and  yet  are  equally  ready  to  face  the  perils  which  they 
face.  .  .  . 

"If  then  we  prefer  to  meet  danger  with  a  light  heart 
but  without  laborious  training,  and  with  a  courage  which 
is  gained  by  habit  and  not  enforced  by  law,  are  we  not 
greatly  the  gainers?  since  we  do  not  anticipate  the  pain, 
although  when  the  hour  comes,  we  can  be  as  brave  as 
those  who  never  allow  themselves  to  rest;  and  thus  too 
our  city  is  equally  admirable  in  peace  and  in  war.  For  we 
are  lovers  of  the  beautiful,  yet  simple  in  our  tastes,  and  Lovers  of 
we  cultivate  the  mind  without  loss  of  manliness.  Wealth  fui. 
we  employ,  not  for  talk  and  ostentation,  but  when  there 
is  a  real  use  for  it.  To  avow  poverty  with  us  is  no  dis- 
grace: the  true  disgrace  is  in  doing  nothing  to  avoid  it. 
An  Athenian  citizen  does  not  neglect  the  state  because  he 
takes  care  of  his  own  household;  and  even. those  of  us  who 
are  engaged  in  business  have  a  very  fair  idea  of  politics. 
We  alone  regard  a  man  who  takes  no  interest  in  public 
affairs,  not  as  a  harmless,  but  as  a  useless  character;  and 
if  few  of  us  are  originators,  we  are  all  sound  judges  of  a 
policy.  The  great  impedimenl  to  action  is,  in  our  opin- 
ion, not  discussion,  but  the  want  of  that  knowledge  which 


208 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


Liberal  for- 
eign policy. 


The  "School 
of  Hellas." 

lb.  41. 


is  gained  by  discussion  preparatory  to  action.  For  we 
have  a  peculiar  power  of  thinking  before  we  act  and  of 
acting  too,  whereas  other  men  are  courageous  from  igno- 
rance but  hesitate  upon  reflection.  And  they  are  surely 
to  be  esteemed  the  bravest  spirits  who,  having  the  clear- 
est sense  both  of  the  pains  and  pleasures  of  life,  do  not  on 
that  account  shrink  from  danger.  In  doing  good,  again, 
we  are  unlike  others;  we  make  our  friends  by  conferring, 
not  by  receiving  favors.  Now  he  who  confers  a  favor  is 
the  firmer  friend,  because  he  would  fain  by  kindness  keep 
alive  the  memory  of  an  obligation;  but  the  recipient  is 
colder  in  his  feelings,  because  he  knows  that  in  requiting 
another's  generosity  he  will  not  be  winning  gratitude,  but 
only  paying  a  debt.  We  alone  do  good  to  our  neighbors 
not  upon  a  calculation  of  interest  but  in  the  confidence 
of  freedom  and  in  a  frank  and  fearless  spirit. 

"  To  sum  up,  I  say  that  Athens  is  the  school  of  Hellas, 
and  that  the  individual  Athenian  in  his  own  person  seems 
to  have  the  power  of  adapting  himself  to  the  most  varied 
forms  of  action  with  the  utmost  versatility  and  grace. 
This  is  no  passing  and  idle  word,  but  truth  and  fact;  and 
the  assertion  is  verified  by  the  position  to  which  these 
qualities  have  raised  the  state.  For  in  the  hour  of  trial 
Athens  alone  among  her  contemporaries  is  superior  to  the 
report  of  her.  No  enemy  who  comes  against  her  is  in- 
dignant at  the  reverses  which  he  sustains  at  the  hand  of 
such  a  city;  no  subject  complains  that  his  masters  are 
unworthy  of  him.  And  we  shall  assuredly  not  be  without 
witnesses;  there  are  mighty  monuments  of  our  power 
which  will  make  us  the  wonder  of  this  and  of  succeeding 
ages;  we  shall  not  need  the  praises  of  Homer  or  of  any 
other  panegyrist  whose  poetry  may  please  for  the  moment, 
although  his  representation  of  the  facts  will  not  bear  the 


Studies  209 

light  of  day.  For  we  have  compelled  every  land  and  every 
sea  to  open  a  path  for  our  valor,  and  have  everywhere  planted 
eternal  memorials  of  our  friendship  and  of  our  enmity." 

STUDIES 

1.  Give  an  account  of  the  family  of  Pericles.  Describe  his  personal 
appearance.  Who  was  his  principal  teacher,  and  for  what  was  the 
latter  noted? 

2.  Why  did  Pericles  hesitate  to  engage  in  politics?  Why  did  he 
take  the  popular  side?  Describe  his  oratory.  Was  he  unsocial  by 
nature  or  on  principle?  Describe  the  government  of  Pericles.  Give 
a  reason  why  it  should  not  be  called  a  democracy. 

3.  What  money  was  used  for  building  temples  and  other  public 
works?  What  objection  was  brought  against  this  policy?  How  did 
Pericles  defend  his  policy?  What  evidence  does  Plutarch  find  of  the 
former  greatness  of  Athens?  How  does  his  remark  illustrate  the 
fact  that  "archaeology  confirms  history"?  What  economic  object 
had  Pericles  in  mind?  What  industries  contributed  to  these  works? 
What  is  Plutarch's  estimate  of  their  artistic  worth?  Who  were  the 
artists?  Describe  the  Odeum.  What  was  the  Propylaea,  and  where 
was  it  situated? 

4.  Find  on  the  map  the  places  from  which  all  the  charioteers  here 
mentioned  came.  Where  did  this  race  take  place?  Describe  it  in 
your  own  language.  Where  was  Crisa?  What  was  done  with  the 
dead  body?  What  does  Antigone  talk  with  her  sister  about?  What 
stand  does  Antigone  take?  Contrast  the  sisters  in  character.  What 
gods  are  invoked  as  a  help  against  the  pestilence?  What  seems  to  be 
the  spirit  of  the  prayer? 

5.  State  definitely  how  the  Athenians  promised  to  treat  the  Chal- 
cidians.  What  are  to  be  the  duties  of  Chalcis  to  Athens?  What 
cases  were  to  be  tried  in  Chalcis,  and  what  cases  appealed  to  Athens? 

6.  From  this  passage  write  out  all  you  can  concerning  the  opening 
and  procedure  of  the  popular  assembly.  What  was  Justown  aiming 
at?  Why  did  he  dislike  the  negotiations  with  Persia?  Explain  the 
negotiations  with  the  Thracians.  Why  did  Justown  object  to  the 
bargain?  How  did  he  force  the  adjournment  of  the  assembly?  What 
is  the  historical  value  of  this  passage? 

7.  Why  should  the  old  man  so  love  jury  service?    Do  all  the  jurors 


210  The  Age  of  Pericles 

seem  to  be  old  men?  What  do  the  jurors  say  of  their  power?  How 
are  they  treated  by  litigants  and  offenders?  What  becomes  of  the 
daily  ice? 

8.  Describe  these  two  documents.    What  interest  attaches  to  each? 

9.  What  objections  has  the  "( )1<1  Oligarch  "  to  the  Athenian  form  of 
government?  What  was  the  condition  of  slaves  and  of  alien  residents 
in  Athens?  Why  should  the  "Old  Oligarch"  find  fault  with  this 
condition?  What  advantages  does  her  naval  supremacy  bring  to 
Athens?    What  disadvantages  to  others? 

10.  What  does  Pericles  consider  the  leading  principles  of  democ- 
racy? Who  were  the  authors  of  the  selections  in  this  chapter? 
What  did  they  severally  write,  and  what  is  the  historical  value  of 
each? 


CHAPTER  XIX 

THE   PELOPONNESIAN  WAR  TO  THE   SICILIAN 
EXPEDITION 

I.  The  Resources  of  the  Contending  Powers 

The  Athenians  now  made  preparations  for  war.     The  Prepara- 
Lacedaemonians  and  their  allies  made  similar  preparations. 
Both   they   and   the  Athenians   meditated   sending  em-  Thucydides 

.  ii   7. 

bassies  to  the  king,  and  to  the  other  barbarian  potentates 
from  whom  either  party  might  hope  to  obtain  aid;  they  Greece,  190 g.; 
likewise  sought  the  alliance  of  independent  cities  outside  World,  219  ff. 
their  own  dominion.  The  Lacedaemonians  ordered  their 
friends  in  Italy  and  Sicily,  in  addition  to  the  ships  which 
they  had  on  the  spot,  to  build  others  in  number  propor- 
tioned to  the  size  of  their  cities ;  for  they  intended  to  raise 
the  Peloponnesian  navy  to  a  total  of  five  hundred.  The 
cities  were  also  required  to  furnish  a  fixed  sum  of  money; 
they  were  not  to  receive  more  than  a  single  Athenian 
ship,  but  were  to  take  no  further  measures  until  these 
preparations  had  been  completed.  The  Athenians  re- 
viewed their  confederacy,  and  sent  ambassadors  to  the 
places  immediately  adjacent  to  Peloponnesus — Corcyra, 
('.  phallenia,  Acarnania,  and  Zacynthus.  They  perceived 
that  if  they  could  only  rely  upon  the  friendship  of  these 
states,  they  might  completely  surround  Pelopopn. 
with  war. 

On  neither  side  were  there  any  mean  thoughts;  they   Both  sides 

J  -     enthusiastic 

were  both  full  of  enthusiasm;  and  no  wonder,  for  all  men 

are  energetic  when  they  are  making  a  beginning.    At  that   Thuc.  ii.  S. 


212  The  Peloponnesian  War 

time  the  youth  of  Peloponnesus  and  the  youth  of  Athens 
were  numerous;  they  had  never  seen  war,  and  were  there- 
fore very  willing  to  take  up  arms.  All  Hellas  was  excited 
by  the  coming  conflict  between  her  two  chief  cities.  Many 
were  the  prophecies  circulated  and  many  the  oracles 
chanted  by  diviners,  not  only  in  the  cities  about  to  engage 
in  the  struggle,  but  throughout  Hellas.  Quite  lately  the 
island  of  Delos  had  been  shaken  by  an  earthquake  for  the 
first  time  within  the  memory  of  the  Hellenes;  this  was 
interpreted  and  generally  believed  to  be  a  sign  of  coming 
events.  And  everything  of  the  sort  which  occurred  was 
curiously  noted. 
The  Hel-  The  feeling  of  mankind  was  strongly  on  the  side  of  the 

Lacedamon.  Lacedaemonians;  for  they  professed  to  be  the  liberators  of 
Hellas.  Cities  and  individuals  were  eager  to  assist  them, 
to  the  utmost,  both  by  word  and  deed;  and  where  a  man 
could  not  hope  to  be  present,  there  it  seemed  to  him  that 
all  things  were  at  a  stand.  For  the  general  indignation 
against  the  Athenians  was  intense;  some  were  longing  to 
be  delivered  from  them,  others  fearful  of  falling  under 
their  sway. 

The  allies  on       Such  was  the  temper  which  animated  the  Hellenes,  and 
both  sides.  ,  ,  .  ,     ,       ,..  r 

such  were  the  preparations  made  by  the  two  powers  tor 

the  wrar.     Their  respective  allies  were  as  follows: — The 

Lacedaemonian  confederacy  included  all  the  Peloponnesians 

with  the  exception  of  the  Argives  and  the  Achaeans — they 

were  both  neutral;  only  the  Achaeans  of  Pellene  took  part 

with  the  Lacedaemonians  at  first ;  afterward  all  the  Achaeans 

joined  them.    Beyond  the  borders  of  the  Peloponnese,  the 

Megarians,   Phocians,   Locrians,   Boeotians,   Ambraciots, 

Leucadians,  and  Anactorians  were  their  allies.     Of  these 

states  the  Corinthians,  Megarians,  Sicyonians,  Pellenians, 

Eleans,  Ambraciots,  and  Leucadians  provided  a  navy,  the 


lb.  g. 


The  Allies;  Cleon's  Policy  213 

Boeotians,  Phocians  and  Locrians  furnished  cavalry,  the 
other  states  only  infantry.  The  allies  of  the  Athenians 
were  Chios,  Lesbos,  Plataea,  the  M essenians  of  Naupactus, 
the  greater  part  of  Acarnania,  Corcyra,  Zacynthus,  and 
in  many  other  countries  cities  which  were  their  tribu- 
taries. There  were  the  maritime  region  of  Caria,  the  ad- 
jacent Dorian  people,  Ionia,  the  Hellespont,  the  Thracian 
coast,  the  islands  that  lie  to  the  east  within  the  line  of 
Peloponnesus  and  Crete,  including  all  the  Cyclades  with 
the  exception  of  Melos  and  Thera.  Chios,  Lesbos,  and 
Corcyra  furnished  a  navy;  the  rest,  land  forces  and  money. 
Thus  much  concerning  the  two  confederacies,  and  the 
character  of  their  respective  forces. 

II.  Cleon's  Policy  of  Terrorism 

In  the  former  assembly,  Cleon,  the  son  of  Cleaenetus,  ^.0Wi5e!?els 
had  carried  the  decree  condemning  the  Mytilenaeans  to  punished, 
death.    He  was  the  most  violent  of  the  citizens,  and  at  Thucydides 
that  time  exercised  bv  far  the  greatest  influence  over  the    .    . 

J  °  m  Ancient 

people.     And  now  he  came  forward  a  second  time  and   World,  222. 
spoke  as  follows : —  The  revolt  of 

.,_  ,  it-  i-i  i  Mytilene  had 

I  have  remarked  again  and  again  that  a  democracy  been  led  by 

cannot  manage  an  empire,  but  never  more  than  now,  There  was  no 

when   I  see  you  regretting  your  condemnation   of  the  do«bt  tliat 

Mytilenaeans.      Having    no  fear  or  suspicion  of  one  an-  be  put  to 

other  in  daily  life,  you  deal  with  your  allies  upon  the  same  question  was 

principle,  and  you  do  not  consider  that  whenever  you  yield  j^ong1"^ 

to  them  out  of  pity  or  are  misled  by  their  specious  tales,   thecommons, 

•1  w"°  nai' 

you  are  guilty  of  a  weakness  dangerous  to  yourselves,  and   taken  little 

receive  no  thanks  from  them.     You  should  remember  thai    J|;.v,t1|,"'.lt,1l'1 

vour  empire  is  a  despotism  exercised  over  unwilling  sub-  wereinfact 

'  ■  .  loyal  t<> 

jects,  who  are  always  conspiring  against  you;  they  do  not  Athens. 


214 


The  Peloponnesian  War 


The  Atheni- 
ans had 
condemned 
all  to  death, 
but  the  ques- 
tion was  now 
reopened. 


The  offence 
of  Mytilene 
is  especially 
heinous. 

Thucydides 
ii.  39. 


obey  in  return  for  any  kindness  which  you  do  them  to 
your  own  injury,  but  in  so  far  as  you  arc  their  masters; 
they  have  no  love  of  you,  but  they  are  held  down  by 
force.  Besides,  what  can  be  more  detestable  than  to  be 
perpetually  changing  our  minds?  We  forget  that  a  state 
in  which  the  laws  though  imperfect  are  unalterable,  is 
better  off  than  one  in  which  the  laws  are  good  but  power- 
less. Dulness  and  modesty  are  a  more  useful  combination 
than  cleverness  and  licence;  and  the  more  simple  sort 
generally  make  better  citizens  than  the  more  astute. 
For  the  latter  desire  to  be  thought  wiser  than  the  laws; 
they  want  always  to  be  taking  a  lead  in  the  discussions 
of  the  assembly;  they  think  that  they  can  nowhere  have  a 
finer  opportunity  of  speaking  their  mind,  and  their  folly 
generally  ends  in  the  ruin  of  their  country;  whereas  the 
others,  mistrusting  their  own  capacity,  admit  that  the 
laws  are  wiser  than  themselves;  they  do  not  pretend  to 
criticise  the  arguments  of  a  great  speaker;  and  being  im- 
partial judges,  not  ambitious  rivals,  they  are  generally  in 
the  right.  That  is  the  spirit  in  which  we  should  act;  not 
suffering  ourselves  to  be  so  excited  by  our  own  cleverness 
in  a  war  of  wits  as  to  advise  the  Athenian  people  contrary 
to  our  own  better  judgment.  .  .  . 

"I  want  you  to  put  aside  this  trifling,  and  therefore  I 
say  to  you  that  no  single  city  has  ever  injured  us  so  deeply 
as  Mytilene.  I  can  excuse  those  who  find  our  rules  too 
heavy  to  bear,  or  who  have  revolted  because  the  enemy 
have  compelled  them.  But  islanders  who  had  walls,  and 
were  unassailable  by  our  enemies  except  at  sea,  and  on 
that  element  were  sufficiently  protected  by  a  fleet  of  their 
own,  who  were  independent  and  treated  by  us  with  the 
highest  regard,  when  they  act  thus  they  have  not  re- 
volted, (that  word  would  imply  that  they  were  oppressed), 


All  Mytilenaeans  Guilty  215 

but  they  have  rebelled,  and  entering  the  ranks  of  our 
bitterest  enemies,  have  conspired  with  them  to  seek  our 
ruin.  And  surely  this  is  far  more  atrocious  than  if  they 
had  been  led  by  motives  of  ambition  to  take  up  arms 
against  us  on  their  own  account.  They  learned  nothing 
from  the  misfortunes  of  their  neighbors  who  had  already 
revolted  and  had  been  subdued  by  us,  nor  did  the  happi- 
ness of  which  they  were  in  the  enjoyment  make  them 
hesitate  to  court  destruction.  They  trusted  reckessly  to 
the  future,  and  cherishing  hopes  which,  if  less  than  their 
wishes,  were  greater  than  their  powers,  they  went  to  war, 
preferring  might  to  right.  No  sooner  did  they  seem  likely 
to  win  than  they  set  upon  us,  although  we  were  doing 
them  no  wrong.  Too  swift  and  sudden  a  rise  is  apt  to 
make  cities  insolent,  and  in  general,  ordinary  good-fortune 
is  safer  than  extraordinary.  Mankind  apparently  find  it 
easier  to  drive  away  adversity  than  to  retain  prosperity. 
We  should  from  the  first  have  made  no  difference  between 
the  Mytilenasans  and  the  rest  of  our  allies,  and  then  their 
insolence  would  never  have  risen  to  such  a  height;  for  men 
naturally  despise  those  who  court  them,  but  respect  those 
who  do  not  give  way  to  them.  Yet  it  is  not  too  late  to 
punish  them  as  their  crimes  deserve. 

"And  do  not  absolve  the  people  while  you  throw  the  JJ^gJ* 
blame  upon  the  nobles.     For  they  were  all  of  one  mind  are  as  guilty 
when  we  were  to  be  attacked.    Had  the  people  deserted  feaders. 
the  nobles  and  come  over  to  us,  they  might  at  this  moment 
have  been  reinstated  in  their  city;  but  they  considered 
that  their  safety  lay  in  sharing  the  dangers  of  the  oligarchy, 
and  therefore  they  joined  in  the  revolt.     Reflect:  if  you 
impose  the  same  penalty  upon  those  of  your  allies  who 
wilfully  rebel  and  upon  those  who  are  constrained  by  the 
enemy,  which  of  them  will  not  revolt  upon  any  pretext 


216  The  Peloponnesian  War 

however  trivial,  seeing  that  if  he  succeed,  he  will  be  free, 

and  if  he  fail,  no  irreparable  evil  will  follow?    We  in  the 

meantime  shall  have  to  risk  our  lives  and  our  fortunes 

against  every  one  in  turn.     When  conquerors  we  shall 

recover  only  a  ruined  city,  and  for  the  future,  the  revenues 

which  are  our  strength  will  be  lost  to  us.    But  if  we  fail, 

the  number  of  our  adversaries  will  be  increased.     And 

when  we  ought  to  be  employed  in  repelling  our  regular 

enemies,  we  shall  be  wrasting  time  in  fighting  against  our 

own  allies. 

Make  an  ex-       "in  one  word,  if  you  do  as  I  say,  you  will  do  what  is 

ample  of  .  . 

them.  just  to  the  Mytilenaeans,  and  also  what  is  expedient  for 

lb.  40.  yourselves;  but  if  you  do  take  the  opposite  course,  they  will 

not  be  grateful  to  you,  and  you  will  be  self-condemned. 
For  if  they  were  right  in  revolting,  you  must  be  wrong  in 
maintaining  your  empire.  But  if  right  or  wrong  you  are 
resolved  to  rule,  then  rightly  or  wrongly  they  must  be 
chastised  for  your  good.  Otherwise  you  must  give  up 
your  empire,  and  when  virtue  is  no  longer  dangerous,  you 
may  be  as  virtuous  as  you  please.  Punish  them  as  they 
would  have  punished  you ;  let  not  those  who  have  escaped 
appear  to  have  less  feeling  than  those  who  conspired 
against  them.  Consider:  what  might  not  they  have  been 
expected  to  do  if  they  had  conquered? — especially  since 
they  were  the  aggressors.  For  those  who  wantonly  attack 
others  always  rush  into  extremes,  and  sometimes,  like 
these  Mytilenaeans,  to  their  own  destruction.  They  know 
the  fate  which  is  reserved  for  them  if  their  enemy  is 
spared;  when  a  man  is  injured  without  a  cause  he  is  more 
dangerous  if  he  escape  than  the  enemy  who  has  only 
suffered  what  he  has  inflicted.  Be  true  then  to  your- 
selves, and  recall  as  vividly  as  you  can  what  you  felt  at 
the  time;  think  how  you  would  have  given  the  world  to 


Studies  217 

crush  your  enemies,  and  now  take  your  revenge.  Do  not 
be  soft-hearted  at  the  sight  of  their  distress,  but  remember 
the  danger  which  was  once  hanging  over  your  heads. 
Chastise  them  as  they  deserve,  and  prove  by  an  example 
to  your  other  allies  that  rebellion  will  be  punished  with 
death.  If  this  is  made  quite  clear  to  them,  your  atten- 
tion will  no  longer  be  diverted  from  your  enemies  by  wars 
against  your  own  allies." 

STUDIES 

1.  To  what  king  did  Athens  and  Sparta  send  embassies?  What 
alliances  did  the  Lacedaemonians  and  the  Athenians  respectively 
make,  and  what  advantage  did  they  expect  therefrom?  To  what 
causes  was  due  the  high  spirit  of  both  sides?  What  was  the  religious 
feeling?    Do  people  of  to-day  have  similar  feelings  on  such  occasions? 

2.  What  was  the  relation  of  Athens  toward  her  allies,  according  to 
Cleon?  How  much  truth  is  there  in  his  view?  Who  did  he  think 
were  the  best  citizens?  What  was  the  object  of  Cleon's  speech?  Why 
does  he  wish  the  commons  of  Mytilene  punished?  What  policy  was 
he  trying  to  persuade  Athens  to  adopt?  What  impression  of  his 
character  does  this  speech  make? 


CHAPTER  XX 

FROM  THE   SICILIAN   EXPEDITION  TO  THE  END 
OF  THE   WAR 


The  arma- 
ment sails 
for  Corcyra. 

Thucydides 


Ancient 
World,  226-9; 
Greece,  208- 
16. 


I.  The  Departure  of  the  Expedition 

About  the  middle  of  summer  the  expedition  started  for 
Sicily.  Orders  had  been  previously  given  to  most  of  the 
allies,  to  the  corn-ships,  the  smaller  craft,  and  generally 
to  the  vessels  in  attendance  on  the  armament,  that  they 
should  muster  at  Corcyra,  whence  the  whole  fleet  was  to 
strike  across  the  Ionian  Gulf  to  the  promontory  of  Iapygia. 
Early  in  the  morning  of  the  day  appointed  for  their  de- 
parture, the  Athenians  and  such  of  their  allies  as  had 
already  joined  them  went  down  to  the  Piraeus  and  began 
to  man  the  ships.  The  entire  population  of  Athens  ac- 
companied them,  citizens  and  strangers  alike.  The  citi- 
zens came  to  take  farewell,  one  of  an  acquaintance,  an- 
other of  a  kinsman,  another  of  a  son;  the  crowd  as  they 
passed  along  were  full  of  hope  and  full  of  tears;  hope  of 
conquering  Sicily,  tears  because  they  doubted  whether 
they  would  ever  see  their  friends  again,  when  they  thought 
of  the  long  voyage  on  which  they  were  sending  them.  At 
the  moment  of  parting  the  danger  was  nearer;  and  terrors 
which  had  never  occurred  to  them  when  they  were  voting 
the  expedition  now  entered  into  their  souls.  Neverthe- 
less their  spirits  revived  at  the  sight  of  the  armament  in 
all  its  strength  and  of  the  abundant  provision  which  they 
had  made.    The  strangers  and  the  rest  of  the  multitude 

218 


Condition  of  the  Fleet  219 

came  out  of  curiosity,  desiring  to  witness  an  enterprise  of 

which  the  greatness  exceeded  belief. 

No  armament  so  magnificent  or  costly  had  ever  been  Excellent 

0  J  condition  of 

sent  out  by  any  single  Hellenic  power.  .  .  .  This  expedi-   the  fleet. 

tion  was  intended  to  be  long  absent,  and  was  thoroughly  Thucydides 

provided  both  for  sea   and   land   service,   wherever   its 

presence  might  be  required.     On  the  fleet  the  greatest 

pains  and  expense  had  been  lavished  by  the  trierarchs 

and  the  state.     The  public  treasury  gave  a  drachma  a 

day  to  each  sailor,  and  furnished  empty  hulls  for  sixty 

swift  sailing  vessels,  and  for  forty  transports  carrying 

hoplites.     All   these  were  manned  with  the  best  crews 

which  could  be  obtained.    The  trierarchs,  besides  the  pay 

given  by  the  state,  added  somewhat  more  out  of  their 

own  means  to  the  wages  of  the  upper  ranks  of  rowers  and 

of  the  petty  officers.    The  figure-heads  and  other  fittings 

provided  by  them  were  of  the  most  costly  description. 

Everyone  strove  to  the' utmost   that  his  own  ship  might 

excel  both  in  beauty  and  swiftness.     The  infantry  had 

been  well  selected  and  the  lists  carefully  made  up.    There 

was  the  keenest  rivalry  among  the  soldiers  in  the  matter 

of  arms  and  personal  equipment. 

And  while  at  home  the  Athenians  were  thus  competing  The  cost. 

with  one  another  in   the  performance  of  their  several 

duties,  to  the  rest  of  Hellas  the  expedition  seemed  to  be  a 

grand  display  of  their  power  and  greatness,  rather  than  a 

preparation  for  war.     If  any  one  had  reckoned  up  the 

whole   expenditure    (1)    of   the   state,    (2)    of   individual 

soldiers  and  others,  including  in  the  first  not  only  what 

the  city  had  already  laid  out,  but  what  was  intrusted  to 

the  generals,  and  in  the  second  what  either  at  the  time  or 

afterward  private  persons  spent  upon  their  outfit,  or  the 

trierarchs  upon  their  ships,  the  provisions  for  the  long 


A  talent  was 
abo«t  Si, 200. 


The  depart- 
ure. 


A  psan  of 
this  kind 
was  a  battle 
song,    gener- 
ally sung  at 
the  opening 
of  the  en- 
gagement. 


Athenian 
defeat. 

Thucydides 
vii.  72. 


220     Sicilian  Expedition  to  End  of  War 

voyage  which  every  one  may  be  supposed  to  have  carried 
over  with  him  over  and  above  his  public  pay,  and  what 
soldiers  or  traders  may  have  taken  for  purposes  of  ex- 
change, he  would  have  found  that  altogether  an  immense 
sum  amounting  to  many  talents  was  withdrawn  from  the 
city.  Men  were  quite  amazed  at  the  boldness  of  the 
scheme  and  the  magnificence  of  the  spectacle,  which 
were  everywhere  spoken  of,  no  less  than  at  the  great  dis- 
proportion of  the  force  when  compared  with  that  of  the 
enemy  against  whom  it  was  intended.  Never  had  a 
greater  expedition  been  sent  to  a  foreign  land;  never  was 
there  an  enterprise  in  which  the  hope  of  future  success 
seemed  to  be  better  justified  by  actual  power. 

When  the  ships  were  manned  and  everything  required 
for  the  voyage  had  been  placed  on  board,  silence  was 
proclaimed  by  the  sound  of  the  trumpet,  and  all  with 
one  voice  before  setting  sail  offered  up  the  customary 
prayers;  these  were  recited  not  in  each  ship,  but  by  a 
single  herald,  the  whole  fleet  accompanying  him.  On 
every  deck  both  officers  and  men,  mingling  wine  in  bowls, 
made  libations  from  vessels  of  gold  and  silver.  The 
multitude  of  citizens  and  other  well-wishers  who  were 
looking  on  from  the  land  joined  in  the  prayer.  The  crews 
raised  the  Paean,  and  when  the  libations  were  completed 
put  to  sea.  After  sailing  out  for  some  distance  in  single 
file,  the  ships  raced  with  one  another  as  far  as  ^Egina; 
thence  they  hastened  onward  to  Corcyra,  where  the  allies 
who  formed  the  rest  of  the  army  were  assembling. 

II.  The  Ruin  of  the  Expedition 

Thus,  after  a  fierce  battle  and  a  great  destruction  of 
ships  and  men  on  both  sides,  the  Syracusans  and  their 
allies  gained  the  victory.    They  gathered  up  the  wrecks 


Disaster  221 

and  bodies  of  the  dead,  and  sailing  back  to  the  city,  An^nt 

It  odd,  230- 

erected  a  trophy.  The  Athenians,  overwhelmed  by  their  232;  Greece, 
misery,  never  so  much  as  thought  of  recovering  their  2I5 
wrecks  or  of  asking  leave  to  collect  their  dead.  Their  in- 
tention was  to  retreat  that  very  night.  Demosthenes 
came  to  Nicias  and  proposed  that  they  should  once  more 
man  their  remaining  vessels  and  endeavor  to  force  the 
passage  at  daybreak,  saying  that  they  had  more  ships  fit 
for  service  than  the  enemy.  For  the  Athenian  fleet  still 
numbered  sixty  but  the  enemy  had  less  than  fifty.  Nicias 
approved  of  his  proposal,  and  they  would  have  manned 
the  ships,  but  the  sailors  refused  to  embark;  for  they  were 
paralyzed  by  their  defeat,  and  had  no  longer  any  hope  of 
succeeding.  So  the  Athenians  all  made  up  their  minds  to 
escape  by  land.  .  .  . 

Meanwhile  the  Syracusans  and  Gylippus,  going  forth  The  Athe- 

,,,,,.       man  re- 
before  them  with  their  land  forces,  blocked  the  roads  in  treat  is 

the  country  by  which  the  Athenians  were  likely  to  pass,      oc  e 

guarded  the  fords  of  the  rivers  and  streams,  and  posted  Thucydides 

...         vii.  74. 
themselves  at  the  best  points  for  receiving  and  stopping 

them.    Their  sailors  rowed  up  to  the  beach  and  dragged   Gylippus  was 

c  _  °°         a  Spartan  in 

away   the   Athenian   ships.     The   Athenians   themselves   command  of 

burnt  a  few  of  them,  as  they  had  intended,  but  the  rest     yra 

the   Syracusans   towed  away,   unmolested  and  at  their 

leisure,  from  the  places  where  they  had  severally  run 

aground,  and  conveyed  them  to  the  city.  .  .  . 

The  Syracusans  and  their  allies  collected  their  forces  The  retrea*- 
J  .  ing  army  is 

and  returned  with  the  spoil,  and  as  many  prisoners  as  taken  cap- 
they  could  take  with  them  into  the  city.      The  captive 
Athenians  and  allies  they  deposited  in  the  quarries,  which   vjjU',s,Y  " 
they  thought  would  be  the  safest  place  of  confinement.   tl,s  "^s 

J  "  *  ^1\  t'   ill!    at" 

Nicias  and  Demosthenes  they  put  to  the  sword  against   count  of  the 

„         ,.  _        _    ,.  .  .        .  disastrous 

the  will  of  Gylippus.    lor  Gylippus  thought  that  to  carry   retreat  of  the 


Athenians, 
involving 
much  fight- 
ing and  suf- 
fering. 


Imprison- 
ment in  the 
stone  quar- 
ries. 

Thucydides 
vii.  87. 


222     Sicilian  Expedition  to  End  of  War 

home  with  him  to  Lacedemon  the  generals  of  the  enemy, 
over  and  above  all  his  other  successes,  would  be  a  brilliant 
triumph.  One  of  them,  Demosthenes,  happened  to  be 
the  greatest  foe,  and  the  other,  the  greatest  friend  of  the 
Lacedemonians,  both  in  the  same  matter  of  Pylos  and 
Sphacteria.  For  Nicias  had  taken  up  their  cause,  and  had 
persuaded  the  Athenians  to  make  the  peace  which  had 
set  at  liberty  the  prisoners  taken  in  the  island.  The 
Lacedemonians  were  grateful  to  him  for  the  service,  and 
this  was  the  main  reason  why  he  trusted  Gylippus  and 
surrendered  himself  to  him.  But  certain  Syracusans, 
who  had  been  in  communication  with  him,  were  afraid 
(such  was  the  report)  that  on  some  suspicion  of  their 
guilt  he  might  be  put  to  the  torture  and  bring  trou- 
ble on  them  in  the  hour  of  their  prosperity.  Others, 
and  especially  the  Corinthians,  feared  that,  being  rich, 
he  might  by  bribery  escape  and  do  them  further  mis- 
chief. So  the  Syracusans  gained  the  consent  of  the 
allies  and  had  him  executed.  For  those  or  the  like  rea- 
sons he  suffered  death.  No  one  of  the  Hellenes  in  my 
time  was  less  deserving  of  so  miserable  an  end;  for  he  lived 
in  the  practice  of  every  virtue. 

Those  who  were  imprisoned  in  the  quarries  were  at  the 
beginning  of  their  captivity  harshly  treated  by  the  Syra- 
cusans. There  were  great  numbers  of  them,  and  they 
were  crowded  in  a  deep  and  narrow  place.  At  first  the  sun 
by  day  was  still  scorching  and  suffocating,  for  they  had  no 
roof  over  their  heads,  while  the  autumn  nights  were  cold, 
and  the  extremes  of  temperature  engendered  violent  dis- 
orders. Being  cramped  for  room  they  had  to  do  every- 
thing on  the  same  spot.  The  corpses  of  those  who  died 
from  their  wounds  or  exposure  to  the  weather,  and  the 
like,  lay  heaped  one  upon  another.    The  smells  were  in- 


Ruin 


223 


tolerable;  and  they  were  at  the  same  time  afflicted  by 
hunger  and  thirst.  During  eight  months  they  were  al- 
lowed only  about  half  a  pint  of  water  and  a  pint  of  food  a 
day.  Every  kind  of  misery  which  could  befall  man  in 
such  a  place  befell  them.  This  was  the  condition  of  all 
the  captives  for  about  ten  weeks.  At  length  the  Syra- 
cusans  sold  them,  with  the  exception  of  the  Athenians  and 
of  any  Sicilians  or  Italian  Greeks  who  had  sided  with  them 
in  the  war.  The  whole  number  of  the  public  prisoners  is 
not  accurately  known,  but  they  were  not  less  than  seven 
thousand. 

Of  all  the  Hellenic  actions  which  took  place  in  this  war, 
or  indeed  of  all  the  Hellenic  actions  which  are  on  record 
this  was  the  greatest — the  most  glorious  to  the  victors, 
the  most  ruinous  to  the  vanquished;  for  they  were  utterly 
and  at  all  points  defeated,  and  their  sufferings  were  pro- 
digious. Fleet  and  army  perished  from  the  face  of  the 
earth;  nothing  was  saved  and  of  the  many  who  went 
forth,  few  returned. 

Thus  ended  the  Sicilian  expedition. 


III.  Alcibiades 

The  pedigree  of  Alcibiades  is  said  to  begin  with  Eury- 
saces  the  son  of  Ajax,  while  on  the  mother's  side  he  de- 
scended from  Alcmeon,  being  the  son  of  Deinomache,  the 
daughter  of  Megacles.  His  father  Cleinias  fought  bravely 
at  Artemisium  in  a  trireme  fitted  out  at  his  own  expense, 
and  subsequently  fell  fighting  the  Boeotians,  in  the  batik 
of  Coronea.  Alcibiades  was  afterward  intrusted  to  Pericles 
and  Ariphron,  the  two  sons  of  Xanthippus,  who  acted  as 
his  guardians  because  they  were  the  next  of  kin.  ...  As 
to  the  beauty  of  Alcibiades  it  is  nol  necessary  to  say 
anything  except  that  it  was  equally  fascinating  when  he 


Family  and 
person. 

Tlutarch, 
Alcibiades,  1 

A  ncient 
World,  224. 

On  Artemi- 
sium; Ancient 

World,    [73  f. 

The  battle  of 
Coronea    was 
fought  in 
447  B.C. 


224     Sicilian  Expedition  to  End  of  War 


Character. 

Plut.,  Ale.  : 


Musical  edu- 
cation. 


was  a  boy,  a  youth,  and  a  man.  The  saying  of  Euripides, 
that  all  beauties  have  a  beautiful  autumn  of  their  charms, 
is  not  universally  true,  but  it  was  so  in  the  case  of  Alci- 
biades  and  of  a  few  other  persons  because  of  the  symmetry 
and  vigor  of  their  frames.  Even  his  lisp  is  said  to  have 
added  a  charm  to  his  speech,  and  to  have  made  his  talk 
more  persuasive.  .  .  . 

His  character,  in  the  course  of  his  varied  and  brilliant 
career,  developed  many  strange  inconsistencies  and  con- 
tradictions. Emulation  and  love  of  distinction  were  the 
most  prominent  of  his  many  violent  passions,  as  is  clear 
from  the  anecdotes  of  his  childhood.  Once  when  hard- 
pressed  in  wrestling,  rather  than  fall,  he  began  to  bite  his 
opponent's  hands.  The  other  let  go  his  hold,  and  said, 
"You  bite,  Alcibiades,  like  a  woman."  "No,"  said  he, 
"like  a  lion."  While  yet  a  child,  he  was  playing  with 
other  boys  at  knucklebones  in  a  narrow  street,  and  when 
his  turn  came  to  throw,  a  loaded  wagon  was  passing.  He 
at  first  ordered  the  driver  to  stop  his  team  because  his 
throw  was  to  take  place  directly  in  the  path  of  the  wagon. 
Then  as  the  boor  who  was  driving  would  not  stop,  the 
other  children  made  way;  but  Alcibiades  flung  himself 
down  on  his  face  directly  in  front  of  the  horses,  and  bade 
him  drive  on  at  his  peril.  The  man,  in  alarm,  now  stopped 
his  horses,  and  the  others  were  terrified  and  ran  up  to  him. 
In  learning  he  was  fairly  obedient  to  all  his  teachers, 
except  in  playing  the  flute,  which  he  refused  to  do,  de- 
claring that  it  was  unfit  for  a  gentleman.  He  said  that 
playing  on  the  harp  or  lyre  did  not  disfigure  the  face,  but 
that  when  a  man  was  blowing  at  a  flute,  his  own  friends 
could  scarcely  recognize  him.  Furthermore  the  lyre  ac- 
companies the  voice  of  the  performer  while  the  flute  takes 
all  the  breath  of  the  player  and  prevents  him  from  even 


Education  of  Alcibiades  225 

speaking.  "Let  the  children  of  the  Thebans,"  he  used  to 
say,  "learn  to  play  the  flute,  for  they  know  not  how  to 
speak;  but  we  Athenians  according  to  tradition  have  the 
goddess  Athena  for  our  patroness,  and  Apollo  for  our 
tutelary  divinity;  and  of  these  the  first  threw  away  her 
flute  in  disgust,  and  the  other  actually  flayed  the  flute- 
player  Marsyas."  With  such  talk  as  this,  between  jest 
and  earnest,  Alcibiades  gave  up  flute-playing  himself,  and 
induced  his  friends  to  do  so,  for  all  the  youth  of  Athens 
soon  heard  and  approved  of  Alcibiades'  derision  of  the 
flute  and  of  those  who  learned  it.  .  .  . 

For  no  one  was  ever  so  enclosed  and  enveloped  in  the  A  pupil  of 
good  things  of  this  life  as  Alcibiades,  so  that  no  breath  of 
criticism  or  free  speech  could  ever  reach  him.  Yet  with  lb.  4- 
all  these  flatterers  about  him,  trying  to  prevent  his  ever 
hearing  a  word  of  wholesome  advice  or  reproof,  he  was  led 
by  his  own  goodness  of  heart  to  pay  especial  attention  to 
Socrates,  to  whom  he  attached  himself  in  preference  to  all 
his  rich  and  fashionable  admirers. 

He  soon  became  intimate  with  Socrates,  and  when  he 
discovered  that  this  man  did  not  wish  to  caress  and  admire 
him,  but  to  expose  his  ignorance,  search  out  his  faults, 
and  bring  down  his  vain  unreasoning  conceit,  he  then 

"Let  fall  his  feathers  like  a  craven  cock." 

He  considered  that  the  conversation  of  Socrates  was 
really  a  divine  instrument  for  the  discipline  and  educa- 
tion of  youth;  and  thus  learning  to  despise  himself,  and 
to  admire  his  friend,  charmed  with  his  good  nature,  and 
full  of  reverence  for  his  virtues,  he  became  insensibly  in 
love  with  him,  though  not  as  the  world  loveth;  so  that  all 
men  were  astonished  to  see  him  dining  with  Socrates, 
wrestling  with  him,  and  sharing  his  tent,  while  he  treated 


His  mar- 
riage. 

Plut.,  Ale.  8. 


His  dog. 

lb.  o. 

A  mina  was 
about  $20. 


Other  pe- 
culiarities. 


lb.  16. 


226     Sicilian  Expedition  to  End  of  War 

all  his  other  admirers  with  harshness  and  some  even  with 
insolence.  .  .  . 

He  once  struck  Hipponicus,  the  father  of  Callias,  a  man 
of  great  wealth  and  noble  birth,  a  blow  with  his  fist,  not 
being  moved  to  it  by  anger  or  any  dispute,  but  having 
agreed  previously  with  his  friends  to  do  so  for  a  joke. 
When  every  one  in  the  city  cried  out  at  his  indecent  and 
arrogant  conduct,  Alcibiades  next  morning  at  daybreak 
came  to  the  house  of  Hipponicus,  knocked  and  entered. 
Here  he  threw  off  his  cloak,  and  offered  him  his  body,  bid- 
ding him  flog  him  and  punish  him  for  what  he  had  done. 
Hipponicus,  however,  pardoned  him,  and  they  became 
friends,  so  much  so  that  Hipponicus  chose  him  for  the 
husband  of  his  daughter  Hipparete.  Some  writers  say 
that  not  Hipponicus  but  Callias,  his  son,  gave  Hipparete 
to  Alcibiades  to  wife,  with  a  dowry  of  ten  talents,  and  that 
when  her  first  child  was  born,  Alcibiades  demanded  and 
received  ten  more  talents,  as  if  he  had  made  a  previous 
agreement  to  that  effect.  Thereupon  Callias,  fearing  that 
Alcibiades  might  plot  against  his  life,  gave  public  notice 
in  the  assembly  that  if  he  died  childless,  he  would  leave 
his  house  and  all  his  property  to  the  state.  .  .  . 

He  had  a  dog  of  remarkable  size  and  beauty,  for  which 
he  paid  seventy  minae.  It  had  a  very  fine  tail,  which  he 
cut  off.  When  his  friends  blamed  him,  and  said  that 
every  one  was  sorry  for  the  dog  and  angry  with  him  for 
what  he  had  done,  he  laughed  and  said,  "Then  I  have 
succeeded;  for  I  wish  the  Athenians  to  gossip  about  this, 
for  fear  they  should  say  something  worse  about  me.  ..." 

In  the  midst  of  all  this  display  of  political  ability,  elo- 
quence, and  statesmanlike  prudence,  he  lived  a  life  of 
great  luxury,  debauchery,  and  profuse  expenditure,  swag- 
gering through  the  market-place  with  his  long  effeminate 


Character  of  Alcibiades  227 

mantle  trailing  on  the  ground.  He  tad  the  deck  of  his 
trireme  cut  away,  that  he  might  sleep  more  comfortably, 
with  his  bed  slung  on  girths  instead  of  resting  on  the 
planks;  and  he  carried  a  shield  not  emblazoned  with  the 
ancestral  bearings  of  his  family,  but  with  a  Cupid  wield- 
ing a  thunderbolt.  The  leading  men  of  Athens  viewed 
his  conduct  with  disgust  and  apprehension,  fearing  his 
scornful  and  overbearing  manner,  as  being  nearly  allied 
to  the  demeanor  of  a  despot,  while  Aristophanes  has  ex- 
pressed the  feeling  of  the  people  towards  him  in  the  line: 

"They  love,  they  hate,  they  cannot  live  without  him." 

And  again  he  alludes  to  him  in  a  bitterer  spirit  in  the 
verse : 

"A  lion's  cub  'tis  best  you  should  not  rear, 

"For  if  you  do,  your  master  he'll  appear."  .  .  . 

Alcibiades,  among  his  extraordinary  qualities,  had  this  Adaptability 
especial  art  of  captivating  men  by  assimilating  his  own  lb.  23. 
manners  and  habits  to  theirs,  being  able  to  change,  more 
quickly  than  the  chameleon,  from  one  mode  of  life  to  an- 
other. The  chameleon,  indeed,  cannot  turn  itself  white; 
but  Alcibiades  never  found  anything,  good  or  bad,  which 
he  could  not  imitate  to  the  life.  Thus  at  Sparta,  he  was 
fond  of  exercise,  frugal  and  severe;  in  Ionia  he  was  luxuri- 
ous, frivolous,  and  lazy;  in  Thrace  he  drank  deep;  in 
Thessaly  he  proved  himself  a  good  horseman;  while  when 
he  was  consorting  with  the  satrap  Tissaphernes,  he  outdid 
even  the  Persian  splendor  and  pomp.  It  was  not  his  real 
character  that  he  so  often  and  so  easily  changed,  but  as 
he  knew  that  if  he  appeared  in  his  true  colors,  he  would  be 
universally  disliked,  he  concealed  his  real  self  under  an 
apparent  adoption  of  the  ways  and  fashions  of  whatever 
place  he  was  in.  .  .  . 


228     Sicilian  Expedition  to  End  of  War 


Assembly  of 
Peloponne- 
sian  allies. 

Xenophon, 

II rllcnit  a, 


A  ncient 

World,  237  f. 


The  Athe- 
nian fleet  had 
been  de- 
stroyed at 
.Egospotami, 
and  Athens 
had  been  re- 
duced to 
starvation 
by  a  long 
siege. 


Theramenes 
and  others 
were  ambas- 
sadors from 
Athens,  who 
were  treating 
for  peace. 


IV.  Terms  of  Peace 

A  general  assembly  was  convened,  in  which  the  Corin- 
thians and  Thebans  more  particularly,  though  their  views 
were  shared  by  many  other  Hellenes  also,  urged  the  meet- 
ing not  to  come  to  terms  with  the  Athenians,  but  to 
destroy  them.  The  Lacedaemonians  replied  that  they 
would  never  reduce  to  slavery  a  city  which  was  itself  an 
integral  portion  of  Hellas,  and  had  performed  a  great  and 
noble  service  to  Hellas  in  the  most  perilous  of  emergencies. 
On  the  contrary,  they  were  willing  to  offer  peace  on  the 
terms  now  specified — namely,  "That  the  long  walls  and 
the  fortifications  of  Piraeus  should  be  destroyed;  that  the 
Athenian  fleet,  with  the  exception  of  twelve  vessels, 
should  be  surrendered;  that  the  exiles  should  be  restored; 
and  lastly,  that  the  Athenians  should  acknowledge  the 
headship  of  Sparta  in  peace  and  war,  leaving  to  her  the 
choice  of  friends  and  foes,  and  following  her  lead  by  land 
and  sea."  Such  were  the  terms  which  Theramenes  and 
the  rest  who  acted  with  him  were  able  to  report  on  their 
return  to  Athens. 

As  they  entered  the  city,  a  vast  crowd  met  them, 
trembling  lest  their  mission  should  have  proved  fruitless. 
For  indeed  delay  was  no  longer  possible,  so  long  already 
was  the  list  of  victims  daily  perishing  from  starvation. 
On  the  day  following,  the  ambassadors  delivered  their 
report,  stating  the  terms  upon  which  the  Lacedaemonians 
were  willing  to  make  peace.  Theramenes  acted  as  spokes- 
man, insisting  that  they  ought  to  obey  the  Lacedaemonians 
and  pull  down  the  walls.  A  small  minority  raised  their 
voice  in  opposition  but  the  majority  were  strongly  in 
favor  of  the  proposition,  and  the  resolution  was  passed  to 
accept  the  peace.     Afterward  Lysander  sailed  into  the 


Cloudcuckooland 


229 


Piraeus,  and. the  exiles  were  readmitted.    And  so  they  fell  The  exiles 
to  levelling  the  fortifications  and  walls  with  much  en-  garchs  who 
thusiasm,  to  the  accompaniment  of  female  flute-players,  banished  for 

political 
reasons. 


deeming  that  day  the  beginning  of  liberty  to  Greece. 


V.  Choral  Songs  from  Tee  Birds 


In  this  brilliant  comedy  Aristophanes  pictures  an  ideal  community 
founded  by  the  birds  in  Cloudcuckooland.  It  presents  the  earliest 
known  ideal  state  (414  B.C.),  which  in  this  case  is  a  comic  conceit, 
but  which  was  to  take  a  serious  turn  in  Plato's  Republic  and  Moore's 
Utopia. 

Awake!  awake! 
Sleep  no  more,  my  gentle  mate! 
With  your  tiny  tawny  bill, 
Wake  the  tuneful  echo  shrill 

On  vale  or  hill; 
Or  in  her  airy,  rocky  seat, 
Let  her  listen  and  repeat 

The  tender  ditty  that  you  tell, 
The  sad  lament, 
The  dire  event, 
To  luckless  Itys  that  befell. 
Thence  the  strain 
Shall  arise  again, 
And  soar  amain, 
Up  to  the  lofty  palace  gate, 
Where  mighty  Apollo  sits  in  state; 
In  Zeus'  abode,  with  his  ivory  lyre, 
Hymning  aloud  to  the  heavenly  choir. 
While  all  the  gods  shall  join  with  thee 
In  a  celestial  symphony. 

Ye  gentle  feathered  tribes, 

Of  every  plume  and  hue, 
That,  in  uninhabited  air, 
Are  hurrying  here  and  I  here; 

Oh!  that  I,  like  you, 


The   Hoopoo 
to  his  Mate. 


The  hoopoo 
and  his  mate 
(the   nightin- 
gale)   had 
once  been 
human  be- 
ings, man 
and  wife. 
The  wife 
had  killed 
her  son  Itys 
and  had 
served  him 
as  food  to  her 
husband    be- 
cause the 
latter  had 
wronged  her. 

On  Aristo- 
phanes;   An- 
i  tent  World, 

241 ;  Grm  r, 
222  f. 

O  to  be  a 
bird! 


230     Sicilian  Expedition  to  End  of  War 

Could  leave  this  earthly  level, 
For  a  wild  aerial  revel : 

O'er  the  waste  of  ocean, 
To  wander  and  to  dally 

With  the  billow's  motion; 
Or  in  an  eager  sally, 

Soaring  to  the  sky, 

To  range  and  rove  on  high 
With  my  plumy  sails, 
Buffeted  and  baffled,  with  the  gusty  gales. 


The  advan- 
tage of  hav- 
ing wings. 

Here  the 
chorus  ques- 
tions the 
audience  at 
the  play. 


The  poet 
gibes  at  the 
foreign-born 
among  the 
citizens. 


Is  there  any  person  present  sitting  a  spectator  here, 
Who  desires  to  pass  his  time  freely  without  restraint  or  fear? 
Should  he  wish  to  colonize,  he  never  need  be  checked  or  chid, 
For  the  trifling  indiscretions,  which  the  testy  laws  forbid. 
Parricides  are  in  esteem;  among  the  birds  we  deem  it  fair, 
A  combat  honorably  fought  betwixt  a  game-cock  and  his  heir! 
There  the  branded  runagate,  branded  and  mottled  in  the  face, 
Will  be  deemed  a  motley  bird;  a  motley  mark  is  no  disgrace. 

Spintharus,  the  Phrygian  born,  will  pass  a  muster  there  with 
ease, 
Counted  as  a  Phrygian  fowl;  and  even  Execestides, 
Once  a  Carian  and  a  slave,  may  there  be  nobly  born  and  free; 
Plume  himself  on  his  descent  and  hatch  a  proper  pedigree. 


Thus  the  swans  in  chorus  follow, 
On  the  mighty  Thracian  stream, 
Hymning  their  eternal  theme. 

Praise  to  Bacchus  and  Apollo: 

The  welkin  rings,  with  sounding  wings, 

With  songs  and  cries  and  melodies; 

Up  to  the  thunderous  ^ther  ascending: 


Whilst  all  that  breathe,  on  earth  beneath, 

The  beasts  of  the  wood,  the  plain  and  the  flood, 

In  panic  amazement  arc  crouching  and  bending; 
With  the  awful  qualm,  of  a  sudden  calm, 

Ocean  and  air  in  silence  blending. 


The  Good  Old  Education 


231 


The  ridge  of  Olympus  is  sounding  on  high, 
Appalling  with  wonder  the  lords  of  the  sky, 

And  the  Muses  and  Graces 

Enthroned  in  their  places, 
Join  in  the  solemn  symphony. 

Nothing  can  be  more  delightful  than  the  having  wings  to  wear! 
A  spectator  sitting  here,  accommodated  with  a  pair, 
Might  for  instance  (if  he  found  a  tragic  chorus  dull  and  heavy) 
Take  his  flight,  and  dine  at  home;  and  if  he  did  not  choose  to  leave  ye, 
Might  return  in  better  humor,  when  the  weary  drawl  was  ended.  .  .  . 
Trust  me,  wings  are  all  in  all!    Diitrephes  has  mounted  quicker 
Than  the  rest  of  our  aspirants,  soaring  on  his  wings  of  wicker: 
Basket  work  and  crates,  and  hampers,  first  enabled  him  to  fly; 
First  a  captain,  then  promoted  to  command  the  cavalry; 
With  his  fortunes  daily  rising,  office  and  preferment  new, 
An  illustrious,  enterprising,  airy,  gallant  cockatoo. 


Just  as  we 
might  wish 
for  airships. 


He  made  his 
fortune  as 
a  basket- 
weaver. 
The  aristo- 
cratic poet 
jeers  at  the 
industrial 
class. 


VI.  The  Good  Old  Education 

Just  Cause.  I  will,  therefore,  describe  the  ancient  sys- 
tem of  education,  how  it  was  ordered,  when  I  flourished 
in  the  advocacy  of  justice,  and  temperance  was  the  fashion. 
Tn  the  first  place,  it  was  incumbent  that  no  one  should 
hear  the  voice  of  a  boy  uttering  a  syllable;  and  next,  that 
those  from  the  same  quarter  of  the  town  should  march  in 
good  order  through  the  streets  to  the  school  of  the  Harp- 
master,  lightly  clad  and  in  a  body,  even  if  it  were  to  snow- 
as  thick  as  meal.  Then  again  their  master  would  teach 
them,  not  sitting  cross-legged,  to  learn  by  rote  a  song, 
either  "Pallas  Athena,  Dread  Sacker  of  Towns"  or  "  Some 
Forborne  Batlle-Cry"  raising  to  a  higher  pitch  the  harmony 
which  our  fathers  transmitted  to  us.  But  if  any  of  them 
were  to  play  the  buffoon,  or  turn  any  quavers,  like  these 
difficult  turns  the  present  artists  make  after  the  manner 
of  Phrynis,  he  used  to  be  thrashed,  beaten  with  many 


The  good- 
mannered 
boys  of  old  I 

Aristophanes, 
Clouds,  961  ff. 

The  Just 
Cause  and 
the  Unjust 
Cause  are 
here  plead- 
ing for 

the  privilege 
of  instructing 
the  boy. 


232     Sicilian  Expedition  to  End  of  War 

blows,  for  banishing  the  Muses.  .  .  .  Nor  used  it  to  be 
allowed,  when  one  was  dining,  to  take  the  head  of  a 
radish,  or  to  snatch  from  their  seniors  dill  or  parsley,  or 
to  eat  fish,  or  to  giggle,  or  to  keep  the  legs  crossed.  .  .  . 

Yet  certainly  these  are  the  principles  by  which  my  sys- 
tem of  education  nurtured  the  men  who  fought  at  Mara- 
thon. But  you  teach  the  men  of  the  present  day,  from 
their  earliest  years,  to  be  wrapped  up  in  himatia.  .  .  . 
Wherefore,  O  youth,  choose,  with  confidence,  me,  the 
better  cause,  and  you  will  learn  to  hate  the  market-place, 
and  to  refrain  from  baths,  and  to  be  ashamed  of  what  is 
disgraceful,  and  to  be  enraged  if  anyone  jeer  you,  and  to 
rise  up  from  seats  before  your  seniors  when  they  approach, 
and  not  to  behave  ill  toward  your  parents,  and  to  do 
nothing  else  that  is  base,  because  you  are  to  form  in  your 
mind  an  image  of  Modesty;  ....  and  not  to  contradict 
your  father  in  anything;  nor  by  calling  him  Iapetus,  to 
reproach  him  with  the  ills  of  age,  by  which  you  were 
reared  in  your  infancy. 

Unjust  Cause.  If  you  shall  believe  him  in  this,  O 
youth,  by  Bacchus,  you  will  be  like  the  sons  of  Hippo- 
crates, and  they  will  call  you  a  booby. 

Just.  Yet  certainly  shall  you  spend  your  time  in  the 
gymnastic  schools,  sleek,  and  blooming;  not  chattering 
in  the  market-place  rude  jests,  like  the  youths  of  the 
present  day;  nor  dragged  into  court  for  a  petty  suit, 
greedy,  petty-fogging,  knavish;  but  you  shall  descend  to 
the  Academy  and  run  races  beneath  the  sacred  olives 
along  with  some  modest  compeer,  crowned  with  white 
reeds,  redolent  of  yew  and  careless  ease  and  of  leaf 
shedding  white  poplar,  rejoicing  in  the  season  of  spring, 
when  the  plane-tree  whispers  to  the  elm.  If  you  do  these 
things  which  I  say,  and  apply  your  mind  to  these,  you  will 


Alcestis  233 

ever  have  a  stout  chest,  a  clear  complexion,  broad  shoul- 
ders, a  little  tongue.  .  .  .  But  if  you  practice  what  the 
youths  of  the  present  day  do,  you  will  have,  in  the  first 
place,  a  pallid  complexion,  small  shoulders,  a  narrow  chest, 
a  large  tongue,  little  hips.  .  .  .  And  this  deceiver  will 
persuade  you  to  consider  everything  that  is  base  to  be 
honorable,  and  what  is  honorable  to  be  base. 

VII.  Selections  from  Euripides 

Chorus.     Let  Hades  know,  that  swarthy  god,  and  that  Alcestis  dies 
11  1  1  i-i  1  •      1        t    r  *n  P^ce  of 

old  man  who  sits  to  row  and  steer  alike  at  his  death-ferry,  her  hus- 

that  he  hath  carried  o'er  the  lake  of  Acheron  in  his  two-     an  " 

oared  skiff  a  woman  peerless  amidst  her  sex.    Oft  of  thee  Akefils^' 

the  Muses'  votaries  shall  sing  on  the  seven-stringed  moun-  Ancient 

tain  shell  and  in  hymns  that  need  no  harp,  glorifying  thee,  Greece  1\q- 

oft  as  the  season  in  his  cycle  cometh  around  at  Sparta  in  222- 

that  Carnean  month  when  all  night  long  the  moon  sails  The  Camea 

high  o'erhead,  yea,  and  in  splendid  Athens,  happy  town,  festival  at 

So  glorious  a  theme  has  thy  death  bequeathed  to  tuneful     Parta- 

bards.     Would  it  were  in  my  power  and  range  to  bring  Cocytus,  a 

thee  to  the  light  from  the  chambers  of  Hades  and  the  Epirus,  here 

streams  of  Cocytus  with  the  oar  that  sweeps  yon  nether  as°agriver  of 

flood!     For  thou,  and  thou  alone,  most  dear  of  women,  the  lower 

world. 

hadst  the  courage  to  redeem  thy  husband  from  Hades  in 

exchange  for  thy  own  life.    Light  lie  the  earth  above  thee,   IIer  husband 

0  J  .  is  Admetus. 

lady!  And  if  ever  thy  lord  take  to  him  a  new  wife,  I  vow 
he  will  earn  my  hatred  and  thy  children's  too.  .  .  . 

Admetus.     0  the  weary  sorrow!     O  the  grief  for  dear  Admetus 

J  .  now   regrets 

ones  dead  and  gone!     Why  didst  thou  hinder  me  from   that  he  let 
plunging  into  the  gaping  grave,  there  to  lay  me  down  and  hie^  ie 
die  with  her,  my  peerless  brick?    Then  would  Hades  for 
that  one  have  gotten   these  two  faithful  souls  at  once, 
crossing  the  nether  lake  together. 


234     Sicilian  Expedition  to  End  of  War 

Clio.  I  had  a  kinsman  once,  within  whose  home  died 
his  only  son,  worth;,-  of  a  father's  tears;  yet  in  spite  of  that 
he  bore  his  grief  resignedly,  childless  though  he  was,  his 
hair  already  turning  grey,  himself  far  on  in  years,  upon 
life's  downward  irack. 

Adm.  O  house  of  mine,  how  can  I  enter  thee?  How 
can  I  live  here,  now  that  fortune  turns  against  me?  Ah 
me!  How  wide  the  gulf  'twixt  then  and  now!  Then  with 
torches  cut  from  Pelion's  pines,  with  marriage  hymns  I 
entered  in,  holding  my  dear  wife's  hand;  and  at  our  back 
a  crowd  of  friends  with  cheerful  cries,  singing  the  happy 
lot  of  my  wife  and  me,  calling  us  a  noble  pair  made  one, 
children  both  of  highborn  lineage;  but  now  the  voice  of 
woe  instead  of  wedding  hymns,  and  robes  of  black  in- 
stead of  snowy  white,  usher  me  into  my  house  to  my 
deserted  couch. 

Chor.  Hard  upon  prosperous  fortune  came  this  sorrow 
to  thee,  a  stranger  to  adversity;  yet  hast  thou  saved  thy 
soul  alive.  Thy  wife  is  dead  and  gone;  her  love  she  leaves 
with  thee.  What  new  thing  is  here?  Death  ere  now  from 
many  a  man  hath  torn  a  wife. 

Adm.  My  friends,  I  count  my  dead  wife's  lot  more 
blest  than  mine,  for  all  it  seems  not  so;  for  nevermore  can 
sorrow  touch  her  forever;  all  her  toil  is  over,  and  glorious 
is  her  fame.  While  I,  who  had  no  right  to  live,  have 
passed  the  bounds  of  fate  only  to  live  a  life  of  misery;  I 
know  it  now.  For  how  shall  I  endure  to  enter  this  my 
house?  Whom  shall  I  address,  by  whom  be  answered 
back,  to  find  aught  joyful  in  my  entering  in?  Whither 
shall  I  turn?  Within,  the  desolation  will  drive  me  forth, 
whensoever  I  see  my  widowed  couch,  the  seat  whereon 
she  sat,  the  floor  all  dusty  in  the  house,  and  my  babes 
falling  at  my  knees  with  piteous  tears  for  their  mother, 


Ion  235 

while  my  servants  mourn  the  good  mistress  their  house 
hath  lost.  These  are  the  sorrows  in  my  home,  while 
abroad  the  marriages  among  Thessalians  and  the  throng- 
ing crowds  of  women  will  drive  me  mad,  for  I  can  never 
bear  to  gaze  upon  the  compeers  of  my  wife.  And  whoso 
is  my  foe  will  taunt  me  thus,  "Behold  him  living  in  his 
shame,  a  wretch  who  quailed  at  death  himself,  but  of  his 
coward  heart  gave  up  his  wedded  wife  instead,  and  es- 
caped from  Hades;  doth  he  deem  himself  a  man  after 
that?  And  he  loathes  his  parents,  though  himself  refused 
to  die."  Such  ill  reports  shall  I  to  my  evils  add.  What 
profit  then,  my  friends,  for  me  to  live,  in  fame  and  fortune 
ruined. 

That  princely  state  we  fondly  praise  is  pleasant  to  the  J^jJ1^ 
eve;  but  vet  in  its  mansions  sorrow  lurks;  for  who  is  happy,  ter  than  a 

1*  crown 

or  by  fortune  blest,  that  has  to  live  his  life  in  fear  of  vio- 
lence with  many  a  sidelong  glance?    Rather  would  I  live  f™pides' 
among  the  common  folk,  and  taste  their  bliss,  than  be  a 
tyrant  who  delights  in  making  evil  men  his  friends,  and   Heg»ga«j 
hates  the  good,  in  terror  of  his  life.    Perchance  thou  wilt  Apollo  at 

.    ,  -i  1  lit-    •      Delphi,  but 

tell  me,  "Gold  outweighs  all  these  evils  and  wealth  is   has  been 
sweet."    I  have  no  wish  to  be  abused  for  holding  tightly   gj^jjjjg 
to  my  pelf,  nor  yet  to  have  the  trouble  of  it.    Be  mine  a   at  Athens, 
moderate  fortune  free  from  annoyance!     Now  hear  the 
blessings,  father,  that  here  were  mine;  first,  leisure,  man's 
chiefest  joy,  with  but  moderate  trouble;  no  villain  ever 
drove  me  from  my  path,  and  that  is  a  grievance  hard  to 
bear,  to  make  room  and  give  way  to  sorry  knaves.    My 
duty  was  to  pray  unto  the  gods,  or  with  mortal  men  con- 
verse, a  minister  to  their  joys,  not  to  their  sorrows.    And 
I  was  ever  dismissing  one  group  of  guests,  while  another 
took  their  place,  so  that  I  was  always  welcome  from  the 


Socrates  is 
addressing 
the  jury. 

Plato,  Apolo- 
gy of  Socrates. 

Ancient 

World,  243-5 ; 
Greece,  223-6. 


Anytus  is  one 
of  his  accus- 
ers. 


Socrates' 
method  of 
seeking  the 
truth. 


The  true 
object  of 
life. 


236     Sicilian  Expedition  to  End  of  War 

charm  of  novelty.  That  honesty  which  men  must  pray 
for,  even  against  their  will,  custom  and  nature  did  con- 
spire to  plant  in  me  in  the  sight  of  Phoebus.  Now  when 
I  think  on  this,  I  deem  that  I  am  better  here  than  there, 
father.  So  let  me  live  on  here,  for  'tis  an  equal  charm  to 
joy  in  high  estate,  or  in  a  humble  fortune  find  a  pleasure. 

VIII.  Defence  of  Socrates 

Some  one  will  say:  And  are  you  not  ashamed,  Socrates, 
of  a  course  of  life  which  is  likely  to  bring  you  to  an  un- 
timely end?  To  him  I  may  fairly  answer:  There  you  are 
mistaken:  a  man  who  is  good  for  anything  ought  not  to 
calculate  the  chance  of  living  or  dying;  he  ought  only  to 
consider  whether  he  in  doing  anything  is  doing  right  or 
wrong — acting  the  part  of  a  good  man  or  of  a  bad.  .  .  . 

And  therefore  if  you  let  me  go  now,  and  are  not  con- 
vinced by  Anytus,  who  said  that  since  I  had  been  prose- 
cuted I  must  be  put  to  death;  or  if  not  that,  I  ought  never 
to  have  been  prosecuted  at  all;  and  that  if  I  escape  now, 
your  sons  will  all  be  utterly  ruined  by  listening  to  "my 
words— if  you  say  to  me,  Socrates,  this  time  we  will  not 
mind  Anytus,  and  you  shall  be  let  off,  but  upon  one  con- 
dition, that  you  are  not  to  inquire  and  speculate  in  this 
way  any  more,  and  that  if  you  are  caught  doing  so  again 
you  shall  die;— if  this  were  the  condition  on  which  you 
let  me  go,  I  should  reply:  Men  of  Athens,  I  honor  and 
love  you;  but  I  shall  obey  God  rather  than  you,  and  while 
I  have  life  and  strength  I  shall  never  cease  from  the 
practice  and  teaching  of  philosophy,  exhorting  every  one 
whom  I  meet  and  saying  to  him  after  my  manner:  You 
my  friend,— a  citizen  of  the  great  and  mighty  and  wise 
city  of  Athens,— are  you  not  ashamed  of  heaping  up  the 
greatest  amount  of  money  and  honor  and  reputation,  and 


The  Worth  of  the  Soul  237 

caring  so  little  about  wisdom  and  truth  and  the  greatest 
improvement  of  the  soul,  which  you  never  regard  or  heed 
at  all?  And  if  the  person  with  whom  I  am  arguing  says: 
Yes,  but  I  do  care;  then  I  do  not  leave  him  or  let  him  go 
at  once;  but  I  proceed  to  interrogate  and  examine  and 
cross-examine  him,  and  if  I  think  that  he  has  no  virtue 
in  him,  but  only  says  that  he  has,  I  reproach  him  with 
undervaluing  the  greater,  and  overvaluing  the  less.  And 
I  shall  repeat  the  same  words  to  everyone  I  meet,  young 
and  old,  citizen  and  alien,  but  especially  to  the  citizens, 
inasmuch  as  they  are  my  brethren.  For  know  that  this 
is  the  command  of  God;  and  I  believe  that  no  greater 
good  has  ever  happened  in  the  state  than  my  service  to 
God.  For  I  do  nothing  but  go  about  persuading  you  all, 
old  and  young  alike,  not  to  take  thought  for  your  persons 
or  your  properties,  but  first  and  chiefly  to  care  about  the 
greatest  improvement  of  the  soul.  I  tell  you  that  virtue 
is  not  given  by  money,  but  that  from  virtue  comes  money 
and  every  other  good  of  man,  public  as  well  as  private. 
This  is  my  teaching,  and  if  this  is  the  doctrine  which  cor- 
rupts the  youth,  I  am  a  mischievous  person.  But  if  any 
one  says  that  this  is  not  my  teaching,  he  is  speaking  an 
untruth.  Wherefore,  O  men  of  Athens,  I  say  to  you,  do 
as  Anytus  bids  or  not  as  Anytus  bids,  and  either  acquit 
me  or  not;  but  whichever  you  do,  understand  that  I  never 
shall  alter  my  ways,  not  even  if  I  have  to  die  many 
times.  .  .  . 

Let  us  reflect  in  another  way,  and  we  shall  see  that  there  Death  is  not 

fln  c vil • 

is  great  reason  to  hope  that  death  is  a  good;  for  one  of 
two  things— either  death  is  a  state  of  nothingness  and 
utter  unconsciousness,  or  as  men  say,  there  is  a  change  and 
migration  of  the  soul  from  this  world  to  another.  Now  if 
you  suppose  that  there  is  no  consciousness,  but  a  sleep 


238     Sicilian  Expedition  to  End  of  War 


The  judges 
of  the  other 
world  are 
just. 


There  we 
shall  meet 
the  famous 
men  of  old. 


like  the  sleep  of  him  who  is  even  undisturbed  by  dreams, 
death  will  be  an  unspeakable  gain.  For  if  a  person  were 
to  select  the  night  in  which  his  sleep  was  undisturbed  e\  en 
by  dreams,  and  were  to  compare  with  this  the  other  days 
and  nights  of  his  life,  and  then  were  to  tell  us  how  many 
days  and  nights  he  had  passed  in  the  course  of  his  life 
better  and  more  pleasantly  than  this  one,  I  think  that  any 
man,  I  will  not  say  a  private  man,  but  even  the  great 
king,  will  not  find  many  such  days  or  nights,  when  com- 
pared with  the  others.  Now  if  death  be  of  such  a  nature, 
I  say  that  to  die  is  gain;  for  eternity  is  then  only  a  single 
night. 

But  if  death  is  the  journey  to  another  place,  and  there, 
as  men  say,  all  the  dead  abide,  what  good,  O  my  friends 
and  judges,  can  be  greater  than  this?  If  indeed  when  the 
pilgrim  arrives  in  the  world  below,  he  is  delivered  from 
the  professors  of  justice  in  this  world,  and  finds  the  true 
judges  wrho  are  said  to  give  judgment  there,  Minos  and 
Rhadamanthus  and  /Eacus  and  Triptolemus,  and  other 
sons  of  God  who  were  righteous  in  their  own  life,  that 
pilgrimage  will  be  worth  making.  What  would  not  a  man 
give  if  he  might  converse  with  Orpheus  and  Musaeus  and 
Hesiod  and  Homer?  Nay,  if  this  be  true,  let  me  die  again 
and  again.  I  myself,  too,  shall  have  a  wonderful  interest 
in  there  meeting  and  conversing  with  Palamedes,  and 
Ajax  the  son  of  Telamon,  and  any  other  ancient  hero  who 
has  suffered  death  through  an  unjust  judgment;  and  there 
will  be  no  small  pleasure,  as  I  think,  in  comparing  my 
own  sufferings  with  theirs.  Above  all,  I  shall  then  be 
able  to  continue  my  search  into  true  and  false  knowledge, 
as  in  this  world  so  also  in  the  next;  and  I  shall  find  out 
who  is  wise,  and  who  pretends  to  be  wise,  and  is  not. 
What  would  not  a  man  give,  0  judges,  to  be  able  to  ex- 


Future  Life;  the  Erechtheum        239 


amine  the  leader  of  the  great  Trojan  expedition;  or 
Odysseus,  or  Sisyphus,  or  numberless  others,  men  and 
■women,  too!  What  infinite  delight  would  there  be  in 
conversing  with  them  and  asking  them  questions!  In 
another  world  they  do  not  put  a  man  to  death  for  asking 
questions:  assuredly  not.  For  besides  being  happier  than 
we  are,  they  will  be  immortal,  if  what  is  said  is  true.  .  .  . 
The  hour  of  departure  has  arrived,  and  we  go  our  ways — 
I  to  die,  and  you  to  live.    Which  is  better  God  only  knows. 

IX.  The  Erechtheum  and  the  Worship  of  Athena 

There  is  also  a  building  called  the  Erechtheum.  Before 
the  entrance  is  an  altar  of  Supreme  Zeus,  where  they  sacri- 
fice no  living  thing;  but  they  lay  cakes  on  it,  and  having 
done  so  they  are  forbidden  by  custom  to  make  use  of  wine. 
Inside  of  the  building  are  altars:  one  of  Poseidon,  on  which 
they  sacrifice  also  to  Erechtheus  in  obedience  to  an  oracle; 
one  of  the  hero  Butes;  and  one  of  Hephsestus.  On  the 
walls  are  paintings  of  the  family  of  the  Butads.  Within, 
for  the  building  is  double,  there  is  sea- water  in  a  well. 
This  is  not  surprising,  for  the  same  thing  may  be  seen  in 
inland  places,  as  at  Aphrodisias  in  Caria.  But  what  is 
remarkable  about  this  well  is  that,  when  the  south  wind 
has  been  blowing,  the  well  gives  forth  a  sound  of  waves; 
and  there  is  the  shape  of  a  trident  in  the  rock.  These 
things  are  said  to  have  been  the  evidence  produced  by 
Poseidon  in  support  of  his  claim  to  the  country. 

The  rest  of  the  city  and  the  whole  land  are  equally 
sacred  to  Athena;  for  although  the  worship  of  other  gods 
is  established  in  the  townships,  the  inhabitants  none  the 
less  hold  Athena  in  honor.  But  the  object  which  was 
universally  deemed  the  holy  of  holies  many  years  before 
the  union  of  the  townships,  is  an  image  of  Athena  in  what 


Interior  of 
the  temple. 

Pausanias,  i. 
26. 

Ancient 
World,  239. 


The  Butads 
were  the 
priestly  gens 
which  at- 
tended to  the 
worship  of 
Poseidon. 


Ancient 
World,  93. 


240     Sicilian  Expedition  to  End  of  War 

is  now  called  the  Acropolis,  but  what  was  then  called  the 
city.  The  legend  is  that  the  image  fell  from  heaven,  but 
whether  this  was  so  or  not  I  will  not  inquire. 

STUDIES 

i.  With  what  feelings  did  the  Athenians  despatch  the  expedition 
to  Sicily?  Describe  the  condition  of  the  armament.  What  cere- 
monies attended  the  departure?  What  was  to  be  the  course  of  the 
fleet?    Why  was  this  route  taken? 

2.  Who  were  Demosthenes  and  Nicias  (Ancient  World,  229,  231)? 
Why  did  not  the  defeated  Athenians  sail  away  from  Syracuse?  De- 
scribe the  fate  of  the  Athenians? 

3.  Describe  the  appearance  of  Alcibiades;  his  character.  What 
characteristics  are  illustrated  by  the  two  anecdotes  of  his  childhood? 
What  was  his  musical  education?  What  objections  had  he  to  the 
flute?  What  influence  had  Socrates  over  him?  What  light  do  the 
circumstances  of  his  marriage  throw  upon  his  character?  What 
general  impression  of  him  do  you  gain  from  this  entire  passage  from 
Plutarch? 

4.  What  were  the  terms  of  peace  at  the  close  of  the  Peloponnesian 
war?  Were  they  warranted  by  the  circumstances?  Who  was  Ly- 
sander? 

5.  On  what  subjects  did  Aristophanes  write?  What  does  he  think 
of  his  fellow-citizens  of  alien  birth?  Were  there  man)-  such  at  Athens? 
What  opinion  had  he  of  manufacturers? 

6.  What  qualities  of  the  old  kind  of  education  does  the  "Just 
Cause"  think  admirable?  What  advantages  accrue  from  the  good 
old  kind  of  education? 

7.  Describe  the  character  of  Alcestis.  What  was  the  sentiment  as 
to  second  marriages?  What  was  the  feeling  of  Admetus  toward  his 
deceased  wife?  What  is  his  view  of  death?  What  is  the  leading  idea 
in  the  selection  from  the  Ion? 

8.  What  had  been  Socrates'  daily  occupation?  What  had  he  been 
trying  to  teach  his  fellow-citizens?  On  what  charge  was  he  tried? 
What  did  he  think  of  death?  What  did  he  hope  to  do  in  the  next 
world?  Who  is  the  author  of  this  passage,  and  what  connection  had 
he  with  Socrates? 

9.  What. objects  of  interest  did  Pausanias  find  in  the  Erechtheum? 
Why  was  the  building  double? 


CHAPTER  XXI 


SICILY:   THE   TYRANT   AND   THE   LIBERATOR 


I.  Preparation  for  War  with  Carthage 

Having  now  a  good  opportunity  to  wage  war  against 
them,  (the  Carthaginians),  as  he  thought,  he  resolved  first 
to  make  the  necessary  preparation;  for  he  understood  that 
the  contest  would  be  great  and  of  long  duration,  as  he  was 
about  to  engage  with  the  most  powerful  nation  that  had  a 
footing  in  Europe.  He  accordingly  collected  artisans,  by 
a  levy,  from  all  the  cities  under  his  rule,  and  others  from 
Italy  and  Greece  and  from  the  Carthaginian  dominion, 
attracting  them  by  the  offer  of  high  wages. 

And  he  aimed  also  to  provide  a  vast  number  of  arms 
and  missiles  of  every  description,  and  in  addition  quadri- 
remes  and  quinqueremes,  none  of  the  latter  ever  having 
been  built  up  to  that  time.  After  a  great  number  of  ar- 
tisans had  been  collected  he  organized  them  in  companies 
according  to  their  several  trades,  and  placed  them  under 
the  superintendence  of  the  most  respectable  citizens,  of- 
fering great  rewards  to  the  makers  of  arms.  Inasmuch  as 
mercenaries  had  been  brought  together  from  various  na- 
tions, he  himself  assigned  the  arms  according  to  their 
several  forms  and  fashions;  for  he  encouraged  each  soldier 
to  equip  himself  with  his  own  weapons;  as  he  reasoned 
that  thus  the  army  would  strike  great  terror  in  the  enemy, 
and  that  in  battle  the  contestants  would  best  know  how 
to  use  their  customary  equipments. 

241 


Dionysius 

collects 

workmen. 

Diodorus 
xiv.  41. 

This  war  be- 
gan in  397 
B.C.;  Am  it  nt 
World,  247  f.; 
Greece,  242  f. 


He  provides 
arms  and 
warships. 


His  ship- 
wrights in- 
vent quin- 
queremes. 


242     Sicily:  the  Tyrant  and  the  Liberator 


Enthusiasm 
of  the  Syra- 
cusans. 


The  tyrant 

becomes 

popular. 

Diodorus 
xiv.  42. 

Catapult,  a 
huge  cross- 
bow for 
hurling 
heavy  bolts; 
afterward  so 
modified  as 
to  throw 
stones  and 
lumps  of 
lead.     Here- 
tofore the 
only  siege 
engine  was 
the  battering 
ram. 


The  wood 
was  nee  led 
for  the  ships. 


As  the  Syracusans  did  all  in  their  power  to  forward  his 
design,  the  greatest  emulation  was  shown  in  the  prepara- 
tion. Not  only  were  the  front  and  back  porches  of  the 
temples,  the  gymnasia,  and  the  porticoes  of  the  market- 
place filled  with  workmen,  but  also  apart  from  public 
places,  in  the  most  illustrious  private  houses  arms  of  all 
kinds  were  being  manufactured. 

At  this  time  the  catapult  was  invented  in  Syracuse,  for 
the  most  excellent  artisans  were  gathered  here  from  all 
sides.  Zeal  was  inflamed  by  the  high  wages,  and  the  great- 
ness of  the  rewards  that  awaited  those  who  were  judged 
superior.  In  addition  to  these  inducements  Dionysius 
himself  went  daily  among  the  workmen,  talked  courte- 
ously with  them,  honored  the  most  diligent  with  gifts,  or 
invited  them  to  dine  with  him.  The  mechanics,  there- 
fore, vying  with  each  other  in  the  utmost  rivalry,  devised 
new  and  strange  missiles  and  engines  which  proved  ex- 
ceedingly serviceable.  He  began,  too,  to  build  quadri- 
remes  and  quinqueremes,  being  the  first  to  invent  this 
kind  of  ship.  For  hearing  that  the  first  triremes  were 
built  in  Corinth,  Dionysius  was  anxious  that  a  colony  of 
hers  should  have  credit  for  extending  the  plan  of  the  war 
ship.  After  arranging  to  obtain  a  supply  of  wood  from 
Italy,  he  sent  half  of  his  woodcutters  to  Mount  Etna, 
which  then  abounded  with  pine  and  fir,  and  the  other  half 
to  Italy;  and  provided  teams  for  hauling  the  wood  to  the 
sea,  and  boats  and  oarsmen  to  bring  the  rafts  as  speedily 
as  possible  to  Syracuse. 

When  Dionysius  had  thus  collected  a  sufficient  supply 
of  wood,  he  forthwith  began  to  build  more  than  two 
hundred  war  ships  and  to  refit  the  hundred  and  ten  old 
ones.  Furthermore  he  erected  expensive  holds  round  the 
harbor,  for  receiving  the  ships,  to  the  number  of  one  hun- 


Dionysius  I  243 

dred  and  sixty,  many  of  which  would  receive  two  ships 
apiece.  He  likewise  repaired  and  covered  over  with  new 
planks  one  hundred  and  fifty  old  and  useless  vessels. 

The  preparation  of  so  many  arms  and  ships  in  one  The  amaz- 
locality  struck  the  beholder  with  admiration.    If  in  fact  a  Syracuse, 
man  only  noticed  the  attention  bestowed  on  the  ships,  he  Ib  43 
would  presently  conclude  that  all  the  Sicilians  were  en- 
gaged in  building  them;  and  then  to  turn  and  look  upon 
the  army  and  engines,  he  would  judge  that  there  the 
height  of  skill  was  expended  on  them.    The  zeal  devoted 
to  them  could  not  be  surpassed,  yet  there  were  prepared 
in  addition  140,000  bucklers,  and  as  many  swords  and 
helmets.     There  were  forged,  too,  14,000  corselets  of  all  The  impor- 
sorts  of  excellent  workmanship.     These  equipments  he  preparations 
assigned  to  the  horse  and  to  the  colonels  and  captains  of  ^cVthat6 
the  foot,  and  to  the  mercenaries  who  formed  his  lifeguard.   ^y  en.ablcd 

Dionysius  to 

He  prepared  likewise  catapults  of  all  kinds  and  a  vast   stem  the  tide 
number  of  missiles.     The  city  of  Syracuse  provided  one  ginianinva- 
half  of  the  galleys  with  captains,  pilots,  and  oarsmen  of  menac^n  t 
their  own  citizens.    For  the  rest  Dionysius  hired  foreigners,    only  Sicily, 
After  all  the  ships  and  arms  were  ready  and  complete,  he  Ancient 
began  to  call  his  soldiers  together;  for  he  thought  it  ad-   ]]orIdt  de- 
visable not  to  hire  them  long  in  advance,  that  he  might 
avoid  expense. 

II.  The  Old  Age  of  Timoleon 

In  this  fashion  the  tyrannies  were  put  down  by  Timo-  Theiibera- 
leon,  and  the  wars  finished.    The  whole  island,  which  had   pieted. 
become  a  mere  wilderness  through  the  constant  wars  and    iMutarch. 
was  grown  hateful  to  the  very  natives,  under  his  adminis-   Timoleon,  35, 
tration  became  so  civilized  and  desirable  a  country  thai    Greece,  246 
colonists  sailed  to  it  from  those  very  places  to  which  its   World,  2491 
own  citizens  had  formerly  betaken  themselves  to  escape 


244    Sicily  :  the  Tyrant  and  the  Liberator 


Respect  for 
the  Libera- 


His  private 
life. 

Plut,  Tim., 
36. 


A  passage 
here  omitted 
speaks  of  his 
becoming 
blind. 


His  popular- 
ity and  in- 
fluence. 


Plut. 
33. 


Tim., 


from  it.  For  Acragas  and  Gela,  large  cities,  which  after 
the  war  with  Athens  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Cartha- 
ginians, were  now  repeopled.  .  .  . 

While  these  cities  were  being  reorganized,  Timoleon 
not  only  afforded  them  peace  and  safety,  but  also  gave 
them  great  assistance,  and  showed  so  keen  an  interest  in 
them  that  he  was  loved  and  respected  by  them  as  their 
real  Founder.  All  the  other  cities  also  looked  upon  him 
with  the  same  feelings,  so  that  no  peace  could  be  made  by 
them,  no  laws  established,  no  country  divided  among 
settlers,  no  constitutional  changes  made  that  seemed 
satisfactory,  unless  he  had  a  hand  in  them,  and  arranged 
them  just  as  an  architect,  when  a  building  is  finished, 
gives  some  graceful  touches  which  adorn  the  whole.  .  .  . 

He  lived  in  a  house  which  the  Syracusans  had  bestowed 
upon  him  as  a  special  prize  for  his  successes  as  general, 
and  also  the  most  beautiful  and  pleasant  country  seat, 
where  indeed  he  spent  most  of  his  leisure  with  his  wife  and 
children,  whom  he  had  sent  for  from  Corinth.  For  he 
never  returned  to  Corinth,  nor  mixed  himself  in  the 
troubles  of  Greece,  nor  did  he  expose  himself  to  the  hatred 
of  political  faction,  which  is  the  rock  upon  which  great 
generals  commonly  split  in  their  insatiate  thirst  for  honor 
and  power;  but  he  remained  in  Sicily,  enjoying  the  bless- 
ings of  which  he  was  the  author;  the  greatest  of  which 
was  to  see  so  many  cities,  and  so  many  tens  of  thousands, 
all  made  happy  and  prosperous  by  his  means.  .  .  . 

That  he  endured  his  misfortune  without  repining  is  not 
to  be  wondered  at;  but  one  must  admire  the  respect  and 
love  shown  him  when  blind  by  the  people  of  Syracuse. 
They  constantly  visited  him,  and  brought  with  them  any 
strangers  that  might  be  staying  with  them,  both  to  his 
town  and  country  house,  to  show  them  their  benefactor, 


Timoleon  245 

glorying  in  the  fact  that  he  had  chosen  to  spend  his  life 
amongst  them,  and  had  scorned  the  magnificent  recep- 
tion which  his  exploits  would  have  ensured  him  had  he  re- 
turned to  Greece.  Of  the  many  important  tributes  to  his 
worth  none  was  greater  than  the  decree  of  the  Syracusans, 
that  whenever  they  should  be  engaged  in  war  with  foreign 
tribes  they  would  have  a  Corinthian  for  their  general. 
Great  honor  was  also  reflected  upon  him  by  their  conduct 
in  the  public  assembly;  for  though  they  managed  ordinary 
business  by  themselves,  on  the  occasion  of  any  important 
debate  they  used  to  call  him  in.  Then  he  would  drive 
through  the  market-place  into  the  theatre;  and  when  the 
carriage  in  which  he  sat  was  brought  in,  the  people  would 
rise  and  salute  him  with  one  voice.  Having  returned  their 
greeting,  and  allowed  a  short  time  for  their  cheers  and 
blessings,  he  would  hear  the  disputed  point  debated,  and 
then  give  his  opinion.  When  this  had  been  voted  upon, 
his  servants  would  lead  his  carriage  out  of  the  theatre, 
while  the  citizens,  cheering  and  applauding  him  as  he 
went,  proceeded  to  despatch  their  other  business  without 
him. 

Cherished  in  his  old  age  with  such  respect  and  honor,   His  death 
as  the  common  father  of  his  country,  Timoleon  at  length   funem?'0 
after  a  slight  illness  died.     Some  time  was  given  for  the  Jb 
Syracusans  to  prepare  his  funeral,  and  for  neighbors  and 
foreigners  to  assemble,  so  that  the  ceremony  was  per- 
formed  with   great   splendor.     The   bier,    magnificently 
adorned,  and  carried  by  young  men  chosen  by  lot,  passed 
over  the  place  where  the  Castle  of  Dionysius  had  once 
been  pulled  down.    The  procession  was  joined  by  tens  of 
thousands  of  men   and  women,  whose   appearance  was 
gay  enough  for  a  festival,  for  they  all  wore  garlands  and 
while  robes.    Their  lamentations  and  I  cars,  mingled  with 


246    Sicily :  the  Tyrant  and  the  Liberator 


He  is  to  be 
worshipped 
as  a  hero. 

It  was  cus- 
tomary thus 
to  worship 
the  founder 
of  a  city. 


their  praises  of  the  deceased,  showed  that  they  were  not 
performing  this  ceremony  as  a  matter  of  mere  outward 
respect  and  compliance  with  a  decree,  but  that  they  ex- 
pressed real  sorrow  and  loving  gratitude.  At  last,  when 
the  body  was  placed  upon  the  pyre,  Demetrius,  the  loudest- 
voiced  of  the  heralds  at  that  time,  read  aloud  the  follow- 
ing decree: 

"The  Syracusan  people  solemnise,  at  the  cost  of  two 
hundred  minae,  the  funeral  of  this  man,  the  Corinthian 
Timoleon,  son  of  Timodemus.  They  have  passed  a  vote 
to  honor  him  for  all  future  time  with  festival  matches  in 
music,  horse  and  chariot  races,  and  gymnastics,  because 
after  having  put  down  the  despots,  subdued  the  foreign 
enemy,  and  recolonized  the  greatest  among  the  ruined 
cities,  he  restored  to  the  Sicilian  Greeks  their  constitution 
and  laws." 

STUDIES 

1.  From  this  selection  what  preparations  seem  to  have  been 
necessary  for  any  great  war?  What  did  Dionysius  have  that  had 
never  been  used  before?  How  could  old  ships  be  refitted?  How  did 
the  Syracusans  show  their  zeal  for  the  war?  How  can  you  account 
for  this  feeling  and  for  the  popularity  of  Dionysius?  What  was  at 
stake  in  the  war?  When  did  the  writer  of  this  selection  live  and  from 
what  source  did  he  draw  his  information? 

2.  Why  was  Timoleon  so  highly  honored?  Enumerate  the  kinds  of 
work  in  which  he  had  a  hand  after  the  establishment  of  peace.  How 
did  they  repay  him  for  his  services?  What  do  you  infer  as  to  his 
character? 


CHAPTER  XXII 

THE   SUPREMACY   OF  SPARTA 

I.  The  Fall  of  the  Thirty 

Presently  Thrasybulus  with  about  seventy  followers  The  patriots 
sallied  out  from  Thebes,  and  made  himself  master  of  the 

fortress  of  Phyle.     The  weather  was  brilliant,  and  the  Xenophon, 

Thirty  marched  out  of  the  city  to  repel  the  invader;  with  u.  4. 
them  were  the  Three  Thousand  and  the  Knights.    When 

they  reached  the  place,  some  of  the  young  men,  in  the  ?reJe'  .25I_ 

foolhardiness  of  youth,  made  a  dash  at  the  fortress,  but  World,  253. 
without  effect;  all  they  got  was  wounds  and  so  retired. 

The  intention  of  the  Thirty  now  was  to  blockade  the  JHsePa; 

J  tnots  had 

place;  by  shutting  off  all  the  avenues  of  supply  they  been  exiled 
thought  to  force  the  garrison  to  capitulate.     But  this  Thirty,  and 
project  was  interrupted  by  a  steady  downfall  of  snow  that  ^uriSngby 
night  and  the  following  day.    Baffled  by  this  all-pervading  force, 
enemy,  they  beat  a  retreat  to  the  city  but  not  without  the 
sacrifice  of  many  of  their  camp  followers,  who  fell  a  prey 
to  the  men  in  Phyle.    The  next  anxiety  of  the  government 
in  Athens  was  to  secure  the  farms  and  country  houses 
against  the  plunderings  and  forays  to  which  they  would 
be  exposed,  if  there  were  no  armed  force  to  protect  them. 
With  this  object  a  protecting  force  was  despatched  to  the 
"boundary  estates"  about  two  miles  this  side  of  Phyle. 
This   corps   consisted   of   the   Lacedemonian   guards,   or  J^™jjj2d 
nearly  all  of  them,  and  two  divisions  of  horse.     They  en-    from  Sparta 
camped  in  a  wild  and  broken  district,  and  the  round  of  guards  for 
their  duties  commenced.  pro  ec  lon' 

247 


248 


The  Supremacy  of  Sparta 


The  patriots 
attack   the 
camp  of  the 
enemy. 


Hoplites  are 
heavy-armed 
infantry. 


The  patriots 
occupy  Pei- 
raeus. 


A  ncient 
World,  IQ3. 


But  by  t  his  time  the  small  garrison  above  them  had 
increased  tenfold,  until  there  were  now  about  seven 
hundred  men  collected  in  Phyle;  and  with  this  force 
Thrasybulus  one  night  descended.  When  he  was  not  quite 
half  a  mile  from  the  enemy's  encampment  he  grounded 
arms,  and  a  deep  silence  was  maintained  until  it  drew 
toward  day.  In  a  little  while  the  men  opposite,  one  by 
one,  were  getting  to  their  legs  or  leaving  the  camp  for 
necessary  purposes,  while  a  suppressed  din  and  murmur 
arose,  caused  by  the  grooms  currying  and  combing  their 
horses.  This  was  the  moment  for  Thrasybulus  and  his 
men  to  snatch  up  their  arms  and  make  a  dash  at  the 
enemy's  position.  Some  they  felled  on  the  spot;  and 
routing  the  whole  body,  pursued  them  six  or  seven  stadia, 
killing  one  hundred  and  twenty  hoplites  and  more.  Of 
the  cavalry,  Nicostratus,  "the  beautiful,"  as  men  called 
him,  and  two  others  besides  were  slain;  they  were  caught 
while  still  in  their  beds.  Returning  from  the  pursuit,  the 
victors  set  up  a  trophy,  got  together  all  the  arms  they  had 
taken,  besides  baggage,  and  retired  again  to  Phyle.  A 
reinforcement  of  horse  sent  from  the  city  could  not  dis- 
cover the  vestige  of  a  foe,  but  waited  on  the  scene  of 
battle  until  the  bodies  of  the  slain  had  been  picked  up  by 
their  relatives,  whereupon  they  withdrew  again  to  the 
city.  .  .  . 

But  now  Thrasybulus  at  the  head  of  his  followers,  by 
this  time  about  one  thousand  strong,  descended  from 
Phyle  and  reached  Peineus  in  the  night.  The  Thirty,  on 
their  side,  informed  of  this  new  move,  were  not  slow  to 
come  to  the  rescue  with  the  Laconian  guards,  supported 
by  their  own  cavalry  and  hoplites.  And  so  they  ad- 
vanced, marching  down  along  the  broad  carriage  road 
which  leads  into  Peirceus.    The  men  from  Phyle  seemed 


The  Battle  in  Peirsus  249 

at  first  inclined  to  dispute  their  passage,  but  as  the  wide 

circuit  of  the  walls  needed  a  defence  beyond  the  reach  of 

their  still  scanty  numbers,  they  fell  back  in  a  compact 

body  upon  Munychia.     Then  the  troops  from  the  city  Munychia,  a 

poured  into  the  market-place  of  Hippodamus.    Here  they  del 'of 

formed  in  line,   stretching  along  and   filling   the  street  glppodamus, 

which  leads  to  the  temple  of  Artemis  and  the  Bendideum.   ^e  civil  en- 

-.  i-iii  j    Smeer>  wno 

This  line  must  have  been  at  least  fifty  shields  deep;  and   had  planned 

in  this  formation  they  at  once  began  to  march  up.    As  to   dideum,'  a C" 

the  men  of  Phyle,  they  too  blocked  the  street  at  the  op-  Thraciana 

posite  end,  and  faced  the  foe.     They  presented  only  a  goddess. 

thin  line  not  more  than  ten  deep,  though  behind  them  The  battle  in 

were  ranged  a  body  of  targeteers  and  light-armed,  javelin 

throwers,  who  were  again  supported  by  an  artillery  of 

stone-slingers — a  tolerably  numerous  division  drawn  from 

the  population  of  the  port  and  district  itself.    While  his 

antagonists  were  still  advancing,  Thrasybulus  gave  the 

order  to  ground  their  heavy  shields;  and  having  done  so 

himself,  whilst  retaining  the  rest  of  his  arms,  he  stood  in 

the  midst,  and  thus  addressed  them: 

"Men  and  fellow-citizens,  I  wish  to  inform  some  of  you,   Address  of 
'      ,  ,  .         Thrasyb- 

and  to  remind  others  that  of  the  force  you  see  advancing  ulus. 

beneath  us  there,  the  right  division  are  the  very  men  we 
routed  and  pursued  only  five  days  ago;  while  on  the  ex- 
treme left  there  you  see  the  Thirty.  These  are  the  men 
who  have  not  spared  to  rob  us  of  our  city,  though  we  did 
no  wrong;  who  have  hounded  us  from  our  homes;  who 
have  set  the  seal  of  proscription  on  our  dearest  friends. 
But  to-day  the  wheel  of  fortune  has  revolved;  that  has 
come  about  which  least  of  all  th<  y  looki  d  for,  which  most 
of  all  we  prayed  for.  Here  we  stand  with  our  good  swords 
in  our  hands,  face  to  face  with  our  foes;  and  the  gods 
themselves  are  with  us,  seeing  that  we  are  arrested  in  the 


250  The  Supremacy  of  Sparta 

midst  of  our  peaceful  pursuits;  at  any  moment,  whilst  we 
supped  or  slept  or  marketed,  sentence  of  banishment  was 
passed  upon  us.  We  had  done  no  wrong, — nay,  many  of 
us  were  not  even  resident  in  the  country.  To-day  there- 
fore, I  repeat,  the  gods  do  visibly  fight  upon  our  side;  the 
great  gods,  who  raise  a  tempest  even  in  the  midst  of  calm, 
for  our  benefit,  and  when  we  lay  our  hand  to  fight,  enable 
our  little  company  to  set  up  the  trophy  of  victory  over 
the  multitude  of  our  foes.  On  this  day  they  have  brought 
us  hither  to  a  place  where  the  steep  ascent  must  needs 
hinder  our  foes  from  reaching  with  lance  or  arrow  further 
than  our  foremost  ranks;  but  we  with  our  volley  of  spears 
and  arrows  and  stones  cannot  fail  to  reach  them  with 
terrible  effect.  Had  we  been  forced  to  meet  them  van- 
guard to  vanguard  on  an  equal  footing,  who  could  have 
been  surprised?  But  as  it  is,  all  I  say  to  you  is,  let  fly 
your  missiles  with  a  will  in  right  brave  style.  No  one  can 
miss  his  mark  when  the  road  is  full  of  them.  To  avoid  our 
darts  they  must  forever  be  ducking  and  skulking  beneath 
their  shields;  but  we  will  rain  blows  upon  them  in  their 
blindness;  we  will  leap  upon  them  and  lay  them  low. 
But,  O  sirs!  let  me  call  upon  you  so  to  bear  yourselves 
that  each  shall  be  conscious  to  himself  that  the  victory 
What  victory  was  won  by  him  and  by  him  alone.  Victory  which,  God 
wi  ring  us.  wjnijngj  ^^1  ^is  day  restore  to  us  the  land  of  our  fathers, 
our  homes,  our  freedom,  and  the  rewards  of  civic  life,  our 
children,  if  children  we  have,  our  darlings,  our  wives! 
Thrice  happy  those  among  us  who  as  conquerors  shall 
look  upon  this  gladdest  of  all  days.  Nor  less  fortunate 
the  man  who  falls  to-day.  Not  all  the  wealth  in  the 
world  shall  purchase  him  a  monument  so  glorious.  At  the 
right  instant  I  will  strike  the  keynote  of  the  paean;  then 
with  an  invocation  to  the  God  of  battle,  and  in  return  for 


Results  of  the  Battle 


251 


the  wanton  insults  they  put  upon  us,  let  us  with  one 
accord  wreak  vengeance  on  yonder  men." 

Having  so  spoken,  he  turned  round,  facing  the  foemen,  The  battle, 
and  kept  quiet;  for  the  order  passed  by  the  soothsayer 
enjoined  on  them  not  to  charge  before  one  of  their  side 
was  slain  or  wounded.  "As  soon  as  that  happens,"  said 
the  seer,  "we  will  lead  you  onwards,  and  the  victory  shall 
be  yours;  but  for  myself,  if  I  err  not,  death  is  waiting." 
And  herein  he  spoke  truly,  for  they  had  barely  resumed 
their  arms  when  he  himself,  as  though  he  were  driven  by 
some  fatal  hand,  leapt  out  in  front  of  the  ranks,  and  so 
springing  into  the  midst  of  the  foe,  was  slain,  and  lies  now 
buried  at  the  passage  of  the  Cephissus.  But  the  rest  were 
victorious,  and  pursued  the  routed  enemy  down  to  the 
level  ground.  There  fell  in  this  engagement,  from  the 
number  of  the  Thirty,  Critias  himself  and  Hippomachus, 
and  with  them  Charmides,  the  son  of  Glaucon,  one  of  the 
ten  archons  in  Peirasus,  and  of  the  rest  about  seventy  men. 
The  arms  of  the  slain  were  taken;  but  as  fellow-citizens, 
the  conquerors  forebore  to  despoil  them  of  their  coats. 

II.   Retreat  of   the  Ten   Thousand   Through   the 
Snows  of  Armenia 


From  this  point  they  marched  three  desert  stages- 
fifteen  parasangs — to  the  river  Euphrates,  and  crossed  it 
in  water  up  to  the  waist.  The  sources  of  the  river  were 
reported  to  be  at  no  great  distance.  From  this  place  they 
marched  through  deep  snow  over  a  flat  country  three 
stages — fifteen  parasangs.  The  last  of  these  marches  was 
trying,  with  the  north  wind  blowing  in  their  teeth,  drying 
up  everything  and  benumbing  the  men.  Here  one  of  the 
seers  suggested  to  them  to  do  sacrifice  to  Boreas,  and 
sacrifice  was  done.    The  effect  was  obvious  to  all  in  the 


A  march  in 
the  storm. 

Xenophon, 
Anabasis, 
iv.  5. 

A  ncient 
World,  253 
ff.;  Greece, 
261  f. 

A  parasang, 
Persian 
measure  oi 
distance, 
was  a  little 


more  than 
three  miles; 
Boreas,  god 
of  the  north 
wind. 

They  camp 
in  the  snow. 


Hunger- 
faintness. 


Freezing  to 
death. 


252  The  Supremacy  of  Sparta 

diminished  fierceness  of  the  blast.  But  there  were  six 
feet  of  snow,  so  that  many  of  the  baggage  animals  and 
slaves  were  lost,  and  about  thirty  of  the  nun  themselves. 

They  spent  the  whole  night  in  kindling  fire;  for  there 
was  fortunately  no  dearth  of  wood  at  the  halting-place; 
only  those  who  came  late  into  camp  had  no  wood.  Ac- 
cordingly those  who  had  arrived  a  good  while  and  had 
kindled  fires  were  not  for  allowing  these  late-comers  near 
their  fires,  unless  they  would  in  return  give  a  share  of  their 
corn  or  of  any  other  victuals  they  might  have.  Here  then 
a  general  exchange  of  goods  was  set  up.  Where  the  fire 
was  kindled  the  snow  melted,  and  great  trenches  formed 
themselves  down  to  the  bare  earth,  and  here  it  was  possi- 
ble to  measure  the  depth  of  the  snow. 

Leaving  these  quarters,  they  marched  the  whole  of  the 
next  day  over  snow,  and  many  of  the  men  were  afflicted 
with  hunger- faintness.  Xenophon,  who  was  guarding  the 
rear,  came  upon  some  men  who  had  dropt  down,  and  he 
did  not  know  what  ailed  them;  but  some  one  who  was 
experienced  in  such  matters  suggested  to  him  that  they 
were  evidently  faint;  and  if  they  got  something  to  eat, 
they  would  revive.  Then  he  went  the  round  of  the  bag- 
gage train,  and  laying  an  embargo  on  any  eatables  he 
could  see,  doled  it  out  with  his  own  hands,  or  sent  off 
other  able-bodied  agents  to  distribute  it  to  the  sufferers, 
who  as  soon  as  they  had  taken  a  mouthful  got  on  their 
legs  again  and  continued  the  march.  .  .  . 

On  the  heels  of  the  army  hung  perpetually  bands  of  the 
enemy,  snatching  away  disabled  baggage  animals  and  fight- 
ing with  each  other  over  the  carcases.  And  in  its  track 
not  seldom  were  left  to  their  fate  disabled  soldiers,  struck 
down  with  snow-blindness  or  with  toes  mortified  by  frost- 
bite.   As  to  the  eyes,  it  was  some  alleviation  against  the 


A  Discouraging  Situation  253 

snow  to  march  with  something  black  before  them;  for  the 

feet,  the  only  remedy  was  to  keep  in  motion  without 

stopping  for  an  instant,  and  to  loose  the  sandal  at  night. 

If  they  went  to  sleep  with  the  sandals  on,  the  thong 

worked  into  the  feet  and  the  sandals  were  frozen  fast  to 

them.    This  was  partly  due  to  the  fact  that,  since  their 

old  sandals  had  failed,  they  wore  un tanned  brogues  made 

of  newly  flayed  ox-hides.    It  was  owing  to  some  such  dire 

necessity  that  a  party  of  men  fell  out  and  were  left  behind, 

and  seeing  a  black-looking  patch  of  ground  where  the 

snow   had    evidently    disappeared,    they    conjectured    it 

must  have  been  melted;  and  this  was  actually  so,  owing 

to  a  spring  of  some  sort  which  was  to  be  seen  steaming  up 

in  a  dell  close  by.    To  this  they  had  turned  aside  and  sat  Some  give 

v  ,  up  in  de- 

down  and  were  loth  to  go  a  step  further.    But  Xenopnon  spair. 

with  his  rearguard  perceived  them,  and  begged  and  im- 
plored them  by  all  manner  of  means  not  to  remain  behind, 
telling  them  that  the  enemy  were  after  them  in  large 
packs  pursuing;  and  he  ended  by  growing  angry.  They 
merely  bade  him  put  a  knife  to  their  throats;  not  one  step 
further  would  they  stir.  Then  it  seemed  best  to  frighten 
the  pursuing  enemy  if  possible,  and  to  prevent  their  falling 
upon  the  invalids.  It  was  already  dusk,  and  the  pursuers 
were  advancing  with  much  noise  and  hubbub,  wrangling 
and  disputing  over  their  spoils.  Then  all  of  a  sudden  the 
rearguard,  in  the  plenitude  of  health  and  strength,  sprang 
up  out  of  their  lair  and  ran  upon  the  enemy,  whilst  those 
weary  wights  bawled  out  as  loud  as  their  sick  throats  could 
sound,  and  dashed  their  spears  against  their  shields ;  and  the 
enemy  in  terror  hurled  themselves  through  the  snow  into 
the  dell,  and  not  one  of  them  ever  uttered  a  sound  again. 
Xenophon  and  his  party,  telling  the  sick  folk  that  next 
day  people  would  come  for  them,  set  off  and  before  they 


Unable  to 

march 

farther. 


They  reach 
some  vil- 
lages. 


Cheirisophus, 
one  of  the 
commanders, 
a  Spartan. 


The  villagers 
and  their 
dwellings. 


254  The  Supremacy  of  Sparta 

had  gone  half  a  mile,  they  fell  in  with  some  soldiers  who 
had  laid  down  to  rest  on  the  snow  with  their  cloaks 
wrapped  round  them;  but  never  a  guard  was  established, 
and  they  made  them  get  up.  Their  explanation  was  that 
those  in  front  would  not  move  on.  Passing  by  this  group, 
he  sent  forward  the  strongest  of  his  light  infantry  in  ad- 
vance with  orders  to  find  out  what  the  stoppage  was. 
They  reported  that  the  whole  army  lay  reposing  in  the 
same  fashion.  That  being  so,  Xenophon's  men  had  noth- 
ing for  it  but  to  bivouac  in  the  open  air  also,  without  fire 
and  supperless,  merely  posting  what  pickets  they  could 
under  the  circumstances.  But  as  soon  as  it  drew  toward 
day,  Xenophon  despatched  the  youngest  of  his  men  to  the 
sick  folk  behind,  with  orders  to  make  them  get  up  and 
to  force  them  to  proceed.  Meanwhile  Cheirisophus  had 
sent  some  of  his  men  quartered  in  the  village  to  inquire 
how  they  fared  in  the  rear;  they  were  overjoyed  to  see 
them,  and  handed  over  the  sick  folk  to  them  to  carry  into 
camp,  while  they  themselves  continued  their  march  for- 
ward, and  ere  twenty  stadia  were  past,  reached  the  vil- 
lage in  which  Cheirisophus  was  quartered.  As  soon  as 
the  two  divisions  were  met,  the  resolution  was  come  to 
that  it  would  be  safe  to  billet  the  regiments  throughout 
the  villages;  Cheirisophus  remained  where  he  was,  while 
the  rest  drew  lots  for  the  villages  in  sight,  and  then,  with 
their  several  detachments,  marched  off  to  their  respective 
destinations. 

It  was  here  that  Polycrates,  an  Athenian  and  captain 
of  a  company,  asked  for  leave  of  absence.  He  wished  to 
be  off  on  a  quest  of  his  own;  and  putting  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  active  men  of  the  division,  he  ran  to  the  vil- 
lage which  had  been  allotted  to  Xenophon.  He  surprised 
within  it  the  villagers  with  their  headman,  and  seventeen 


A  Strange  Village  255 

young  horses  which  were  being  reared  as  a  tribute  for  the 
king,  and  last  of  all  the  headman's  own  daughter,  a  young 
bride  only  eight  days  wed.  Her  husband  had  gone  off  to 
chase  hares,  and  so  he  escaped  being  taken  with  the  other 
villagers.  The  houses  were  underground  structures  with 
an  aperture  like  the  mouth  of  a  well  by  which  to  enter; 
but  they  were  broad  and  spacious  below.  The  entrance 
for  the  beasts  of  burden  was  dug  out,  but  the  human 
occupants  descended  by  a  ladder.  In  these  dwellings 
were  to  be  found  goats  and  sheep  and  cattle,  and  cocks 
and  hens,  with  their  various  progeny.  The  flocks  and  herds 
were  all  reared  under  cover  upon  green  food.  There  were 
stores  within  of  wheat  and  barley  and  vegetables,  and 
wine  made  from  barley  in  great  bowls ;  the  grains  of  barley 
malt  lay  floating  in  the  beverage  up  to  the  lip  of  the  vessel, 
and  reeds  lay  in  them,  some  longer  some  shorter  without 
joints ;  when  you  were  thirsty  you  had  to  take  one  of  these 
into  your  mouth  and  suck.  The  beverage  without  ad- 
mixture of  water  was  very  strong,  and  of  a  delicious  flavor 
to  certain  palates,  but  the  taste  must  be  acquired. 

Xenophon  made  the  headman  of  the  village  hi*  guest 
at  supper,  and  bade  him  keep  a  good  heart;  so  far  from 
robbing  him  of  his  children,  they  would  fill  his  house  full 
of  good  things  in  return  for  what  they  took  before  they 
went  away;  only  he  must  set  them  an  example,  and  dis- 
cover some  blessing  or  other  for  the  army,  until  they  found 
themselves  with  another  tribe.  To  this  he  readily  as- 
sented, and  with  the  utmost  cordiality  showed  them  the 
cellar  where  the  wine  was  buried.  For  this  night  then, 
having  taken  up  their  several  quarters  as  described,  they 
slumbered  in  the  midst  of  plenty,  one  and  all,  with  the 
headman  under  watch  and  ward,  and  his  children  with 
him  safe  in  sight. 


256 


The  Supremacy  of  Sparta 


The  climax 
of  Sparta's 
power,  379 
B.C. 

Xenophon, 
Uellenica, 
v.  3- 


The  guilty 
cannot  es- 
cape punish- 
ment. 

lb.  4. 

A  ncient 
World,  257; 
Greece,  268  f. 


III.  The  Violence  of  Sparta 

On  every  side  the  affairs  of  LaCedemon  had  signally 
prospered:  Thebes  and  the  rest  of  the  Boeotian  states  lay 
absolutely  at  her  feet;  Corinth  had  become  her  most 
faithful  ally;  Argos  .  .  .  was  humbled  to  the  dust; 
Athens  was  isolated;  and  lastly,  those  of  her  own  allies 
who  displayed  a  hostile  feeling  toward  her  had  been 
punished;  so  that,  to  all  outward  appearance,  the  founda- 
tions of  her  empire  were  at  length  absolutely  well  and 
firmly  laid. 

Abundant  examples  might  be  found  alike  in  Hellenic 
and  in  foreign  history,  to  prove  that  the  Divine  powers 
mark  what  is  done  amiss,  winking  neither  at  impiety  nor 
at  the  commission  of  unhallowed  acts;  but  at  present  I 
confine  myself  to  the  facts  before  me.  The  Lacedemonians, 
who  had  pledged  themselves  by  oath  to  leave  the  states 
independent,  had  laid  violent  hands  on  the  acropolis  of 
Thebes,  and  were  eventually  punished  by  the  victims  of 
that  iniquity  single-handed, — the  Lacedemonians,  be  it 
noted,  who  had  never  before  been  mastered  by  living  man. 


STUDIES 

1.  Where  was  Phyle  and  who  was  Thrasybulus  {Ancient  World, 
253)?  Who  were  the  Thirty,  and  why  did  they  attack  the  patriots  at 
Phyle?  What  may  we  learn  of  camp  life  from  this  passage?  Where 
was  Peirseus?  How  was  it  connected  with  Athens?  How  did  Thrasyb- 
ulus arrange  his  forces  for  battle?  What  was  the  advantage  of  their 
position?  From  his  speech  what  may  we  learn  as  to  the  ruling  party 
at  Athens  and  the  exiles  respectively?  What  part  did  he  think  the 
gods  had  taken  in  the  conflict  thus  far?  What  motives  to  bravery 
had  his  men?  What  part  had  the  soothsayer  in  the  proceedings: 
How  were  the  military  movements  influenced  by  religion?  Who  was 
the  author  of  this  selection,  and  when  did  he  live  relatively  to  the 
events  narrated?    What  is  the  reliability  of  the  story? 


Studies  257 

2.  Who  were  the  Ten  Thousand?  How  did  they  mitigate  the  north 
wind?  What  were  their  other  difficulties?  Who  tells  this  story? 
What  part  had  he  in  the  retreat?  What  had  he  to  do  to  keep  the 
army  moving?  Describe  the  villages  and  their  inhabitants.  Why 
did  they  live  underground?  What  was  their  favorite  beverage?  How 
were  they  treated  by  the  Greeks?  From  this  selection  what  do  you 
infer  as  to  the  character  of  these  Greek  mercenaries? 

3.  What  was  the  condition  of  Greece  and  of  Sparta  in  379?  What 
was  Xenophon's  idea  of  Providence  in  human  affairs?  From  all  these 
selections  from  Xenophon  what  may  we  infer  as  his  religious  beliefs? 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

THEBES  ATTEMPTS  TO  GAIN  THE  SUPREMACY 


Family  and 
education. 

Nepos, 
Epaminon- 
das, i  f. 

Greece,  275- 
83;  Ancient 
World,  260- 
67- 

On  Pythag- 
oras; An- 
cient World, 
155- 


I.  Epaminondas 

Epaminondas  was  the  son  of  Polumnis,  and  was  born 
at  Thebes.  ...  He  was  of  an  honorable  family,  though 
left  poor  by  his  ancestors;  but  he  was  so  well-educated 
that  no  Theban  was  more  so;  for  he  was  taught  to  play 
upon  the  harp,  and  to  sing  to  the  sound  of  its  strings,  by 
Dionysius,  who  was  held  in  no  less  honor  among  musicians 
than  Damon  or  Lamprus,  whose  names  are  well  known; 
to  play  on  the  flutes  by  Olympiodorus;  and  to  dance  by 
Calliphron.  For  his  instructor  in  philosophy  he  had  Lysis 
of  Tarentum,  a  Pythagorean,  to  whom  he  was  so  devoted 
that,  young  as  he  was,  he  preferred  the  society  of  a  grave 
and  austere  old  man  before  that  of  all  those  of  his  own 
age;  nor  did  he  part  with  him  until  he  so  far  excelled  his 
fellow  students  in  learning,  that  it  might  easily  be  per- 
ceived he  would  in  like  manner  excel  them  all  in  other 
pursuits.  These  acquirements  according  to  our  habits  are 
trifling,  and  rather  to  be  despised;  but  in  Greece,  at  least 
in  former  times,  they  were  a  great  subject  for  praise. 
After  he  grew  up,  and  began  to  apply  himself  to  gym- 
nastic exercises,  he  studied  not  so  much  to  increase  his 
strength  as  the  agility  of  his  body;  for  he  thought  that 
strength  suited  the  purpose  of  wrestlers,  but  that  agility 
conduced  to  excellence  in  war.  He  used  to  exercise  him- 
self very  much,  therefore,  in  running  and  wrestling,  as 
*S8 


Character  of  Epaminondas  259 

long  as  he  could  grapple  with  his  adversary  and  contend 
standing.  But  he  spent  most  of  his  labor  on  martial 
exercises. 

To  the  strength  of  body  thus  acquired,  were  added  many  His  moral 
good  qualities  of  the  mind;  for  he  was  modest,  prudent, 
grave,  wisely  availing  himself  of  opportunities,  skilled  in  ep'  Ep'  i' 
war,  brave  in  action,  and  possessed  of  remarkable  courage. 
He  was  so  great  a  lover  of  truth  that  he  would  not  tell  a 
falsehood  even  in  jest;  he  was  also  master  of  his  passions, 
gentle  in  disposition,  and  patient  to  a  wonderful  degree, 
submitting  to  wrong  not  only  from  the  people,  but  from 
his  own  friends;  he  was  a  remarkable  keeper  of  secrets,  a 
quality  which  is  sometimes  not  less  serviceable  than  elo- 
quence; and  he  was  an  attentive  listener  to  others,  be- 
cause he  thought  that  by  this  means  knowledge  was  most 
easily  acquired.  Whenever  he  came  into  a  company, 
therefore,  in  which  a  discussion  was  going  on  concerning 
government,  or  a  conversation  was  being  held  on  any 
point  in  philosophy,  he  never  went  away  till  the  discourse 
was  brought  to  its  conclusion.  He  bore  poverty  so  easily 
that  he  received  nothing  from  the  state  but  glory.  He 
did  not  avail  himself  of  the  means  of  his  friends  to  main- 
tain himself;  but  he  often  used  his  credit  to  relieve  others, 
to  such  a  degree  that  it  might  be  thought  all  things  were 
in  common  between  him  and  his  friends;  .... 

He  was  of  a  patient  disposition,  and  ready  to  endure  His  patience 

,  •  ,  ,        1        1      •         and  hu- 

wrongs  from  his  countrymen,  because  he  thought  it  a  mility. 

species  of  impiety  to  show  resentment  towards  his  coun-  Ib  7 
try.  There  are  the  following  proofs.  When  the  Thebans 
from  some  feeling  of  displeasure  towards  him  refused  to 
place  him  at  the  head  of  the  army,  a  leader  was  chosen 
who  was  ignorant  of  war,  by  whose  mismanagement  a 
great  multitude  of  soldiers  was  brought  to  such  a  condi- 


260    Thebes  Attempts  to  Gain  Supremacy 


He  violates 
the  law  to 
win  a  vic- 
tory. 


He  defends 
his  conduct. 

Nep.  Ep.  8. 


tion  that  all  were  alarmed  for  their  safety.  They  were  con- 
fined within  a  narrow  space  and  blocked  up  by  the  enemy, 
whereupon  the  energy  of  Epaminondas  began  to  be  in  re- 
quest, for  he  was  there  as  a  private  among  the  soldiers. 
When  they  desired  aid  from  him,  he  showed  no  recollec- 
tion of  the  affront  that  had  been  put  upon  him,  but 
brought  the  army  safely  home  after  releasing  it  from  the 
blockade.  Nor  did  he  act  in  this  manner  once  only  but 
often. 

The  most  remarkable  instance  was  when  he  had  led  an 
army  into  the  Peloponnesus  against  the  Lacedemonians, 
and  had  two  joined  in  command  with  him,  of  whom  one 
was  Pelopidas,  a  man  of  valor  and  activity.  On  this  oc- 
casion, when  through  the  accusations  of  their  enemies 
they  had  all  fallen  under  the  displeasure  of  their  country- 
men, and  their  commission  was  in  consequence  taken  from 
them  and  other  commanders  came  to  take  their  places, 
Epaminondas  did  not  obey  the  order  of  the  people,  and 
persuaded  his  colleagues  to  follow  his  example,  continuing 
to  prosecute  the  war  which  he  had  undertaken;  for  he  saw 
that  unless  he  did  so,  the  whole  army  would  be  lost 
through  the  incautiousness  and  ignorance  of  its  leaders. 
But  there  was  a  law  at  Thebes,  which  punished  anyone 
with  death  who  retained  his  command  longer  than  he  was 
legally  appointed.  Epaminondas,  however,  as  he  saw  that 
this  law  had  been  made  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  the 
state,  was  unwilling  to  make  it  contribute  to  its  ruin,  and 
continued  to  exercise  his  command  four  months  longer 
than  the  people  had  prescribed. 

When  they  returned  home,  his  colleagues  were  im- 
peached for  this  offence,  and  he  gave  them  leave  to  lay  all 
the  blame  upon  him,  and  to  maintain  that  it  was  through 
his  means  that  they  did  not  obey  the  law.    As  they  were 


On  Trial  for  Life 


261 


freed  from  danger  by  this  defence,  nobody  thought  Epa- 
rainondas  would  make  any  reply,  because  it  was  supposed 
he  would  have  nothing  to  say.  But  he  stood  forth  on  the 
trial,  denied  nothing  of  what  his  adversaries  laid  to  his 
charge,  and  admitted  the  truth  of  all  that  his  colleagues 
had  stated;  nor  did  he  refuse  to  submit  to  the  penalty  of 
the  law;  but  he  requested  of  his  countrymen  one  favor, 
namely,  that  they  would  write  the  following  in  their  ju- 
dicial record  of  the  sentence  passed  upon  him:  "Epaminon- 
das  was  punished  by  the  Thebans  with  death,  because  he 
obliged  them  to  overthrow  the  Lacedemonians  at  Leuctra,    Ancient 

,  ,       r  ,  r      1  t^  •  1  World,   260  f . 

whom,  before  he  was  general,  none  of  the  Boeotians  durst 
look  upon  in  the  field,  and  because  he  not  only  by  one 
battle  rescued  Thebes  from  destruction,  but  also  secured 
liberty  for  all  Greece,  and  brought  the  power  of  both 
people  to  such  a  condition  that  the  Thebans  attacked 
Sparta,  and  the  Lacedemonians  were  content  if  they  could 
save  their  lives;  nor  did  he  cease  to  prosecute  the  war  till 
after  settling  Messene,  he  shut  up  Sparta  with  a  close 
siege."  When  he  had  said  this,  there  burst  forth  a  laugh 
from  all  present,  with  much  merriment,  and  no  one  of  the 
judges  ventured  to  pass  sentence  upon  him.  Thus  he 
came  off  from  this  trial  for  life  with  the  greatest  glory. 

II.  The  Battle  or  Mantinea 

Far  more  wonderful  to  my  mind  was  the  pitch  of  per-  High  spirit 

fection  to  which  he  had  brought  his  army.    There  was  no  soldiers  of 

labor  which  his  troops  would  shrink  from,  either  by  night  *Z*minon~ 

or  by  day;  there  was  no  danger  they  would  flinch  from; 

and  with  the  scantiest  provisions,  their  discipline  never    Xenophon, 

Eeuentca, 

failed  them.  vii.  5. 

And  so,  when  he  gave  his  last  orders  to  them  to  prepare 
for  impending  battle,  they  obeyed  with  alacrity.    He  gave 


262    Thebes  Attempts  to  Gain  Supremacy 


The  club  of 
Heracles  was 
the  Theban 
coat  of  arms. 


He  deceives 
the  enemy. 


His  tactics. 


the  word;  the  cavalry  fell  to  whitening  their  helmets,  the 
heavy  infantry  of  the  Arcadians  began  inscribing  clubs  as 
the  crest  on  their  shields,  as  though  they  were  Thebans, 
and  all  were  engaged  in  sharpening  their  lances  and  swords 
and  p'olishing  their  heavy  shields.  When  the  preparations 
were  complete  and  he  had  led  them  out,  his  next  move- 
ment is  worthy  of  attention.  First,  as  was  natural,  he 
paid  heed  to  their  formation,  and  in  so  doing  seemed  to 
give  clear  evidence  that  he  intended  battle;  but  no  sooner 
was  the  army  drawn  up  in  the  formation  which  he  pre- 
ferred than  he  advanced,  not  by  the  shortest  route  to  meet 
the  enemy,  but  toward  the  westward-lying  mountains 
which  face  Tegea,  and  by  this  movement  created  in  the 
enemy  an  expectation  that  he  would  not  do  battle  on  that 
day.  In  keeping  with  this  expectation,  as  soon  as  he 
arrived  at  the  mountain-region,  he  extended  his  phalanx 
in  long  line  and  piled  arms  under  the  high  cliffs;  and  to  all 
appearance  he  was  there  encamping.  The  effect  of  this 
manoeuvre  on  the  enemy  in  general  was  to  relax  the  pre- 
pared bent  of  their  souls  for  battle,  and  to  weaken  their 
tactical  arrangements.  Presently,  however,  wheeling  his 
regiments,  which  were  marching  in  column,  to  the  front, 
with  the  effect  of  strengthening  the  beak-like  attack 
which  he  proposed  to  lead  himself,  at  the  same  instant  he 
gave  the  order,  "Shoulder  arms,  forward,"  and  led  the 
way,  the  troops  following. 

When  the  enemy  saw  them  so  unexpectedly  approach- 
ing, not  one  of  them  was  able  to  maintain  tranquillity. 
Some  began  running  to  their  divisions,  some  fell  into  line, 
some  might  be  seen  bitting  and  bridling  their  horses,  some 
donning  their  cuirasses,  and  one  and  all  were  like  men 
about  to  receive  rather  than  to  inflict  a  blow.  Meanwhile 
he  with  steady  impetus  pushed  forward  Ms  armament, 


Victory  and  Death 


263 


like  a  ship-of-war  prow  forward.  Wherever  he  brought 
his  solid  wedge  to  bear,  he  meant  to  cleave  through  the 
opposing  mass  and  crumble  his  adversary's  host  to  pieces. 
With  this  design  he  prepared  to  throw  the  brunt  of  the 
fighting  on  the  strongest  half  of  his  army,  while  he  kept 
the  weaker  portion  of  it  in  the  background,  knowing  cer- 
tainly that  if  worsted  it  would  only  cause  discouragement 
to  his  own  division  and  add  force  to  the  foe.  The  cavalry 
on  the  side  of  his  opponents  were  disposed  like  an  ordinary 
phalanx  of  heavy  infantry,  regular  in  depth  and  unsup- 
ported by  foot-soldiers  interspersed  among  the  horses. 
Epaminondas  again  differed  in  strengthening  the  attack- 
ing point  of  his  cavalry,  besides  which  he  interspersed 
footmen  between  their  lines  in  the  belief  that,  when  he  had 
once  cut  through  the  cavalry,  he  would  have  wrested 
victory  from  the  antagonist  along  his  whole  line;  so  hard 
is  it  to  find  troops  who  will  care  to  keep  their  ground  when 
once  they  see  any  of  their  own  side  flying.  Lastly,  to 
prevent  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Athenians,  who 
were  on  the  enemy's  left  wing,  to  bring  up  their  reliefs  in 
support  of  the  portion  next  them,  he  posted  bodies  of 
cavalry  and  heavy  infantry  on  certain  hillocks  in  front  of 
them,  intending  to  create  in  their  minds  an  apprehension 
that,  in  case  they  offered  such  assistance,  they  would  be 
attacked  on  their  own  rear  by  these  detachments.  Such 
was  the  plan  of  encounter  which  he  formed  and  executed; 
nor  was  he  cheated  in  his  hopes.     He  had  so  much  the   At  thjs  point 

mastery  at  his  point  of  attack  that  he  caused  the  whole  of   tally 

.   .  wounded. 

the  enemy  s  troops  to  take  to  night. 

But  after  he  himself  had  fallen,  the  rest  of  the  Thebans  Jfi^t of  his 

were  not  able  any  longer  to  turn  their  victory  rightly  to 

account.    Though  the  main  battle  line  of  their  opponents 

had  given  way,  not  a  single  man  afterward  did  the  victori- 


264    Thebes  Attempts  to  Gain  Supremacy 


Results  of 
the  battle. 

Ancient 
World,  266  f. 


ous  hoplites  slay,  not  an  inch  forward  did  they  advance 
from  the  ground  on  which  the  collision  took  place.  Al- 
though the  cavalry  had  fled  before  them,  there  was  no 
pursuit;  not  a  man,  horseman  or  hoplite,  did  the  conquer- 
ing cavalry  cut  down;  but  like  men  who  have  suffered  a 
defeat,  as  if  panic-stricken  they  slipped  back  through  the 
ranks  of  the  fleeing  foemen.  Only  the  footmen  fighting 
amongst  the  cavalry  and  the  light  infantry,  who  had 
together  shared  the  victory  of  the  cavalry,  found  their 
way  round  to  the  left  wing  as  masters  of  the  field,  but  it 
cost  them  dear;  here  they  encountered  the  Athenians,  and 
most  of  them  were  cut  down. 

The  effective  result  of  these  achievements  was  the. very 
opposite  of  that  which  the  world  at  large  anticipated. 
Here,  where  well-nigh  the  whole  of  Hellas  was  met  to- 
gether in  one  field,  and  the  combatants  stood  rank  against 
rank  confronted,  there  was  no  one  who  doubted  that,  in 
the  event  of  battle,  the  conquerors  this  day  would  rule; 
and  that  those  who  lost  would  be  their  subjects.  But 
God  so  ordered  it  that  both  belligerents  alike  set  up 
trophies  as  claiming  victory,  and  neither  interfered  with 
the  other  in  the  act.  Both  parties  alike  gave  back  their 
enemy's  dead  under  a  truce,  and  in  right  of  victory;  both 
alike,  in  symbol  of  defeat,  under  a  truce  took  back  their 
dead.  And  though  both  claimed  to  have  won  the  day, 
neither  could  show  that  thereby  he  had  gained  any  ac- 
cession of  territory,  or  state,  or  empire,  or  was  better 
situated  than  before  the  battle.  Uncertainty  and  confu- 
sion, indeed,  had  gained  ground,  being  tenfold  greater 
throughout  the  length  and  breath  of  Hellas  after  the  battle 
than  before. 


Review  265 


STUDIES 

1.  Describe  the  education  of  Epaminondas  in  music  and  philos- 
ophy. When  Nepos  speaks  of  "our  habits,"  to  whom  does  he  refer? 
Who  was  he,  and  when  did  he  live?  How  did  Epaminondas  prepare 
himself  for  military  life?  Describe  his  character.  How  did  he  justify 
his  violation  of  law?    Was  he  right  or  wrong? 

2.  How  may  we  account  for  the  enthusiasm  of  his  troops  on  the 
eve  of  battle?  What  preparations  did  they  make  for  battle?  How 
did  he  deceive  the  enemy?  Describe  his  tactics  in  the  battle.  In 
what  respects  were  his  arrangements  superior  to  those  of  the  enemy? 
What  was  the  effect  of  his  death?  What  were  the  effects  of  this 
battle  on  Hellas?  With  what  feeling  for  the  future  does  Xenophon 
close  this  narrative? 


CHAPTER   XXIV 

RISE   OF   MACEDON 

I.  Philip  threatens  Greece 

The  Greeks        That  Philip  from  a  mean  and  humble  origin  has  grown 
sibie  for         mighty,  that  the  Greeks  are  jealous  and  quarrelling  among 
cess    S  SUC"   themselves,  that  it  was  far  more  wonderful  for  him  to  rise 
from  that  insignificance  than  it  would  be  now,  after  so 
many  acquisitions,   to  conquer  what  is  left;  these  and 
similar  matters,  which  I  might  dwell  upon,  I  pass  over. 
Demosthenes,  But  I  observe  that  all  people,  beginning  with  you,  have 
nppic.  conceded  to  him  a  right,  which  in  former  times  has  been 

Greece,  297  ft".;  the  subject  of  contest  in  every  Grecian  war.  And  what 
World,  271 1.  is  this?  The  right  of  doing  as  he  pleases,  openly  fleecing 
and  pillaging  the  Greeks,  one  after  another,  attacking  and 
enslaving  their  cities.  You  were  at  the  head  of  the  Greeks 
for  seventy-three  years,  the  Lacedaemonians  for  twenty- 
nine;  and  the  Thebans  had  some  power  in  these  latter 
times  after  the  battle  of  Leuctra.  Yet  neither  you,  my 
countrymen,  nor  Thebans  nor  Lacedaemonians,  were  ever 
licensed  by  the  Greeks  to  act  as  you  pleased;  far  other- 
wise. When  you  or  rather  the  Athenians  of  that  time 
appeared  to  be  dealing  harshly  with  certain  people,  all 
the  rest  even  such  as  had  no  complaint  against  Athens, 
thought  proper  to  side  with  the  injured  parties  in  a  war 
against  her.  So,  when  the  Lacedaemonians  became  mas- 
ters and  succeeded  to  your  empire,  on  their  attempting  to 
encroach  and  make  oppressive  innovations,  a  general  war 

266 


Philip's  Aggressions  267 

was  declared  against  them,  even  by  such  as  had  no  cause 
of  complaint.  .  .  . 

Yet  all  the  faults  committed  by  the  Spartans  in  those  J^pehdas 
thirty  years,  and  by  our  ancestors  in  the  seventy,  are  less,   Greece  more 
men  of  Athens,  than  the  wrongs,  which  in  the  thirteen  in-   ainle/Jther 
complete  years  that  Philip  has  been  uppermost,  he  has  |^e1resrst(£.nd 
inflicted  on  the  Greeks;  nay  they  are  scarcely  a  fraction  of  gether. 
these,  as  may  easily  be  shown  in  a  few  words.    Olynthus 
and  Methone  and  Apollonia,  and  thirty-two  cities  on  the 
borders  of  Thrace,  I  pass  over;  all  which  he  has  so  cruelly 
destroyed,  that  a  visitor  could  hardly  tell  if  they  were  ever 
inhabited;  and  of  the  Phocians,  so  considerable  a  people 
exterminated,  I  say  nothing.    But  what  is  the  condition  of 
Thessaly?    Has  he  not  taken  away  her  constitutions,  and 
her  cities,  and  established  tetrarchies,  to  parcel  her  out, 
not  only  by  cities,  but  also  by  provinces,  for  subjection? 
Are  not  the  Eubcean  states  governed  now  by  despots,  and 
that,  too,  in  an  island  near  to  Thebes  and  Athens?    Does  he 
not  expressly  write  in  his  epistles, "  I  am  at  peace  with  those 
who  are  willing  to  obey  me"?    Nor  does  he  write  so  and 
not  act  accordingly.    He  has  gone  to  the  Hellespont;  he 
marched  formerly  against  Ambracia;  Elis,  such  an  im- 
portant city  in  Peloponnesus,  he  possesses;  he  plotted 
lately  to  get  Megara;  neither  Hellenic  nor  Barbaric  land 
contains  the  man's  ambition. 

And  we  the  Greek  community,  seeing  and  hearing  this,  TheGreeks 
instead  of  sending  embassies  to  one  another  about  it  and   combine 

,  •  i  1        4.    t  against  him. 

expressing  indignation,  are  in  such  a  miserable  stale,  so 
intrenched  in  our  separate  towns,  that  to  this  day  we  can 
attempt  nothing  that  interest  or  necessity  requires;  we 
cannot  combine,  or  form  any  association  for  succor  and 
alliance;  we  look  unconcernedly  on  the  man's  growing 
power,  each  resolving,  methinks,  to  enjoy  the  interval  that 


268  Rise  of  Macedon 

another  is  destroyed  in,  not  caring  or  striving  for  the 
salvation  of  Greece;  for  none  can  be  ignorant  that  Philip, 
like  some  course  or  attack  of  fever  or  other  disease,  is  com- 
ing even  on  those  that  yet  seem  very  far  removed.  And 
you  must  be  sensible,  that  whatever  wrongs  the  Greeks 
sustained  from  Lacedaemonians  or  from  us,  were  at  least  in- 
flicted by  genuine  people  of  Greece;  and  it  might  be  felt  in 
the  same  manner  as  if  a  lawful  son,  born  to  a  large  fortune, 
committed  some  fault  or  error  in  the  management  of  it;  on 
that  ground  one  would  consider  him  open  to  censure  and 
reproach,  yet  it  could  not  be  said  that  he  was  an  alien, 
and  not  heir  to  the  property  which  he  so  dealt  with.  But 
if  a  slave  or  spurious  child  wasted  and  spoiled  what  he 
had  no  interest  in — Heavens!  how  much  more  heinous  and 
hateful  would  all  have  pronounced  it !  And  yet  in  regard 
to  Philip  and  his  conduct  they  feel  not  this,  although  he  is 
not  only  no  Greek  and  noway  akin  to  Greeks,  but  not  even 
a  barbarian  of  a  place  honorable  to  mention;  in  fact  a  vile 
fellow  of  Macedon,  from  which  a  respectable  slave  could 
not  formerly  be  purchased.  .  .  . 
The  heritage  First  let  us  prepare  for  our  own  defence;  provide  our- 
to  leaden1  selves,  I  mean,  with  ships,  money,  and  troops— for  surely, 
though  all  other  people  consented  to  be  slaves,  we  at  least 
ought  to  struggle  for  freedom.  When  we  have  completed 
our  own  preparations  and  made  them  apparent  to  the 
Greeks,  then  let  us  invite  the  rest,  and  send  our  ambassa- 
dors everywhere  with  the  intelligence,  to  Peloponnesus, 
to  Rhodes,  to  Chios,  to  the  king  I  say;  for  it  concerns 
his  interests,  not  to  let  Philip  make  universal  conquest. 
Thus  if  you  prevail,  you  will  have  partners  of  your 
dangers  and  expenses,  in  case  of  necessity,  or  at  all 
events  you  will  delay  the  operations.  For  since  the  war  is 
against  an  individual,  not  against  the  collected  power  of  a 


freedom's 
cause. 


The  Advice  of  Demosthenes         269 

state,  even  this  may  be  useful;  as  were  the  embassies  last 

year  to  Peloponnesus,  and  the  remonstrances  with  which 

I  and  Polyeuctus,  that  excellent  man,  and  Hegesippus 

and  Clitomachus  and  Lycurgus  and  the  other  envoys  went 

around,  and  arrested  Philip's  progress;  so  that  he  neither 

attacked  Ambracia  nor  started  for  Peloponnesus.     I  say 

not   however  that  you  should  invite   the  rest   without 

adopting  measures  to  protect  yourselves;  it  would  be  folly, 

while  you  sacrifice  your  own  interest,  to  profess  a  regard 

for  that  of  strangers,  or  to  alarm  others  about  the  future, 

whilst  for  the  present  you  are  unconcerned.    I  advise  not 

this:  I  bid  you  send  supplies  to  the  troops  in  Chersonesus, 

and  do  what  else  they  require;  prepare  yourselves  and 

make  every  effort  first,  then  summon,  gather,  instruct  the 

rest  of  the  Greeks. 

That  is  the  duty  of  a  state  possessing  a  dignity  such  No  other 

as  yours.     If  you  imagine  that  Chalcidians  or  Megarians   stir  a  finger 

will  save  Greece,  while  you  run  away  from  the  contest,   {^|stshe°u 

you  imagine  wrong.     Well  for  any  of  those  people,  if  lead- 

they  are   safe  themselves.    This  work  belongs  to  you: 

this    privilege    your   ancestors   bequeathed   to  you,   the 

prize    of    many    perilous    exertions.      But   if   every   one 

will  sit  seeking  his  pleasure,   and  studying   to  be  idle 

himself,  never  will  he  find  others  to   do  his  work,  and 

more  than  this,  I  fear  we  shall  be  under  the  necessity  of 

doing  at  one  time  all  that  we  like  not.    Were  proxies  to 

be  had,  our  inactivity  would  have  found  them  long  ago; 

but  they  are  not. 

Such  are  the  measures  which  I  advise,  which  I  propose:   There  is  still 

hope  of  sue- 
adopt  them,  and  even  yet,  I  believe,  our  prosperity  may   Cess. 

be  reestablished.  If  any  man  has  better  advice  to  offer, 
Let  him  communicate  it  openly.  Whatever  you  deter- 
mine, I  pray  to  all  the  gods  for  a  happy  result. 


270 


Rise  of  Macedon 


Moderate 
use  of  the 
victory. 

Justin  ix.  4. 


II.  He  Gains  Control  of  Greece 

But  as  soon  as  he  recovered  from  his  wound,  he  made 
war  upon  the  Athenians,  of  which  he  had  long  dissembled 
his  intention.  The  Thebans  espoused  their  cause,  fear- 
ing that  if  the  Athenians  were  conquered,  the  war,  like  a 
fire  in  the  neighborhood,  would  spread  to  them.  An 
alliance  being  made  accordingly  between  the  two  cities, 
which  were  just  before  at  violent  enmity  with  each  other, 
they  wearied  Greece  with  embassies,  stating  that  they 
thought  the  common  enemy  ought  to  be  repelled  by  their 
common  strength,  for  Philip  would  not  rest,  if  his  first 
attempts  succeeded,  until  he  had  subjugated  all  Greece. 
Some  of  the  cities  were  moved  by  these  arguments,  and 
joined  themselves  to  the  Athenians;  but  the  dread  of  a 
war  induced  some  to  go  over  to  Philip.  A  battle  being 
brought  on,  though  the  Athenians  were  far  superior  in 
number  of  soldiers,  they  were  conquered  by  the  valor  of 
the  Macedonians,  which  was  invigorated  by  constant 
service  in  the  field.  In  defeat,  however,  they  were  not 
unmindful  of  their  ancient  valor;  for  falling  with  wounds 
in  front,  they  all  with  their  dead  bodies  covered  the  places 
which  they  had  been  charged  by  their  leaders  to  defend. 
This  day  put  an  end  to  the  glorious  sovereignty  and 
ancient  liberty  of  all  Greece. 

III.  Organization  of  His  Supremacy 

Philip's  joy  for  this  victory  was  artfully  concealed.  He 
abstained  from  offering  the  usual  sacrifices  on  that  day; 
he  did  not  smile  at  table,  or  mingle  any  diversions  with  the 
entertainment;  he  had  no  chaplets  or  perfumes;  and  as  far 
as  was  in  his  power,  he  so  managed  his  conquest  that  none 
might  think  of  him  as  a  conqueror.    He  desired  that  he 


Philip's  Treatment  of  the  Conquered     271 

should  not  be  called  king,  but  general  of  Greece;  and  con- 
ducted himself  with  such  prudence  between  his  own  secret 
joy  on  the  one  hand  and  the  grief  of  the  enemy  on  the 
other,  that  he  neither  appeared  to  his  own  subjects  to  re- 
joice, nor  to  the  vanquished  to  insult  them.  To  the 
Athenians,  whom  he  had  found  to  be  his  bitterest  enemies, 
he  sent  back  their  prisoners  without  ransom,  and  gave  up 
the  bodies  of  the  slain  for  burial,  bidding  them  convey  the 
relics  of  their  dead  to  the  sepulchres  of  their  ancestors. 
He  also  sent  Alexander,  his  son,  with  his  friend  Antipater 
to  Athens,  to  establish  peace  and  friendship  with  them. 

The  Thebans,  however,  he  compelled  to  purchase  their  Harsh  treat- 
prisoners  as  well  as  the  liberty  of  burying  their  dead.  Thebans. 
Some  of  the  chief  men  of  the  city,  too,  he  put  to  death; 
others  he  banished,  seizing  upon  the  property  of  them  all. 
Afterward  he  reinstated  in  their  country  those  that  had 
been  unjustly  banished,  of  whom  he  made  three  hundred 
judges  and  governors  of  the  city,  before  whom  when  the 
most  eminent  citizens  were  arraigned  on  this  very  charge, 
that  of  having  banished  them  unjustly,  they  had  such 
spirit  that  they  all  acknowledged  their  participation  in  the 
fact,  and  proved  that  it  wras  better  with  the  state  when 
they  were  condemned  than  when  they  were  restored.  A 
wonderful  instance  of  courage!  They  passed  sentence,  as 
far  as  they  could,  on  those  who  had  the  disposal  of  them 
for  life  or  death,  and  set  at  naught  the  pardon  which  their 
enemies  could  give  them;  and  as  they  could  not  avenge 
themselves  by  deeds,  they  manifested  their  boldness  by 
spirit  of  words. 

War  being  at  an  end  in  Greece,  Philip  directed  deputies  The  council 

,/-,-i  1       at  Corinth. 

from  all  the  states  to  be  summoned  to  Corinth,  to  settle 

the  condition  of  affairs.     Here  he  fixed  terms  of  peace  for   Justin  ix.  s- 

the  whole  of  Greece,  according  to  the  merits  of  each  city; 


272 


Rise  of  Macedon 


and  chose  from  them  all  a  council,  to  form  a  senate  as  it 
were  for  the  country.  But  the  Lacedaemonians,  standing 
alone,  showed  contempt  alike  for  the  terms  and  the  king. 
They  regarded  the  state  of  things,  which  had  not  been 
agreed  upon  by  the  cities  themselves,  but  had  been  forced 
upon  them  by  a  conqueror,  as  a  state,  not  of  peace,  but  of 
slavery.  The  number  of  troops  to  be  furnished  by  each 
city  was  then  determined,  whether  the  king  in  case  of 
being  attacked  was  to  be  supported  by  their  united  force, 
or  whether  war  was  to  be  made  on  any  other  power  under 
him  as  their  general.  In  all  these  preparations  for  war  it 
was  not  to  be  doubted  that  the  kingdom  of  Persia  was  the 
object  in  view.  The  sum  of  the  force  was  two  hundred 
thousand  infantry  and  fifteen  thousand  cavalry.  Ex- 
clusive of  this  number  there  were  also  the  army  of  Mace- 
donia and  the  barbarians  of  the  adjacent  conquered  na- 
tions. .  .  . 

As  a  king  he  was  more  inclined  to  display  in  war  than 
in  entertainments;  and  his  greatest  riches  were  means  for 
military  operations.  He  was  better  at  getting  wealth  than 
keeping  it,  and  in  consequence  was  always  poor  amidst  his 
daily  spoliations.  Clemency  and  perfidy  were  equally 
valued  by  him;  and  no  road  to  victory  was,  in  his  opinion, 
dishonorable.  He  was  equally  pleasing  and  treacherous 
in  his  address,  promising  more  than  he  could  perform. 
He  was  well  qualified  either  for  serious  conversation  or  for 
jesting.  He  maintained  friendship  more  with  a  view  to 
interest  than  good  faith.  It  was  a  common  practice  with 
him  to  pretend  kindness  where  he  hated,  and  to  counter- 
feit dislike  where  he  loved;  to  sow  dissensions  among 
friends,  and  try  to  gain  favor  from  both  sides.  With  such  a 
disposition,  his  eloquence  was  very  great,  his  language  full 
of  point  and  studied  effect;  so  that  neither  did  his  facility 


Philip  and  Alexander  Contrasted      273 

fall  short  of  his  art,  nor  his  invention  of  his  facility,  nor 
his  art  of  his  invention. 

To  Philip  succeeded  his  son  Alexander,  a  prince  greater  Contrasted 
than  his  father  in  both  his  virtues  and  his  vices.  Each  of  Inde^"" 
the  two  had  a  different  mode  of  conquering;  the  one  prose- 
cuted his  wars  with  open  force,  the  other  with  subtlety;  Justin,  1.  c. 
the  one  delighted  in  deceiving  his  enemies,  the  other  in 
boldly  repulsing  them.  The  one  was  more  prudent  in 
council,  the  other  more  noble  in  feeling.  The  father 
would  dissemble  his  resentment,  and  often  subdue  it; 
when  the  son  was  provoked,  there  was  neither  delay  nor 
bounds  to  his  vengeance.  They  were  both  too  fond  of 
wine,  but  the  ill  effects  of  their  intoxication  were  totally 
different;  the  father  would  rush  from  a  banquet  to  face 
the  enemy,  cope  with  him,  and  rashly  expose  himself  to 
dangers;  the  son  vented  his  rage  not  upon  his  enemies  but 
on  his  friends.  A  battle  often  sent  Philip  away  wounded; 
Alexander  often  left  a  banquet  stained  with  the  blood  of 
his  companions.  The  one  wished  to  reign  with  his  friends, 
the  other  to  reign  over  them.  The  one  preferred  to  be 
loved,  the  other  to  be  feared.  To  literature  both  gave 
equal  attention.  The  father  had  more  cunning,  the  son 
more  honor.  Philip  was  more  staid  in  his  words,  Alexan- 
der in  his  actions.  The  son  felt  readier  and  nobler  im- 
pulses to  spare  the  conquered;  the  father  showed  no  mercy 
even  to  his  allies.  The  father  was  more  inclined  to  fru- 
gality, the  son  to  luxury.  By  the  same  course  by  which  the 
father  laid  the  foundations  of  the  empire  of  the  world,  the 
son  consummated  the  glory  of  conquering  the  whole  world. 

IV.  Summary  of  his  Achievements 

He  (Philip)  found  you  (the  Macedonians)  vagabonds  and  FhiliS'ts 
destitute  of  means,  most  of  you  clad  in  skins,  feeding  a    Macedon. 


274 


Rise  of  Macedon 


Alleged 
speech  of 
Alexander  to 
his  discon- 
tented Mace- 
donian sol- 
diers, in 
Arrian,  Anab- 
asis of  Al- 
exander vii.  9. 


few  sheep  up  the  mountain  sides,  for  the  protection  of 
which  you  had  to  fight  with  small  success  against  the  II- 
lyrians,  Triballians,  and  the  border  Thracians.  Instead  of 
skins  he  gave  you  cloaks  to  wear,  and  from  the  mountains 
he  led  you  down  into  the  plains,  and  made  you  capable  of 
fighting  the  neighboring  barbarians,  so  that  you  were  no 
longer  compelled  to  preserve  yourselves  by  trusting  rather 
to  the  inaccessible  strongholds  than  to  your  own  valor. 
He  made  you  colonists  of  cities,  which  he  provided  with 
useful  laws  and  customs;  and  from  being  slaves  and  sub- 
jects, he  made  you  rulers  over  those  very  barbarians  by 
whom  you  yourselves,  as  well  as  your  property,  were 
previously  liable  to  be  carried  off  or  ravaged.  He  added, 
too,  the  greater  part  of  Thrace  to  Macedon,  and  by  seizing 
the  most  conveniently  situated  places  on  the  sea-coast,  he 
spread  abundance  over  the  land  by  commerce,  and  made 
the  working  of  the  mines  a  secure  employment.  He  made 
you  rulers  over  the  Thessalians,  of  whom  you  had  formerly 
been  in  mortal  fear;  and  by  humbling  the  nation  of  the 
Phocians  he  rendered  the  avenue  into  Greece  broad  and 
easy  for  you,  instead  of  being  narrow  and  difficult.  The 
Athenians  and  Thebans,  who  were  always  lying  in  wait 
to  attack  the  Macedonians,  he  humbled  to  such  a  degree, 
with  my  personal  aid  in  the  campaign,  that  instead  of 
paying  tribute  to  Athens  and  being  in  vassalage  to  Thebes, 
those  states  now  obtain  security  for  themselves  by  our 
assistance.  He  penetrated  into  Peloponnese ;  and  after  reg- 
ulating its  affairs,  he  was  publicly  declared  commander 
in  chief  of  all  the  rest  of  Greece  in  the  expedition  against 
the  Persians,  adding  this  glory  not  more  to  himself  than  to 
the  commonwealth  of  the  Macedonians. 


Review 


STUDIES 

i.  How,  according  to  Demosthenes,  had  Philip  injured  the  Greeks? 
How  had  he  grown  great?  What  had  the  Greeks  been  doing  mean- 
while? Was  Philip  a  Greek  or  a  foreigner?  What  policy  does  the 
orator  advise?     Why  does  he  think  Athens  should  take  the  lead? 

2.  How  did  Philip  finally  gain  control  of  Greece? 

3.  What  use  did  he  make  of  his  victory?  How  did  he  treat  the 
Athenians  and  the  Thebans  respectively?  Why  did  he  make  this 
difference?  Describe  in  detail  his  organization  of  Greece.  What  was 
the  ultimate  object?  Describe  Philip's  character.  What  contrast  is 
drawn  between  him  and  his  son?  Which  seems  the  better?  Who 
wrote  this  extract,  from  what  sources  did  he  probably  draw,  and 
what  seems  to  be  his  reliability? 

4.  What  was  the  condition  of  the  Macedonians  on  the  accession  of 
Philip?  What  benefits,  according  to  Alexander,  did  Philip  confer  on 
them? 


CHAPTER  XXV 


ALEXANDER'S  EMPIRE 


The  reasons 
for  his  suc- 
cess. 

Plutarch, 
Alexander, 
20  f. 


A  ncient 
World,  280; 
Greece,  312  f. 


The  spoil 
and  the 
captives. 


I.  The  Battle  of  Issus 

Fortune,  no  doubt,  greatly  favored  Alexander,  but  yet 
he  owed  much  of  his  success  to  his  excellent  generalship; 
for  although  enormously  outnumbered  by  the  enemy,  he 
not  only  avoided  being  surrounded  by  them,  but  was  able 
to  outflank  their  left  with  his  own  right  wing,  and  by  this 
manoeuvre  completely  defeated  the  Persians.  He  himself 
fought  among  the  foremost,  and  according  to  Chares  was 
wounded  in  the  thigh  by  Darius  himself.  In  the  account 
of  the  battle  which  he  despatched  to  Antipater,  Alexander 
does  not  mention  the  name  of  the  man  who  wounded  him, 
but  states  that  he  received  a  stab  in  the  thigh  with  a 
dagger,  and  that  the  wound  was  not  dangerous. 

He  won  a  most  decisive  victory,  and  slew  more  than  a 
hundred  thousand  of  the  enemy,  but  could  not  come  up 
with  Darius  himself,  as  he  gained  a  start  of  nearly  a  mile. 
He  captured  his  chariot,  however,  and  his  bow  and  arrows, 
and  on  his  return  found  the  Macedonians  revelling  in  the 
rich  plunder  which  they  had  won,  although  the  Persians 
had  been  in  light  marching  order,  and  had  left  most  of 
their  heavy  baggage  at  Damascus.  The  royal  pavilion  of 
Darius  himself,  full  of  beautiful  slaves  and  rich  furniture 
of  every  description,  had  been  left  unplundered,  and  was 
reserved  for  Alexander  himself,  who  as  soon  as  he  had 
taken  off  his  armor,  proceeded  to  the  bath,  saying  "Let 
me  wash  off  the  sweat  of  the  battle  in  the  bath  of  Darius." 

276 


Royal  Captives  277 

"Nay,"  answered  one  of  his  companions,  "in  that  of 
Alexander;  for  the  goods  of  the  vanquished  become  the 
property  of  the  victor."  When  he  entered  the  bath  and 
saw  that  all  the  vessels  for  water,  the  bath  itself,  and  the 
boxes  of  unguents  were  of  pure  gold,  and  smelt  the  de- 
licious scent  of  the  rich  perfumes  with  which  the  whole 
pavilion  was  filled;  and  when  he  passed  from  the  bath 
into  a  magnificent  salon  where  a  splendid  banquet  was 
prepared,  he  looked  at  his  friends  and  said  "This,  then,  it 
is  to  be  a  king  indeed." 

While  he  was  dining  it  was  told  him  that  the  mother  and  The  family 
wife  of  Darius  and  his  two  daughters,  who  were  among 
the  captives,  had  seen  the  chariot  and  bow  of  Darius,  and 
were  mourning  for  him,  imagining  him  to  be  dead.  Alex- 
ander when  he  heard  this,  paused  for  a  long  time,  being 
more  affected  by  the  grief  of  these  ladies,  than  by  the 
victory  he  had  won.  He  sent  Leonnatus  to  inform  them, 
that  they  need  never  mourn  for  Darius  nor  fear  Alexan- 
der; for  he  was  fighting  for  the  empire  of  Asia,  not  as  a  per- 
sonal enemy  of  Darius,  and  would  take  care  that  they  were 
treated  with  the  same  honor  and  respect  as  before.  This 
generous  message  to  the  captive  princesses  was  followed 
by  acts  of  still  greater  kindness;  for  he  permitted  them  to 
bury  whomsoever  of  the  slain  persons  they  wished,  and 
to  use  all  their  own  apparel  and  furniture,  which  had  been 
seized  by  the  soldiers  as  plunder.  He  also  allowed  them 
to  retain  the  regal  title  and  state,  and  even  increased  their 
revenues. 

II.  The  Sack  of  Persepolis 

The  Macedonians  therefore,  forcing  their  way  into  the  The  spoil, 
city,  put  all  the  men  to  the  sword,  and  rilled  and  carried   Diodona 
away  every  man's  goods  and  estate,  amongst  which  was 


278  Alexander's  Empire 

abundance  of  rich  and  costly  furniture  and  ornaments  of 
all  sorts.  In  this  place  were  looted  here  and  there  vast 
quantities  of  silver,  and  no  less  of  gold,  great  numbers  of 
rich  garments,  some  of  finest  purple,  others  embroidered 
with  gold,  all  which  became  the  prizes  of  the  victors:  and 
thus  the  great  seat-royal  of  the  Persians,  once  famous  all 
the  world  over,  was  now  exposed  to  scorn  and  contempt, 
and  rifled  from  top  to  bottom.  For  though  the  Mace- 
donians spent  days  and  days  in  the  looting,  yet  their 
covetousness  was  insatiable,  still  thirsting  after  more. 
And  they  were  so  eager  in  plundering  that  they  fought  one 
with  another  with  drawn  swords,  and  many  who  were 
conceived  to  have  got  a  greater  share  than  the  rest,  were 
killed  in  the  quarrel.  Some  things  that  were  of  extraor- 
dinary value  they  divided  with  their  swords,  and  each 
took  a  share;  others  in  rage  cut  off  the  hands  of  such  as 
laid  hold  of  a  thing  that  was  in  dispute.  ...  So  that  in 
proportion  as  Persepolis  excelled  all  the  other  cities  in 
glory  and  worldly  felicity,  such  was  the  measure  of  her 
misery  and  calamity. 

The  Then  Alexander  seized  upon  all  the  treasures  in  the 

treasures. 

citadel,  a  vast  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  of  the  public 

revenues  that  had  been  there  collected  and  laid  up  from 
the  time  of  Cyrus,  the  first  king  of  Persia,  to  that  day. 
For  there  was  found  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
talents,  reckoning  the  gold  after  the  rate  of  the  silver. 

Part  of  this  treasure  he  took  for  the  use  of  the  war,  and 
ordered  another  part  of  it  to  be  treasured  up  at  Susa.  To 
this  end  he  ordered  that  a  multitude  of  mules  both  for 
draught  and  carriage,  and  three  thousand  camels  with 
pack-saddles,  should  be  brought  out  of  Babylon,  Mesopo- 
tamia, and  Susa ;  and  with  these  he  conveyed  all  the  treas- 
ure to  the  several  places  he  had  appointed.    For  because 


Diod.  xvii.  71. 


Destruction  of  Persepolis  279 

he  extremely  hated  the  inhabitants,  he  was  resolved  not 
to  trust  them  with  any  thing,  but  utterly  to  ruin  and 
destroy  Persepolis.  As  to  the  stately  structure  of  the  The  palace. 
palace  we  conceive  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  if  we  say 
something.  This  grand  fabric  was  surrounded  with  a 
treble  wall;  the  first  was  sixteen  cubits  high,  adorned  with 
pinnacles.  The  second  was  like  to  the  first,  but  as  high 
again  as  the  other.  The  third  was  drawn  like  a  quadrant, 
sixty  cubits  high,  all  of  hard  stone  and  of  a  nature  which 
warranted  imperishable  duration.  On  the  four  sides  are 
brazen  gates,  near  to  which  are  gallowses  of  bronze  twenty 
cubits  high.  These  were  raised  to  terrify  the  beholders, 
and  the  other  for  the  better  strengthening  and  fortifying 
of  the  place.  On  the  east  side  of  the  citadel,  about  four 
hundred  feet  distant,  stood  a  mount  called  the  Royal 
mount,  for  here  are  all  the  sepulchres  of  the  kings,  many 
apartments  and  little  cells  cut  into  the  midst  of  the  rock; 
into  these  cells  there  is  made  no  direct  passage,  but  the 
coffins  with  the  dead  bodies  are  by  instruments  hoisted 
up,  and  so  let  down  into  these  vaults.  In  this  citadel  were 
many  stately  lodgings,  of  excellent  workmanship,  both 
for  the  king  and  his  commanders,  and  treasury  cham- 
bers most  commodiously  contrived  for  the  laying  up  of 
money. 

Here  Alexander  made  a  sumptuous  feast  for  the  enter-   Alexander's 

r  .  banquet. 

tainment  of  his  friends  in  commemoration  of  his  victory, 
and  offered  magnificent  sacrifices  to  the  gods.  And  indeed  Diod.  xvii. 
at  one  time  when  the  "companions"  of  the  king  were 
feasting  and  carousing,  madness  seized  upon  the  souls  of 
the  men  flushed  with  wine.  When  also  one  of  the  women 
present— Thais  of  Athens— said,  "Alexander  will  per- 
form the  most  glorious  act  of  his  life,  if  while  he  is  feasting 
with  us  he  will  burn  the  palace;"  and  so  the  glory  and 


28o 


Alexander's  Empire 


renown  of  Persia  might  be  said  to  have  come  to  naught  in 
a  moment  by  the  hands  of  women.  This  spread  abroad, 
and  came  to  the  ears  of  the  men  who  were  young  and  made 
little  use  of  reason  when  drink  was  in  their  heads.    Pres- 

The  burning   ently  one  cries  out,  "Come  on,  bring  us  firebrands,"  and 
of  the  palace.  ....  ,.         ,         .       .   ,  , 

so  incited  the  rest  to  fire  the  citadel,  to  revenge  the  im- 
piety the  Persians  had  committed  in  destroying  the 
temples  of  the  Grecians.  Thereupon  others  with  joy  set 
up  a  shout,  and  said,  "So  brave  an  exploit  belongs  only  to 
Alexander  to  perform!" 

Stirred  by  these  words,  the  king  embraced  the  motion; 
whereupon  as  many  as  were  present  left  their  cups  and 
leaped  upon  the  table,  and  said,  "We  will  now  celebrate 
a  victorious  festival  to  Bacchus."  Then  multitudes  of 
firebrands  were  presently  got  together,  and  all  the  women 
that  played  on  musical  instruments  at  the  feast  were 
called  for,  and  then  the  king  with  songs,  pipes  and  flutes 
bravely  led  the  procession  of  revelry  conducted  by  Thais, 
who  next  after  the  king  threw  the  firebrand  into  the 
palace.  This  precedent  was  presently  followed  by  the  rest, 
so  that  in  a  very  short  time,  the  whole  fabric,  by  the  vio- 
lence of  the  fire,  was  consumed  to  ashes. 


His  good 
qualities. 

Arrian,  An- 
abasis of 
Alexander, 
vii.  2S. 

Died  323 
B.C. 


III.  Character  of  Alexander 

Alexander  died  in  the  hundred  and  fourteenth  Olym- 
piad, in  the  archonship  of  Hegesias  of  Athens.  According 
to  the  statement  of  Aristobulus  he  lived  thirty-two  years 
and  had  reached  the  eighth  month  of  his  thirty-third  year. 
He  had  reigned  twelve  years  and  these  eight  months.  He 
was  very  handsome  in  person,  and  unusually  fond  of  exer- 
tion, very  active  in  mind,  heroic  in  courage,  tenacious  of 
honor,  exceedingly  fond  of  incurring  danger,  and  strictly 


Character  of  Alexander 


281 


observant  of  his  duty  to  the  deity.  Over  bodily  pleasures 
he  maintained  perfect  self-control;  in  mental  pleasures  he 
was  insatiable  in  none  but  praise.  He  was  exceedingly 
clever  in  discovering  what  was  to  be  done,  while  others 
were  still  uncertain.  From  the  observation  of  facts  he 
could  with  rare  success  conjecture  what  was  likely  to 
happen.  His  fame  was  enhanced  by  his  ability  to  rouse 
courage  in  his  soldiers,  to  fill  them  with  hopes  of  success, 
and  to  dispel  their  fear  in  the  midst  of  danger  by  his  own 
freedom  from  alarm.  Therefore  what  he  had  to  do  while 
still  uncertain  of  the  result  he  performed  with  the  utmost 
boldness.  He  was  clever,  too,  in  getting  the  start  of  his 
enemies,  and  in  snatching  from  them  their  advantage  by 
secretly  forestalling  them,  before  anyone  even  feared  for 
the  result.  Remarkably  steadfast  in  keeping  the  agree- 
ments and  settlements  he  had  made,  he  was  equally  se- 
cure from  being  entrapped  by  deceivers.  Lastly  he  spent 
little  on  his  own  pleasures  but  was  very  bountiful  in  ex- 
pense for  the  benefit  of  others. 

Eratosthenes  blames  the  system  of  those  who  would  Breadth  of 
divide  all  mankind  into  Greeks  and  Barbarians,  and  like- 
wise those  who  recommended  Alexander  to  treat  the  Greeks  strabo  1.4. 9. 
as  friends,  but  the  Barbarians  as  enemies.  He  suggests,  as 
a  better  course,  to  distinguish  them  according  to  their 
virtues  and  their  vices,  "since  amongst  the  Greeks  there 
are  many  worthless  characters,  and  many  highly  civilized 
are  to  be  found  amongst  the  Barbarians;  witness  the 
Indians  and  Ariani,  or  still  better  the  Romans  and  Cartha- 
ginians, whose  political  system  is  so  beautifully  perfect. 
Alexander,  considering  this,  disregarded  the  advice  which 
had  been  offered  him,  and  patronized  without  distinction 
any  man  he  considered  to  be  deserving. 


282  Alexander's  Empire 


STUDIES 

i.  What  contributed  to  Alexander's  victory  at  Issus?  What  spoil 
came  to  the  victors?    How  did  Alexander  treat  the  family  of  Darius? 

2.  Describe  the  looting  of  Persepolis.  What  treasures  did  Alex- 
ander find  there?  What  uses  did  he  make  of  them?  Describe  the 
palace.    What  led  to  its  destruction? 

3.  Summarize  the  character  of  Alexander.  What  were  his  strong 
and  what  his  weak  points?  Did  he  injure  as  well  as  benefit  the 
countries  he  conquered? 


CHAPTER    XXV  A 

GREEK  LIFE  AND  THOUGHT 

I.  Training  the  Wife 

Did  you  yourself  educate  your  wife  to  be  all  that  a  wife   Socrates 
should  be,  or  when  you  received  her  from  her  father  and  question  of 
mother  was  she  already  proficient,  well  skilled  to  dis-  achu°s™~ 
charge  the  duties  appropriate  to  a  wife?  Xenophon, 

Well  skilled!  (he  replied).     What  proficiency  was  she  Econotmst,7. 
likely  to  bring  with  her,  when  she  was  not  quite  fifteen  at  training6  be- 
the  time  she  wedded  me,  and  during  the  whole  period  of  f?re  mar~ 
her  life  had  been  most  carefully  brought  up  to  see  and 
hear  as  little  as  possible,  and  to  ask  the  fewest  questions? 
or  do  you  not  think  one  should  be  satisfied,  if  at  marriage 
her  whole  experience  consisted  in  knowing  how  to  take  the 
wool  and  make  a  dress,  and  seeing  how  her  mother's  hand- 
maidens had  their  daily  spinning-tasks  assigned  them? 
For  (he  added),  as  regards  control  of  appetite  and  self- 
indulgence,  she  had  received  the  soundest  education,  and 
that  I  take  to  be  the  most  important  matter  in  the  bringing 
up  of  man  or  woman. 

Then  all  else  (said  I)  you  taught  your  wife  yourself,  Ischom- 
Ischomachus,  until  you  had  made  her  capable  of  attend-   resolves  to 
ing  carefully  to  her  appointed  duties?  ^e.    1S 

That  did  I  not  (replied  he)  until  I  had  offered  sacrifice, 
and  prayed  that  I  might  teach  and  she  might  learn  all  that 
could  conduce  to  the  happiness  of  us  twain. 

Soc.  And  did  your  wife  join  in  sacrifice  and  prayer  to 
that  effect? 

283 


284 


Greek  Life  and  Thought 


Isch.  Most  certainly,  with  many  a  vow  registered  to 
heaven  to  become  all  she  ought  to  he;  and  her  whole  man- 
ner showed  that  she  would  not  be  neglectful  of  what  was 
taught  her. 

Soc.  Pray  narrate  to  me,  Ischomachus,  I  beg  you,  what 
you  first  essayed  to  teach  her.  To  hear  that  story  would 
please  me  more  than  any  description  of  the  most  splendid 
gymnastic  contest  or  horse-race  you  could  give  me.  .  .  . 

(In  instructing  his  wife  Ischomachus  explains :) 

"But  whereas  both  of  these,  the  indoor  and  the  outdoor 
occupations  alike,  demand  new  toil  and  new  attention,  to 
meet  the  case,"  I  added,  "God  made  provision  from  the 
first  by  shaping  as  it  seems  to  me,  the  woman's  nature  for 
indoor  and  the  man's  for  outdoor  occupations.  Man's 
body  and  soul  He  furnished  with  a  greater  capacity  for 
enduring  heat  and  cold,  wayfaring  and  military  marches, 
or  to  repeat,  He  laid  upon  his  shoulders  the  outdoor  works. 

"While  in  creating  the  body  of  woman  with  less  capacity 
for  these  things,"  I  continued,  "God  would  seem  to  have 
imposed  upon  her  the  indoor  works;  and  knowing  that  He 
had  implanted  in  the  woman  and  imposed  upon  her  the 
nurture  of  new-born  babes,  He  endowed  her  with  a  larger 
share  of  affections  for  the  new-born  child  than  He  be- 
stowed upon  man.  And  since  He  had  imposed  upon 
woman  the  guardianship  of  the  things  imported  from 
without,  God,  in  His  wisdom,  perceiving  that  a  fearful 
spirit  was  no  detriment  to  guardianship,  endowed  the 
woman  with  a  larger  measure  of  timidity  than  He  be- 
stowed upon  man.  Knowing  further  that  he  to  whom  the 
outdoor  works  belonged  would  need  to  defend  them 
against  malign  attack,  He  endowed  the  man  in  turn  with 
a  larger  share  of  courage. 

"And  seeing  that  both  alike  feel  the  need  of  giving  and 


Mutual  Helpfulness  285 

receiving,  He  set  down  memory  and  carefulness  between   Woman  en- 

dowcd    with 

them  for  their  common  use,  so  that  you  would  find  it  hard  memory  and 
to  determine  which  of  the  two,  the  male  or  the  female,  care  u  ness* 
has  the  larger  share  of  these.  So,  too,  God  set  down  be- 
tween them  for  their  common  use  the  gift  of  self-control, 
where  needed,  adding  only  to  that  one  of  the  twain, 
whether  man  or  woman,  which  should  prove  the  better, 
the  power  to  be  rewarded  with  a  larger  share  of  this  per- 
fection. And  for  the  very  reason  that  their  natures  are 
not  alike  adapted  to  like  ends,  they  stand  in  greater  need 
of  one  another;  and  the  married  couple  is  made  more  use- 
ful to  itself,  the  one  fulfilling  what  the  other  lacks. 

"Now,  being  well  aware  of  this,  my  wife,"  I  added,   Husband 

,  ,         •  11     ,        ,  ■  i-i  -i       and  wife  are 

and  knowing  well  what  things  are  laid  upon  us  twain  by   partners  and 

God  Himself,  must  we  not  strive  to  perform,  each  in  the  of\he  estate! 
best  way  possible,  our  respective  duties?  Law,  too,  gives 
her  consent — law  and  the  usage  of  mankind,  by  sanction- 
ing the  wedlock  of  man  and  wife;  and  just  as  God  or- 
dained them  to  be  partners  in  their  children,  so  the  law 
establishes  their  common  ownership  of  house  and  estate. 
Custom,  moreover,  proclaims  as  beautiful  those  excel- 
lencies of  man  and  woman  with  which  God  gifted  them  at 
birth.  Thus  for  a  woman  to  bide  tranquilly  at  home 
rather  than  roam  abroad  is  no  dishonor;  but  for  a  man  to 
remain  indoors,  instead  of  devoting  himself  to  outdoor 
pursuits,  is  a  thing  discreditable.  But  if  a  man  does 
things  contrary  to  the  nature  given  him  by  God,  the 
chances  are,  such  insubordination  escapes  not  the  eye  of 
Heaven;  he  pays  the  penalty,  whether  of  neglecting  his 
own  works,  or  of  performing  those  appropriate  to  woman." 

I  added:  "Just  such  works,  if  I  mistake  not,  thai  same  j^wifej- 
queen-bee  we  spoke  of  labors  hard  to  perform,  like  yours,    bee. 
my  wife,  enjoined  upon  her  by  God  Himself." 


286  Greek  Life  and  Thought 

"And  what  sort  of  works  are  these?"  she  asked;  "what 
has  the  queen-bee  to  do  that  she  seems  so  like  myself,  or 
I  like  her  in  what  I  have  to  do?" 

"Why,"  I  answered,  "she  too  stays  in  the  hive  and 
suffers  not  the  other  bees  to  idle.  Those  whose  duty  it  is 
to  work  outside  she  sends  forth  to  their  labors;  and  all 
that  each  of  them  brings  in,  she  notes  and  receives  and 
stores  against  the  day  of  need;  but  when  the  season  for  use 
has  come,  she  distributes  a  just  share  to  each.  Again,  it  is 
she  who  presides  over  the  fabric  of  choicely-woven  cells 
within.  She  looks  to  it  that  warp  and  woof  are  wrought 
with  speed  and  beauty.  Under  her  guardian  eye  the  brood 
of  young  is  nursed  and  reared;  but  when  the  days  of  rear- 
ing are  past  and  the  young  bees  are  ripe  for  work,  she 
sends  them  out  as  colonists  with  one  of  the  seed  royal  to 
be  their  leader." 

"Shall  I  then  have  to  do  these  things?"  asked  my 
wife. 
The  wife's  "Yes,"  I  answered,  "you  will  need  in  the  same  way  to 

of  the  house,  stay  indoors,  despatching  to  their  toils  without  those  of 
your  domestics  whose  work  lies  there.  Over  those  whose 
appointed  tasks  are  wrought  indoors,  it  will  be  your  duty 
to  preside;  yours  to  receive  the  stuffs  brought  in;  yours  to 
apportion  part  for  daily  use,  and  yours  to  make  provision 
for  the  rest,  to  guard  and  garner  it  so  that  the  outgoings 
destined  for  a  year  may  not  be  expended  in  a  month.  It 
will  be  your  duty,  when  the  wools  are  introduced,  to  see 
that  clothing  is  made  for  those  who  need;  your  duty  also 
to  see  that  the  dried  corn  is  rendered  fit  and  serviceable 
for  food. 
The  care  of  "There  is  just  one  of  all  these  occupations  which  de- 
volve upon  you,"  I  added,  "that  you  may  not  find  so  alto- 
gether pleasing.    Should  any  of  our  household  fall  sick,  it 


Mutual  Dependence  287 

will  be  your  care  to  see  and  tend  them  to  the  recovery  of 
their  health." 

"Nay,"  she  answered,  "that  will  be  my  pleasantest  of 
tasks,  if  careful  nursing  may  touch  the  springs  of  gratitude 
and  leave  them  friendlier  than  heretofore." 

And  I  (continued  Ischomachus)  was  struck  with  admira- 
tion at  her  answer,  and  replied:  "Thank  you,  my  wife,  it 
is  through  some  such  traits  of  forethought  seen  in  their 
mistress-leader  that  the  hearts  of  bees  are  won,  and  they 
are  so  loyally  affectioned  toward  her  that,  if  ever  she 
abandon  her  hive,  not  one  of  them  will  dream  of  being 
left  behind;  but  one  and  all  must  follow  her.' 

And  my  wife  made  answer  to  me:  "It  would  much 
astonish  me  (said  she)  did  not  these  leader's  works,  you 
speak  of,  point  to  you  rather  than  to  myself.  Methinks 
mine  would  be  a  pretty  guardianship  and  distribution  of 
things  indoors  without  your  provident  care  to  see  that  the 
importations  from  without  were  duly  made." 

"Just  so,"  I  answered,  "and  mine  would  be  a  pretty 
importation  if  there  were  none  to  guard  what  I  imported. 
Do  you  not  see,"  I  added,  "how  pitiful  is  the  case  of  those 
unfortunates  who  pour  water  into  their  sieves  forever,  as 
the  story  goes,  and  labor  but  in  vain?  " 

"Pitiful  enough,  poor  souls,"  she  answered,  "if  that  is 
what  they  do." 

"  But  there  are  other  cares,  you  know,  and  occupations,"  2jJ°Jj|  hei 
I  answered,  "which  are  yours  by  right,  and  these  you  will 
find  agreeable.  This,  for  instance:  to  take  some  maiden 
who  knows  naught  of  carding  wool  and  to  make  her  pro- 
ficient in  the  art,  doubling  her  usefulness;  or  to  receive 
another  quite  ignorant  of  housekeeping  or  of  service,  and 
to  render  her  skilful,  loyal,  serviceable,  till  she  is  worth 
her  weight  in  gold;  or  again,  when  occasion  serves,  you 


288  Greek  Life  and  Thought 

have  it  in  your  power  to  requite  by  kindness  the  well- 
behaved  whose  presence  is  a  blessing  to  your  house;  or 
maybe  to  chasten  the  bad  character,  should  such  an  one 
The  reward,  appear.  But  the  greatest  joy  of  all  will  be  to  prove  your- 
self my  better;  to  make  me  your  faithful  follower;  knowing 
no  dread  lest  as  the  years  advance  you  should  decline  in 
honor  in  your  household,  but  rather  trusting  that,  though 
your  hair  turn  gray,  yet  in  proportion  as  you  come  to  be  a 
better  helpmate  to  myself  and  to  the  children,  a  better 
guardian  of  our  home,  so  will  your  honor  increase  through- 
out the  household  as  mistress,  wife,  and  mother,  daily 
more  dearly  prized.  Since,"  I  added,  "it  is  not  through 
excellence  of  outward  form,  but  by  reason  of  the  lustre 
of  virtues  shed  forth  upon  the  life  of  man,  that  increase 
is  given  to  things  beautiful  and  good." 

II.   The   Decline   in   Music   and   its   Demoralizing 
Effects 

Formerly  law  Athenian.  Under  the  ancient  laws,  my  friends,  the 
was  mas  er.  peopje  wag  not  ag  now  ^e  master)  biit  rather  the  willing 
Hate >  Laws,     servant  of  the  lawS- 


700 


Megillus.  What  laws  do  you  mean? 

Ath.  In  the  first  place  let  us  speak  of  the  laws  about 
music, — that  is  to  say,  such  music  as  then  existed, — in 
order  that  we  may  trace  the  growth  of  the  excess  of  free- 
dom from  the  beginning.  Now  music  was  early  divided 
among  us  into  certain  kinds  and  manners.  One  sort  con- 
sisted of  prayers  to  the  Gods,  which  were  called  hymns; 
and  there  was  another  and  opposite  sort  called  lamenta- 
tions, and  another  termed  paeans,  and  another  celebrating 
the  birth  of  Dionysus,  called,  I  believe,  "dithyrambs." 
And  they  used  the  actual  word  "laws"  (vo/xol)  for  an- 
other kind  of  song;  and  to  this  they  added  the  term 


The  Beginning  of  Lawlessness        289 


"citharoedic."  All  these  and  others  were  duly  distin- 
guished, nor  were  the  performers  allowed  to  confuse  one 
style  of  music  with  another.  And  the  authority  which 
determined  and  gave  judgment,  and  punished  the  dis- 
obedient, was  not  expressed  in  a  hiss,  nor  in  the  most 
unmusical  shouts  of  the  multitude,  as  in  our  days,  nor  in 
applause  and  clapping  of  hands.  But  the  directors  of 
public  instruction  insisted  that  the  spectators  should 
listen  in  silence  to  the  end;  and  boys  and  their  tutors,  and 
the  multitude  in  general,  were  kept  quiet  by  a  hint  from  a 
stick.  Such  was  the  good  order  which  the  multitude  were 
willing  to  observe;  they  would  never  have  dared  to  give 
judgment  by  noisy  cries. 

And  then,  as  time  went  on,  the  poets  themselves  intro- 
duced the  reign  of  vulgar  and  lawless  innovation.  They 
were  men  of  genius,  but  they  had  no  perception  of  what  is 
just  and  lawful  in  music;  raging  like  Bacchanals  and 
possessed  with  inordinate  delights— mingling  lamenta- 
tions with  hymns,  and  paeans  with  dithyrambs;  imitating 
the  sounds  of  the  flute  on  the  lyre,  and  making  one  general 
confusion;  ignorantly  affirming  that  music  has  no  truth, 
and  whether  good  or  bad,  can  only  be  judged  of  rightly  by 
the  pleasure  of  the  hearer. 

And  by  composing  such  licentious  works,  and  adding  to 
them  words  as  licentious,  they  have  inspired  the  multitude 
with  lawlessness  and  boldness,  and  made  them  fancy  thai 
they  can  judge  for  themselves  about  melody  and  song. 
And  in  this  way  the  theatres  from  being  mute  have  be- 
come vocal,  as  though  they  had  understanding  of  good  and 
bad  in  music  and  poetry;  and  instead  of  an  aristocracy,  an 
evil  sort  of  theatrocracy  has  grown  up.  For  if  the  ileum, 
racy  which  judged  had  only  consisted  of  educated  persons, 
no  fatal  harm  would  have  been  done;  but  in  music  there 


The  audience 
at   a   musical 
performance 
had  to  re- 
main quiet. 


The  decline. 


Change  from 
classical 
music  to 
"rag-time." 


The  spirit  <>i 
lawlessness 
begins  in  the 
theatre. 


290 


Greek   Life  and  Thought 


It  spreads 
through  the 
whole  com- 
munity. 


Socrates 
goes  to 
Peiraeus. 

Plato,  Re- 
public (open- 
ing). 


Cephalus  is 
father  of 
Lysias  the 
orator;  An- 
cient World, 
287.     They 
were  a  fam- 
ily of  resident 
aliens 
(metics). 


first  arose  the  universal  conceit  of  omniscience  and  general 
lawlessness; — freedom  came  following  afterward,  and  men, 
fancying  that  they  knew  what  they  did  not  know,  had  no 
longer  any  fear,  and  the  absence  of  fear  begets  shameless- 
ness.  For  what  is  this  shamelessness,  which  is  so  evil  a 
thing,  but  the  insolent  refusal  to  regard  the  opinion  of  the 
better  by  reason  of  an  over-daring  sort  of  liberty? 

Meg.  Very  true. 

Ath.  Consequent  upon  this  freedom  comes  the  other 
freedom,  of  disobedience  to  rulers;  and  then  the  attempt 
to  escape  the  control  and  exhortation  of  father,  mother, 
elders,  and  when  near  the  end,  the  control  of  the  laws  also; 
and  at  the  very  end  there  is  the  contempt  of  oaths  and 
pledges,  and  no  regard  at  all  for  the  Gods, — herein  they 
exhibit  and  imitate  the  old  so-called  Titanic  nature,  and 
come  to  the  same  point  as  the  Titans  when  they  rebelled 
against  God,  leading  a  life  of  endless  evils. 

III.  Socrates  Visits  Cephalus 

I  went  down  yesterday  to  the  Peiraeus  with  Glaucon  the 
son  of  Ariston,  that  I  might  offer  up  my  prayers  to  the 
goddess;  and  also  because  I  wanted  to  see  in  what  manner 
they  would  celebrate  the  festival,  which  was  a  new  thing. 
I  was  delighted  with  the  procession  of  the  inhabitants; 
but  that  of  the  Thracians  was  equally,  if  not  more,  beauti- 
ful. When  we  had  finished  our  prayers  and  viewed  the 
spectacle,  we  turned  in  the  direction  of  the  city;  and  at 
that  instant  Polemarchus  the  son  of  Cephalus  chanced  to 
catch  sight  of  us  from  a  distance  as  we  were  starting  on 
our  way  home,  and  told  his  servant  to  run  and  bid  us  wait 
for  him.  The  servant  took  hold  of  me  by  the  cloak  be- 
hind, and  said:  Polemarchus  desires  you  to  wait. 

I  turned  round,  and  asked  him  where  his  master  was. 


A  Conversation  in  the  Street         291 

There  he  is,  saith  the  youth,  coming  after  you,  if  you 
will  only  wait. 

Certainly  we  will,  said  Glaucon;  and  in  a  few  minutes 
Polemarchus  appeared,  and  with  him  Adeimantus,  Glau- 
con's  brother,  Niceratus,  the  son  of  Nicias,  and  several  N»cias  is  the 

'  ,  well-known 

others  who  had  been  at  the  procession.  general; 

Polemarchus  said  to  me:  I  perceive,  Socrates,  that  you   world,  223  f., 
and  your  companion  are  already  on  your  way  to  the  city.    22i~2s2- 

You  are  not  far  wrong,  I  said. 

But  do  you  see,  he  rejoined,  how  many  we  are? 

Of  course. 

And  are  you  stronger  than  all  these?  for  if  not,  you  will 
have  to  remain  where  you  are. 

May  there  not  be  the  alternative,  I  said,  that  we  may 
persuade  you  to  let  us  go? 

But  can  you  persuade  us,  if  we  refuse  to  listen  to  you? 
he  said. 

Certainly  not,  replied  Glaucon. 

Then  we  are  not  going  to  listen;  of  that  you  may  be 
assured. 

Adeimantus  added:  Has  no  one  told  you  of  the  torch   A  torch  race, 
race  on  horseback  in  honor  of  the  goddess  which  will  take 
place  in  the  evening? 

With  horses!  I  replied:  That  is  a  novelty.  Will  horse- 
men carry  torches  and  pass  them  to  one  another  during 
the  races? 

Yes,  said  Polemarchus,  and  not  only  so,  but  a  festival 
will  be  celebrated  at  night,  which  you  certainly  ought  to 
see.  Let  us  rise  soon  after  supper  and  see  this  festival; 
there  will  be  a  gathering  of  young  men,  and  we  will  have 
a  good  talk.    Stay  then,  and  do  not  !><■  perverse. 

Glaucon  said:  I  suppose  since  you  insist,  that  we  must 

Very  good,  I  replied. 


292 


Greek  Life  and  Thought 


The  com- 
plaints of 
the  old. 


Accordingly  we  went  with  Polemarchus  to  his  house; 
and  there  we  found  his  brothers  Lysias  and  Euthydemus, 
and  with  them  Thrasymachus  the  Chalcedonian,  Char- 
mantides  the  Paeanian,  and  Cleitophon  the  son  of  Aristony- 
mus.  There  too  was  Cephalus  the  father  of  Polemarchus, 
whom  I  hud  not  seen  for  a  long  time,  and  I  thought  him 
very  much  aged.  He  was  seated  on  a  cushioned  chair, 
and  had  a  garland  on  his  head,  for  he  had  been  sacrificing 
in  the  court;  and  there  were  some  other  chairs  in  the  room 
arranged  in  a  semicircle,  upon  which  we  sat  down  by  him. 
He  saluted  me  eagerly,  and  then  he  said: 

You  don't  come  to  see  me,  Socrates,  as  often  as  you 
ought:  if  I  were  still  able  to  go  and  see  you  I  would  not  ask 
you  to  come  to  me.  But  at  my  age  I  can  hardly  get  to  the 
city,  and  therefore  you  should  come  oftener  to  the  Feiraeus. 
For  let  me  tell  you,  that  the  more  the  pleasures  of  the 
body  fade  away,  the  greater  to  me  is  the  pleasure  and 
charm  of  conversation.  Do  not  then  deny  my  request, 
but  make  our  house  your  resort  and  keep  company  with 
these  young  men ;  we  are  old  friends,  and  you  will  be  quite 
at  home  with  us. 

I  replied:  There  is  nothing  which  for  my  part  I  like 
better,  Cephalus,  than  conversing  with  aged  men;  for  I 
regard  them  as  travellers  who  have  gone  a  journey  which 
I  too  may  have  to  go,  and  of  whom  I  ought  to  enquire, 
whether  the  way  is  smooth  and  easy,  or  rugged  and  diffi- 
cult. And  this  is  a  question  which  I  should  like  to  ask  of 
you  who  have  arrived  at  that  time  which  the  poets  call  the 
"threshold  of  old  age." — Is  life  harder  towards  the  end, 
or  what  report  do  you  give  of  it? 

I  will  tell  you,  Socrates,  he  said,  what  my  own  feeling  is. 
Men  of  my  age  flock  together;  we  are  birds  of  a  feather, 
as  the  old  proverb  says;  and  at  our  meetings  the  tale  of 


May  the  Aged  be  Happy?  293 

my  acquaintance  commonly  is — I  cannot  eat,  I  cannot 

drink;  the  pleasures  of  youth  and  love  are  fled  away; 

there  was  a  good  time  once,  but  now  that  is  gone,  and  life 

is  no  longer  life.    Some  complain  of  the  slights  which  are 

put  upon  them  by  relations,  and  they  will  tell  you  sadly  of 

how  many  evils  their  old  age  is  the  cause.     But  to  me, 

Socrates,  these  complainers  seem  to  blame  that  which  is 

not  really  in  fault.  .  .  .     Certainly  old  age  has  a  great   ^^advan^ 

sense  of  calm  and  freedom,  when  the  passions  relax  their   age. 

hold,  then,  as  Sophocles  says,  we  are  freed  from  the  grasp 

not  of  one  mad  master  only,  but  of  many.    The  truth  is, 

Socrates,  that  these  regrets,  and  also  the  complaints  about 

relations,  are  to  be  attributed  to  the  same  cause,  which  is 

not  old  age,  but  men's  characters  and  tempers;  for  he  who 

is  of  a  calm  and  happy  nature  will  hardly  feel  the  pressure 

of  age,  but  to  him  who  is  of  an  opposite  disposition  youth 

and  age  are  equally  a  burden. 

I  listened  in  admiration,  and  wanting  to  draw  him  out,   °°  °PJe£5 

that  he  might  go  on— Yes,  Cephalus,  I  said;  but  I  rather   enjoyment 
,  ,     .  ,  j  i  wnen  old? 

suspect  that  people  in  general  are  not  convinced  by  you 

when  you  speak  thus;  they  think  that  old  age  sits  lightly 
upon  you,  not  because  of  your  happy  disposition,  but  be- 
cause you  are  rich,  and  wealth  is  well  known  to  be  a  great 
comforter. 

You  are  right,  he  replied,  they  are  not  convinced;  and 
there  is  something  in  what  they  say;  not  however,  so 
much  as  they  imagine.  I  might  answer  them  as  Themis- 
tocles  answered  the  Seriphian  who  was  abusing  him  and 
saying  that  he  was  famous  not  for  his  own  merits  but  be- 
cause he  was  an  Athenian:  "If  you  had  been  a  native  "I 
my  country  or  I  of  yours,  neither  of  us  would  have  been 
famous."  And  to  those  who  are  not  rich  and  are  im- 
patient of  old  age,  the  same  reply  may  be  made;  lor  to  the 


294 


Greek  Life  and  Thought 


The  Greek 
attitude  to- 
ward money- 
making. 


Cephalus 
belonged  to 
the  industrial 
class,  and  yet 
the  chief  ob- 
ject of  his 
life  was  not 
money- 
making.     We 
do  not  know 
any  single 
Greek  whose 
sole  aim  was 
acquisition. 


good  poor  man  old  age  cannot  be  a  light  burden  nor  can  a 
bad  rich  man  ever  have  peace  with  himself. 

May  I  ask,  Cephalus,  whether  your  fortune  was  for  the 
most  part  inherited  or  acquired  by  you? 

Acquired!  Socrates,  do  you  want  to  know  how  much  I 
acquired?  In  the  art  of  making  money  I  have  been  mid- 
way between  my  father  and  grandfather;  for  my  grand- 
father, whose  name  I  bear,  doubled  and  trebled  the  value 
of  his  patrimony,  that  which  he  inherited  being  much  what 
I  possess  now;  but  my  father  Lysanias  reduced  the  prop- 
erty below  what  it  is  at  present;  and  I  shall  be  satisfied  if 
I  leave  to  these  my  sons  not  less  but  a  little  more  than 
I  received. 

That  was  why  I  asked  you  the  question,  I  replied,  be- 
cause I  see  that  you  are  indifferent  about  money,  which  is 
a  characteristic  rather  of  those  who  have  inherited  their 
fortunes  than  of  those  who  have  acquired  them;  the  makers 
of  fortunes  have  a  second  love  of  money  as  a  creation  of 
their  own,  resembling  the  affection  of  authors  for  their 
own  poems,  or  of  parents  for  their  children,  besides  that 
natural  love  of  it  for  the  sake  of  use  and  profit  which  is 
common  to  them  and  all  men.  And  hence  they  are  very 
bad  company,  for  they  can  talk  about  nothing  but  the 
praises  of  wealth. 

IV.  Education 


Education  Since  the  whole  city  has  one  end,  it  is  manifest  that 

public,  and     education  should  be  one  and  the  same  for  all,  and  that  it 
the  same  for  s}loui(j  be  public,  and  not  private, — not  as  at  present, 
when  every  one  looks  after  his  own  children  separately, 
Aristotle,         and  gives  them  separate  instruction  of  the  sort  which  he 

Politics,  viii.  i.      ....  .  .....  ...  , 

thinks  best;  the  training  in  things  which  are  ot  common 
interest  should  be  the  same  for  all.     Neither  must  we 


Liberal  Education  295 

suppose  that  any  one  of  the  citizens  belongs  to  himself,  f"",™1 
for  they  all  belong  to  the  state,  and  are  each  of  them  a 
part  of  the  state,  and  the  care  of  each  part  is  inseparable 
from  the  care  of  the  whole.  In  this  particular  the  Lace- 
daemonians are  to  be  praised,  for  they  take  the  greatest 
pains  about  their  children,  and  make  education  the  busi- 
ness of  the  state.  .  .  . 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  children  should  be  taught   What  kind 

of  knowl- 
those  useful  things  which  are  really  necessary,  but  not  all   edge  is  use- 
things;  for  occupations  are  divided  into  liberal  and  il- 
liberal; and  to  young  children  should  be  imparted  only   Aristotle, 

J  °  .  ,  Politics, 

such  kinds  of  knowledge  as  will  be  useful  to  them  without  viii.  2. 
vulgarizing  them.  And  any  occupation,  art,  or  science, 
which  makes  the  body  or  soul  or  mind  of  the  freeman  less 
fit  for  the  practice  or  exercise  of  virtue,  is  vulgar;  where- 
fore we  call  those  arts  vulgar  which  tend  to  deform  the 
body,  and  likewise  all  paid  employments,  for  they  absorb 
and  degrade  the  mind.  There  are  also  some  liberal  arts 
quite  proper  for  a  freeman  to  acquire,  but  only  in  a  certain 
degree,  and  if  he  attend  to  them  too  closely,  in  order  to 
attain  perfection  in  them,  the  same  evil  effects  will  fol- 
low. .  .  . 

The  customary  branches  of  education  are  in  number  ^che*  of 
four:  they  are—  (1)  reading  and  writing,  (2)  gymnastic 
exercises,  (3)  music,  to  which  is  sometimes  added  (4)  draw- 
ing. Of  these,  reading  and  writing  and  drawing  are  re- 
garded os  useful  for  the  purposes  of  life  in  a  variety  of 
ways,  and  gymnastic  exercises  are  thought  to  infuse 
courage.  Concerning  music  a  doubt  may  be  raised— in 
our  own  day  most  men  cultivate  it  for  the  sake  of  pleasure, 
but  originally  it  was  included  in  education,  because  nature 
herself,  as  has  been  often  said,  requires  thai  we  should  be 
able,  not  only  to  work  well,  but  to  use  leisure  well. 


lb.  3. 


296  Greek  Life  and  Thought 


STUDIES 

1.  What  does  Ischomachus  consider  the  chief  thing  in  education? 
What  training  had  his  wife  prior  to  marriage?  What  did  he  aim  to 
teach  her?  What  in  detail  was  the  wife's  work?  What  was  to  be  her 
reward? 

2.  What  was  the  importance  of  music  in  Greece?  Under  what 
discipline  was  the  theatre  kept?  What  change  of  music  took  place 
and  with  what  effect  on  character? 

3.  From  this  passage  what  may  we  learn  of  home  life  and  social 
life?  What  did  Cephalus  think  of  old  age?  How  did  this  manu- 
facturer regard  money-making?  What  was  the  social  standing  of 
this  family  of  resident  aliens? 

4.  What  does  Aristotle  say  was  the  actual  education  of  the  time, 
and  what  improvement  does  he  suggest?  What  in  his  opinion  should 
children  be  taught?  What  were  the  customary  branches?  What 
was  his  idea  of  a  liberal  education?  Why  should  we  attach  anv 
importance  to  his  opinion? 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

THE  HELLENISTIC  AGE 

I.  The  Achaean  League 
The  Achseans,  as  I  have  stated  before,  have  in  our  time  The  league 

unites  Pelo- 

made  extraordinary  progress  in  material  prosperity  and   ponnesus. 
internal  unity.    For  though  many  statesmen  had  tried  in   p0iybius  ii. 
past   times   to  induce   the   Peloponnesians   to  join   in  a  37> 
league  for  the  common  interests  of  all,  and  had  always  f"^1  QO_ 
failed,  because  every  one  was  working  to  secure  his  own 
power  rather  than  the  freedom  of  the  whole;  yet  in  our 
day  this  policy  has  made  such  progress,  and  been  carried 
out  with  such  completeness,  that  not  only  is  there  in  the 
Peloponnese  a  community  of  interests  such  as  exists  be- 
tween allies  or  friends,  but  an  absolute  identity  of  laws, 
weights,  measures,  and  currency.    All  the  states  have  the 
same  magistrates,  senate,  and  judges.    Nor  is  there  any 
difference  between  the  entire  Peloponnese  and  a  single 
city,  except  in  the  fact  that  its  inhabitants  are  not  in- 
cluded within  the  same  wall;  in  other  respects,  both  as  a 
whole  and  in  their  individual  cities,  there  is  a  nearly  abso- 
lute assimilation  of  institutions. 

It  will  be  useful  to  ascertain,  to  begin  with,  how  it  came  *Je  jjf  the 
to  pass  that  the  name  of  the  Acha;ans  became  the  uni- 
versal one  for  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  P<  loponnese.  For 
the  original  bearers  of  this  ancestral  name  have  DO  su- 
periority over  others,  either  in  the  size  of  their  territory 
and  cities,  or  in  wealth,  or  in  the  prowess  of  their  men. 
For  they  are  a  long  way  from  being  superior  to  the  Atra- 

297 


Polyb.  ii.  38. 


298  The  Hellenistic  Age 

dians  and  Lacedaemonians  in  number  of  inhabitants  and 
extent  of  territory;  nor  can  these  latter  nations  be  said  to 
yield  the  first  place  in  warlike  courage  to  any  Greek 
people  whatever.  Whence  then  comes  it  that  these  na- 
tions, with  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Peloponnese, 
have  been  content  to  adopt  the  constitution  and  name  of 
the  Achaeans?  To  speak  of  chance  in  such  a  matter  would 
not  be  to  offer  any  adequate  solution  of  the  question,  and 
would  be  a  mere  idle  evasion.  A  cause  must  be  sought; 
for  without  a  cause  nothing,  expected  or  unexpected,  can 
be  accomplished.  The  cause,  then,  in  my  opinion,  was 
this.  Nowhere  could  be  found  a  more  unalloyed  and  de- 
liberately established  system  of  equality  and  absolute 
freedom, — in  a  word,  of  democracy, — than  among  the 
Achaeans.  This  constitution  found  many  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesians  ready  enough  to  adopt  it  of  their  own  accord: 
many  were  brought  to  share  it  by  persuasion  and  argu- 
ment: some  though  acting  upon  compulsion  at  first,  were 
quickly  brought  to  acquiesce  in  its  benefits;  for  none  of 
the  original  members  had  any  special  privilege  reserved 
for  them,  but  equal  rights  were  given  to  all  comers:  the 
object  aimed  at  was  therefore  quickly  attained  by  the 
two  most  unfailing  expedients  of  equality  and  fraternity. 
This  then  must  be  looked  upon  as  the  source  and  original 
cause  of  Peloponnesian  unity  and  consequent  prosperity. 

For  the  first  twenty-five  years  of  the  league  between  the 
cities  I  have  mentioned,  a  secretary  and  two  generals  for 
the  whole  union  were  elected  by  each  city  in  turn.  But 
after  this  period  they  determined  to  appoint  one  general 
only,  and  put  the  entire  management  of  the  affairs  of  the 
union  in  his  hands.  The  first  to  obtain  this  honor  was 
Margus  of  Caryneia.    In  the  fourth  year  after  this  man's 


Aratus;  a  Federal  Assembly  299 

tenure  of  the  office,  Aratus  of  Sicyon  caused  his  city  to 

join  the  league,  which,  by  his  energy  and  courage,  he  had, 

when  only  twenty  years  of  age,  delivered  from  the  yoke 

of  its  tyrant.    In  the  eighth  year  again  after  this,  Aratus,   Aratus. 

being  elected  general  for  the  second  time,  laid  a  plot  to 

seize  the  Acrocorinthus,  then  held  by  Antigonus;  and  by   Acrocorin- 

,,..,.  .     ,       _  ,  ,  thus  was  the 

success  freed  the  inhabitants  of  the  Peloponnese  from  a   citadel  of 
source  of  serious  alarm:  and  having  thus  liberated  Corinth  Antigonus 
he  caused  it  to  join  the  league.    In  his  same  term  of  office  was  ri'ler  of 
he  got  Megara  into  his  hands,  and  caused  it  to  join  also. 
These  events  occurred  in  the  year  before  the  decisive  de-   242  B.C. 
feat  of  the  Carthaginians,  in  consequence  of  which  they 
evacuated  Sicily  and  consented  for  the  first  time  to  pay 
tribute  to  Rome. 

Having  made  this  remarkable  progress  in  his  design  in 
so  short  a  time,  Aratus  continued  thenceforth  in  the  posi- 
tion of  leader  of  the  Achaean  league,  and  in  the  consistent 
direction  of  his  whole  policy  to  one  single  end;  which  was 
to  expel  Macedonians  from  the  Peloponnese,  to  depose  the 
despots,  and  to  establish  in  each  state  the  common  free- 
dom which  their  ancestors  had  enjoyed  before  them. 


Immediately  after  Phillopcemen  had  been  succeeded  by 
Aristaenus  as  general,  the  ambassadors  of  king  Ptolemy 
arrived,  while  the  league  meeting  was  assembled  at 
Megalopolis.  King  Eumenes  also  had  despatched  an 
embassy  offering  to  give  the  Achaeans  one  hundred  and 
twenty  talents,  on  condition  that  it  was  invested  and  the 
interest  used  to  pay  the  council  of  the  league  at  the  time 
of  the  federal  assemblies.  Ambassadors  came  also  from 
king  Seleucus,  to  renew  his  friendship  with  them  and 
offering  a  present  of  a  fleet  of  ten  ships  of  war.  .  .  . 

Next  came  the  ambassadors  from  Eumenes,  who  rc- 


A  session  of 
the  federal 
assembly. 

Polybius 
xxii.  10. 

Offer  of  king 
Eumenes  of 
Pergamum. 

Various 

tin-  friend 

ship  "i  1  In- 
k-ague. 


3oo 


The  Hellenistic  Age 


The  offer  re- 
jected. 


ncwed  the  ancestral  friendship  of  the  king  with  the 
Achaeans,  and  stated  to  the  assembly  the  offer  made  by 
him.  They  spoke  at  great  length  on  these  subjects,  and 
retired  after  setting  forth  the  greatness  of  the  king's  kind- 
ness and  affection  to  the  nation. 

After  they  had  finished  their  speech,  Apollonidas  of 
Sicyon  rose  and  said  that,  "As  far  as  the  amount  of  the 
money  was  concerned,  it  was  a  present  worthy  of  the 
Achaeans.  But  if  they  looked  to  the  intention  of  the 
donor,  or  to  the  purpose  to  which  the  gift  was  to 
be  applied,  none  could  well  be  more  insulting  and 
more  unconstitutional.  The  laws  prohibited  any  one, 
whether  a  private  individual  or  magistrate,  from  accept- 
ing presents  from  a  king  on  any  pretence  whatever;  but  if 
they  took  this  money  they  would  every  one  of  them  be 
plainly  accepting  a  present,  which  was  at  once  the  gravest 
possible  breach  of  the  law,  and  confessedly  the  deepest 
personal  disgrace.  For  that  the  council  should  take  a 
great  wage  from  Eumenes,  and  meet  to  deliberate  on  the 
interests  of  the  league  after  swallowing  such  a  bait,  was 
manifestly  disgraceful  and  injurious.  It  was  Eumenes 
that  offered  money  now;  presently  it  would  be  Prusias; 
and  then  Seleucus.  But  as  the  interests  of  democracies 
and  of  kings  are  quite  opposite  to  each  other,  and  as  our 
most  frequent  and  most  important  deliberations  concern 
the  points  of  controversy  arising  between  us  and  the 
kings,  one  of  two  things  must  necessarily  happen;  either 
the  interests  of  the  king  will  have  precedence  over  our 
own,  or  we  must  incur  the  reproach  of  ingratitude  for 
opposing  our  paymasters."  He  therefore  urged  the 
Achaeans  not  only  to  decline  the  offer,  but  to  hold  Eumenes 
in  detestation  for  thinking  of  making  it.  .  .  . 

After  these  speeches  had  been  delivered,  the  people 


The  Federal  Assembly  301 

showed  such  signs  of  enthusiastic  approval  that  no  one 
ventured  to  speak  on  the  side  of  the  king;  but  the  whole 
assembly  rejected  the  offer  by  acclamation,  though  its 
amount  certainly  made  it  exceedingly  tempting. 

The  next  subject  introduced  for  debate  was  that  of  K^g 
king  Ptolemy.     The  ambassadors  who  had  been  on  the  Egypt  seeks 
mission  to  Ptolemy  were  called  forward,  and  Lycortas,   *  treaty?  ° 
acting  as  spokesman,  began  by  stating  how  they  had  Ib 
interchanged  oaths  of  alliance  with  the  king;  and  next 
announced  that  they  brought  a  present  from  the  king  to 
the  Achaean  league  of  six  thousand  stands  of  arms  for 
peltasts,   and   two  thousand  talents  in  bronze  coinage. 
He  added  a  panegyric  on  the  king,  and  finished  his  speech 
by  a  brief  reference  to  the  goodwill  and  active  benevolence 
of  the  king  towards  the  Achaeans.    Upon  this  the  general  There  were 

•  T  several  trea- 

of  the  Achaeans,  Anstaenus,  stood  up  and  asked  Lycortas   ties  between 
and  his  colleagues  in  the  embassy  to  Ptolemy  "which 
alliance  it  was  that  he  had  thus  renewed?  .  .  .  ." 

And  when  no  one  was  able  to  explain,  not  even  Fhilip- 
cemen  himself,  who  had  been  in  office  when  the  renewal 
was  made,  nor  Lycortas  and  his  colleagues  who  had  been 
on  the  mission  to  Alexandria,  these  men  all  began  to  be 
regarded  as  careless  in  conducting  the  business  of  the 
league;  while  Aristacnus  acquired  great  reputation  as  be- 
ing the  only  man  who  knew  what  he  was  talking  about; 
and  finally,  the  assembly  refused  to  allow  the  ratification, 
voting  on  account  of  this  blunder  that  the  business  should 
be  postponed. 

Then  the  ambassadors  from  Seleucus  entered  with  their 
proposal.  The  Acha^ans,  however,  voted  to  renew  the 
friendship  with  Seleucus,  but  to  decline  for  the  present 
the  gift  of  the  ships. 


the  states. 


3°2 


The  Hellenistic  Age 


A  slight 
lapse  of  the 
Rhodians. 

Polybius 
xxxi.  25. 

These  words 
are  a  high 
compliment 
to  the  Greek 
state  in  gen- 
eral, and    5 
particularly 
to  Rhodes. 

Eumenes  was 
king  of  Per- 
gamum.  The 
gift  was  made 
162  B.C. 


II.  High  Sense  of  Honor  of  the  Gree£  States 

Though  in  other  respects  maintaining  the  dignity  of 
their  states,  the  Rhodians  made,  in  my  opinion,  a  slight 
lapse  in  this  period.  They  had  received  280,000  medimni 
of  grain  from  Eumenes,  that  its  value  might  be  invested 
and  the  interest  devoted  to  pay  the  fees  of  the  tutors  and 
schoolmasters  of  their  sons.  One  might  accept  this  from 
friends  in  a  case  of  financial  embarrassment,  as  one  might 
in  private  life,  rather  than  allow  children  to  remain  un- 
educated for  want  of  means.  But  where  means  are  abund- 
ant, a  man  would  rather  do  anything  than  allow  the 
schoolmaster's  fee  to  be  supplied  by  a  joint  contribution 
from  his  friends.  And  in  proportion  as  a  state  should 
hold  higher  notions  than  an  individual,  so  ought  govern- 
ments to  be  more  jealous  of  their  dignity  than  private 
men,  and  above  all  a  Rhodian  government,  considering 
the  wealth  of  the  country  and  its  high  pretensions. 


Priene  suf- 
fers rather 
than  betray 
a  trust. 

Polybius 
xxxiii.  6. 


Orophernes 
had  become 
king  of  Cap- 
padocia  in 
place  of 
Ariarathes; 
but  the  lat- 
ter eventually 
recovered 
his  kingdom. 


About  this  time  an  unexpected  misfortune  befell  the 
people  of  Priene.  They  had  received  a  deposit  of  four 
hundred  talents  from  Orophernes  when  he  got  possession 
of  the  kingdom;  and  subsequently  when  Ariarathes  re- 
covered his  dominion  he  demanded  the  money  of  them. 
But  they  acted  like  honest  men,  in  my  opinion,  in  de- 
claring that  they  would  deliver  it  to  no  one  as  long  as 
Orophernes  was  alive,  except  to  the  person  who  deposited 
it  with  them;  while  Ariarathes  was  thought  by  many  to  be 
committing  a  breach  of  equity  in  demanding  a  deposit 
made  by  another.  Up  to  this  point,  however,  one  might 
perhaps  pardon  his  making  the  attempt,  because  he  looked 
upon  the  money  as  belonging  to  his  own  kingdom;  but  to 
push  his  anger  and  imperious  determination   as  much 


Priene;  Alexandria 


303 


farther  as  he  did  seems  utterly  unjustifiable.  At  the 
period  I  refer  to,  then,  he  sent  troops  to  pillage  the  terri- 
tory of  Priene,  Attalus  assisting  and  urging  him  on  from  a 
private  grudge  which  he  entertained  toward  the  Prienians. 
After  losing  many  slaves  and  cattle,  some  of  them  being 
slaughtered  close  to  the  city  itself,  the  Prienians,  unable 
to  defend  themselves,  first  sent  an  embassy  to  the  Rho- 
dians  and  eventually  appealed  for  protection  to  Rome.  .  .  . 
But  he  would  not  listen  to  the  proposal.  Hence  it  came 
about  that  the  Prienians,  who  had  great  hopes  from  hold- 
ing so  large  a  sum  of  money,  found  themselves  entirely 
disappointed.  For  they  repaid  Orophernes  his  deposit, 
and  thanks  to  this  same  deposit,  were  unjustly  exposed  to 
severe  damage  at  the  hands  of  Ariarathes. 

III.  Alexandria 

The  former  kings  of  Egypt,  satisfied  with  what  they 
possessed,  and  not  desirous  of  foreign  commerce,  enter- 
tained a  dislike  to  all  mariners,  especially  the  Greeks, 
who  on  account  of  the  poverty  of  their  own  country, 
ravaged  and  coveted  the  property  of  other  nations.  They 
stationed  a  guard,  who  had  orders  to  keep  off  all  persons 
who  approached.  To  the  guard  was  assigned  as  a  place  of 
residence  the  spot  called  Rhacotis,  which  is  now  a  part  of 
the  city  of  Alexandria,  situated  above  the  arsenal.  At 
that  time,  however,  it  was  a  village.  The  country  about 
the  village  was  given  up  to  herdsmen,  who  were  also  able 
by  their  numbers  to  prevent  strangers  from  entering  the 
country. 

When  Alexander  arrived,  and  perceived  the  advantages 
of  the  situation,  he  determined  to  build  the  city  <>n  the 
harbor.  The  resulting  prosperity  of  the  place  was  in- 
timated, it  is  said,  by  a  presage  which  occurred  while  the 


Attalus  was 
king  of 
Pergamum, 
and  friendly 
to  Ariarathes. 


Part  of  the 
text  here  is 
wanting. 


They  had 
hoped  the 
care  of  the 
deposit 
would  bring 
them  some 
advantage. 


Exclusive- 
ness  of  the 
early    Egyp- 
tian kings. 

Strabo  xvii. 
1.  6. 


Founding   of 
Alexandria. 

Ancient 

181. 


3°4 


The  Hellenistic  Age 


Advantages 
of  the  city. 

Strabo  xvii. 
i.  7. 


Its  whole- 
some cli- 
mate. 


plan  of  the  city  was  tracing.  The  architects  were  en- 
gaged in  marking  out  the  line  of  the  wall  with  chalk,  and 
had  consumed  it  all,  when  the  king  arrived,  whereupon 
the  dispensers  of  flour  supplied  the  workmen  with  a  part 
of  the  flour  which  was  provided  for  their  own  use ;  and  this 
substance  was  used  in  tracing  the  greater  part  of  the  di- 
visions of  the  streets.  This,  they  said,  was  a  good  omen 
for  the  city. 

The  advantages  of  the  city  are  of  various  kinds.  The 
site  is  washed  by  two  seas;  on  the  north  by  what  is  called 
the  Egyptian  Sea,  and  on  the  south  by  the  sea  of  the  lake 
Mareia,  which  is  also  called  Mareotis.  This  lake  is  filled 
by  many  canals  from  the  Nile,  both  by  those  above  and 
those  at  the  sides,  through  which  a  greater  quantity  of 
merchandise  is  imported  than  through  those  communicat- 
ing with  the  sea.  Hence  the  harbor  on  the  lake  is  richer 
than  the  maritime  harbor.  The  exports  by  sea  from 
Alexandria  exceed  the  imports.  This  any  person  may  as- 
certain, at  either  Alexandria  or  Dicaearchia,  by  watching 
the  arrival  and  departure  of  the  merchant  vessels,  and 
observing  how  much  heavier  or  lighter  their  cargoes  are 
when  they  depart  or  when  they  return. 

In  addition  to  the  wealth  derived  from  merchandise 
landed  at  the  harbors  on  each  side,  on  the  sea  and  on  the 
lake,  the  fine  air  is  worthy  of  remark :  this  results  from  the 
city's  being  on  two  sides  surrounded  by  water,  and  from 
the  favorable  effects  of  the  rise  of  the  Nile.  For  other 
cities,  situated  near  lakes,  have  during  the  heats  of  sum- 
mer a  heavy  and  suffocating  atmosphere,  and  lakes  at 
their  margins  become  swampy  by  the  evaporation  oc- 
casioned by  the  sun's  heat.  When  a  large  quantity  of 
moisture  is  exhaled  from  swamps,  a  noxious  vapor  rises, 
and  is  the  cause  of  pestilential  disorders.     But  at  Alex- 


Public  Buildings  of  Alexandria       305 

andria,  at  the  beginning  of  summer,  the  Nile,  being  full, 
fills  the  lake  also,  and  leaves  no  marshy  matter  which  is 
likely  to  occasion  deadly  vapors.  At  the  same  period  the 
Etesian  winds  blow  from  the  north  over  a  large  expanse  of 
sea,  and  the  Alexandrines  in  consequence  pass  their  sum- 
mer very  pleasantly. 

The  shape  of  the  site  of  the  city  is  that  of  a  chlamys  or  The  plan  of 
military  cloak.  The  sides,  which  determine  the  length, 
are  surrounded  by  water,  and  are  about  thirty  stadia  in 
extent;  but  the  isthmuses,  which  determine  the  breadth 
of  the  sides,  are  each  of  seven  or  eight  stadia,  bounded  on 
one  side  by  the  sea,  and  on  the  other  by  the  lake.  The 
whole  city  is  intersected  by  streets  for  the  passage  of 
horsemen  and  chariots.  Two  of  these  are  very  broad, 
exceeding  a  plethrum  in  breadth,  and  cut  one  another  A  piethrum 

•    i  ,  -r  •  1  1  ,-r    1  i  l-       is   about    IOO 

at  right  angles.  It  contains  also  very  beautiful  public  feet. 
grounds,  and  royal  palaces,  which  occupy  a  fourth  or  even 
a  third  part  of  its  whole  extent.  For  as  each  of  the  kings 
was  desirous  of  adding  some  embellishment  to  the  places 
dedicated  to  the  public  use,  each  added  to  the  works  al- 
ready existing  a  building  at  his  own  expense;  hence  the 
expression  of  the  poet  may  be  here  applied,  "One  after 
the  other  springs."  All  the  buildings  are  connected  with 
one  another  and  with  the  harbor,  and  those  also  which 
are  beyond  it. 

The  Museum  is  a  part  of  the  palaces.  It  has  a  public  Jhe^Mu- 
walk  and  a  place  furnished  with  scats  and  a  large  hall,  in 
which  the  men  of  learning,  who  belong  to  the  Museum, 
take  their  common  meal.  This  community  possesses  also 
property  in  common;  and  a  priest,  formerly  appointed  by 
the  kings  but  at  present  by  Caesar,  presides  over  the 
Museum. 

A  part  belonging  to  the  pah*  es  <  onsisl  -  of  the  so-called 


seum. 


306  The   Hellenistic  Age 

Sema,  an  enclosure  which  contained   the  tombs  of  the 

kings  and  that  of  Alexander  (the  Great).  .  .  .    Ptolemy 

carried  away  the  body  of  Alexander,  and  deposited  it  at 

Alexandria  in  the  place  where  it  now  lies;  not  indeed  in 

the  same  coffin,  for  the  present  one  is  of  alabaster,  whereas 

Ptolemy  had  deposited  it  in  one  of  gold.  .  .  . 

Other  build-       In  short,  the  city  of  Alexandria  abounds  in  public  and 

ings'  sacred  buildings.    The  most  beautiful  of  the  former  is  the 

Ib-  IO-  Gymnasium  with  porticos  exceeding  a  stadium  in  extent. 

In  the  middle  of  it  are  a  court  of  justice  and  groves.    Here 

also  is  a  Paneium,  an  artificial  mound  of  the  shape  of  a 

fir-cone,  resembling  a  pile  of  rock,  to  the  top  of  which 

there  is  an  ascent  by  a  spiral  path.     From  the  summit 

may  be  seen  the  whole  city  lying  all  around  and  beneath  it. 

IV.' Science 

The  form  of  Geometry  and  astronomy,  as  we  before  remarked,  seem 
the  earth.  absolutely  indispensable  in  this  science  (geography).  This 
Straboi.  i.  in  fact  is  evident,  that  without  some  such  assistance,  it 
2°'  would  be  impossible  to  be  accurately  acquainted  with  the 

configuration  of  the  earth;  its  zones,  dimensions,  and  the 
like  information. 

As  the  size  of  the  earth  has  been  demonstrated  by  other 
writers,  we  shall  here  take  for  granted  and  receive  as  ac- 
curate what  they  have  advanced.  We  shall  also  assume 
that  the  earth  is  spheroidal,  that  its  surface  is  likewise 
spheroidal,  and  above  all,  that  bodies  have  a  tendency 
towards  its  centre,  which  latter  point  is  clear  to  the  per- 
ception of  the  most  average  understanding.  However,  we 
may  show  summarily  that  the  earth  is  spheroidal,  from 
the  consideration  that  all  things  however  distant  tend  to 
its  centre,  and  that  every  body  is  attracted  toward  its 
centre  of  gravity;  this  is  more  distinctly  proved  from  ob- 


The  Shape  and  the  Size  of  the  Earth    307 

sensations  of  the  sea  and  sky,  for  here  the  evidence  of  the 
senses,  and  common  observation,  is  alone  requisite.  The 
convexity  of  the  sea  is  a  further  proof  of  this  to  those  who 
have  sailed;  for  they  cannot  perceive  lights  at  a  distance 
when  placed  at  the  same  level  as  their  eyes,  but  if  raised 
on  high,  they  at  once  become  perceptible  to  vision,  though 
at  the  same  time  further  removed.  So,  when  the  eye  is 
raised,  it  sees  what  before  was  utterly  imperceptible. 
Homer  speaks  of  this  when  he  says, 

Lifted  up  on  the  vast  wave  he  quickly  beheld  afar.  Odyssey  v. 

393- 

Sailors,  as  they  approach  their  destination,  behold  the 
shore  continually  raising  itself  to  their  view;  and  objects 
which  had  at  first  seemed  low,  begin  to  elevate  them- 
selves. Our  gnomons  also  are,  among  other  things,  evi- 
dence of  the  revolution  of  the  heavenly  bodies;  and  com- 
mon sense  at  once  shows  us,  that  if  the  depth  of  the  earth 
were  infinite,  such  a  revolution  could  not  take  place. 

Further,  endeavoring  to  support  the  opinion  that  it  is  Dimensions 
'  °  l  l  l  of  the  earth 

in   accordance   with   natural   philosophy    to   reckon    the  and  the 

greatest  dimension  of  the  habitable  earth  from  east  to  u^circum- 
west,  he  (Eratosthenes)  says  that,  according  to  the  laws  of  navigation. 
natural  philosophy,  the  habitable  earth  ought  to  occupy  a  Eratosthe- 
greater  length  from  east  to  west,  than  its  breadth  from   by  strabo  i. 
north  to  south.     The  temperate  zone,  which  we  have  4'  6' 
already  designated  as  the  longest  zone,  is  that  which  the 
mathematicians  denominate  a  continuous  circle  returning 
upon  itself.     So  that  if  the  extent  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean 
were  not  an  obstacle,  we  might  easily  pass  by  sea  from 
Iberia  to  India,  still  keeping  in  the  same  parallel;  the  re- 
maining portion  of  which  parallel,  measured  as  above  in 
stadia,  occupies  more  than  a  third  of   the   whole  circle: 
since  the  parallel  drawn   through  Athens,  on   which   we 


;o8 


The  Hellenistic  Age 


A  stadium  is   have  taken  the  distances  from  India  to  Iberia,  does  not 
600  feet.  ,  ,  ..     , 

contain  altogether  200,000  stadia. 


Physiology. 

Pliny,  Natu- 
ral History, 
xi.  69,  citing 
in  part, 
llerophilus 
(3d  century 
B.C.). 

But  Heroph- 
ilus  taught 
that  the 
brain  was 
the  seat  of 
the  mind. 

Herophilus 
taught  the 
circulation 
of  the  blood. 


Herophilus 
distin- 
guished the 
arteries  from 
the  veins 
(and  we  may 
add,  the 
sensory   from 
the  motor 
nerves). 

Tb.  88. 


Contract  of 
marriage  in 
Egypt. 
Shortly  be- 
fore Alexan- 
der's con- 
quest. 

1  argenteus= 
5  shekels, 
1  shekel=6 
obols. 


The  heart  is  the  principal  seat  of  the  heat  of  the  body; 
it  is  constantly  beating,  and  moves  as  though  it  were  one 
animal  enclosed  within  another.  It  is  enveloped  in  a 
membrane  equally  supple  and  strong,  and  is  protected  by 
the  bulwarks  formed  by  the  ribs  and  the  bone  of  the 
breast,  as  the  primary  source  and  origin  of  life.  It  con- 
tains within  itself  the  primary  receptacles  for  the  spirit 
and  the  blood,  in  its  sinuous  cavity,  which  in  the  larger 
animals  is  threefold  and  in  all  at  least  twofold.  Here  the 
mind  has  its  abode.  From  this  source  proceed  two  large 
veins,  which  branch  into  the  front  part  and  the  back 
part  of  the  body,  and  which,  spreading  out  in  a  series  of 
branches,  convey  the  vital  blood  by  other  smaller  veins 
over  the  whole  body.  .  .  . 

The  pulsation  of  the  arteries  is  more  perceptible  on  the 
surface  of  the  limbs,  and  affords  indications  of  nearly 
every  disease,  being  either  stationary,  quickened  or  re- 
tarded, conformably  to  certain  measures  and  metrical 
laws,  which  depend  on  the  age  of  the  patient,  and  which 
have  been  described  with  remarkable  skill  by  Herophilus, 
who  has  been  regarded  as  a  prophet  in  the  wondrous  art 
of  medicine. 

V.  Social  Life 

I  have  accepted  thee  for  wife,  I  have  given  thee  one 
argenteus,  in  shekels  5,  one  argenteus  in  all  for  thy  woman's 
gift.  I  must  give  thee  6  obols,  their  half  is  3,  to-day  6, 
by  the  month  3,  by  the  double  month  6,  36  for  a  year: 
equal  to  one  argenteus  and  a  fifth  in  shekels  6;  one  ar- 

1  This  would  give  a  circumference  of  about  22,700  miles  for  the 
thirty-sixth  parallel,  or  about  28,500  miles  for  the  equator. 


A  Marriage  Contract;  Two  Letters    309 

genteus  and  one  fifth  in  all  for  thy  toilet  for  a  war. 
Lastly  a  tenth  of  an  argenteus,  in  shekels  one  half,  one 
argenteus  one  tenth  of  thy  pin  money  by  the  month, 
which  makes  one  argenteus  and  one  fifth,  in  shekels  6,  one 
argenteus  and  one  fifth  for  thy  pin  money  during  the  year. 
Thy  pin  money  for  one  year  is  apart  from  thy  toilet 
money.  I  must  give  it  to  thee  each  year,  and  it  is  thy 
right  to  exact  the  payment  of  thy  toilet  money,  and  thy 
pin  money,  which  are  to  be  placed  to  my  account.  I  must 
give  it  to  thee.  Thy  eldest  son,  my  eldest  son,  shall  be  the 
heir  of  all  my  property,  present  and  future.  I  will  estab- 
lish thee  as  wife. 

In  case  I  should  despise  thee,  in  case  I  should  take  an- 
other wife  than  thee,  I  will  give  thee  20  argenteus,  in 
shekels  100,  20  argenteus  in  all.  The  entire  property 
which  is  mine,  and  which  I  shall  possess,  is  security  of  all 
the  above  words,  until  I  have  accomplished  them  accord- 
ing to  their  tenor. 

We  have  arrived  in  health  at  Lampsacus,  myself  and 
Pythocles  and  Hermarchus  and  Ctesippus,  and  there  we 
have  found  Themistas  and  the  rest  of  the  friends  in  health. 
It  is  good  if  you  also  are  in  health  and  your  grandmother, 
and  obey  your  grandfather  and  matron  in  all  things,  as 
you  have  done  before.  For  be  sure,  the  reason  why  both 
I  and  all  the  rest  love  you  so  much  is  that  you  obey  these 
in  all  things.  .  .  . 

Isias  to  Hephsestion  her  brother  greeting.  If  you  are 
well,  and  things  in  general  are  going  right,  it  would  be  as  I 
am  continually  praying  to  the  gods.  I  myself  am  in  good 
health,  and  the  child  and  all  at  home-,  making  mention  of 
you  continually.  When  I  ^rot  your  letter  from  Horas,  in 
which   you   explained    that   you    were   in    retreat    in    the 


The  interest 
of  this  docu- 
ment lies  in 
the  minute 
provisions 
made  for  the 
wife.    From 
the  extract 
here  given 
are  omitted 
the  date, 
names  of  per- 
sons con- 
cerned, and 
other  techni- 
calities at  the 
beginning 
and   the  end. 
Records  of 
the  Past,  x. 
77  i- 

One 

argenteus 
one  tenth 
means  one 
tenth 
argenteus. 


Letter  of 
Epicurus  to 
a  child. 

Milligan, 

Papyri,  \>.  5  E. 

Third  cen- 
tury B.C. 
This  Epi- 
curus is  the 
famous  phi 
losopher. 
The  child 
was  pro 
an  orp 
under  his 

Letter  of 
Isias  to 
Hephaestion. 


3io 


The  Hellenistic  Age 


Milligan, 
p.  q  f. 
168  B.C. 

In  Egypt 
husband  ami 
wife  often 
called  each 
other  sister 
and  brother; 
sometimes 
they  were  so 
related. 

The  wife 

complains 
that  her  hus- 
band, when 
freed  from 
his  vow  to 
the  god,  does 
not  return 
to  her. 

It  is  thought 
that  those 
under  a  vow 
at  this  tem- 
ple had  some- 
thing of  the 
character  of 
monks. 


A  letter  of 
introduc- 
tion. 


Milligan, 
p.  24  f. 

Second  cen- 
tury B.C. 


Serapeum  at  Memphis,  I  immediately  gave  thanks  to  the 
gods  that  you  were  well;  but  that  you  did  not  return  when 
all  those  who  were  shut  up  with  you  arrived  distresses  me; 
for  having  piloted  myself  and  your  child  out  of  such  a 
crisis,  and  having  come  to  the  last  extremity  because  of 
the  high  price  of  grain,  and  thinking  that  now  at  last  on 
your  return  I  should  obtain  some  relief,  you  have  never 
even  thought  of  returning,  nor  spared  a  look  for  our  help- 
less state.  While  you  were  still  at  home,  I  went  short 
altogether,  not  to  mention  how  long  a  time  has  passed 
since,  and  such  disasters;  and  you  having  sent  nothing. 
And  now  that  Horus  who  brought  the  letter  has  told 
about  your  having  been  released  from  your  retreat,  I  am 
utterly  distressed.  Nor  is  this  all,  but  since  your  mother 
is  in  great  trouble  about  it,  I  entreat  you  for  her  sake  and 
for  ours  to  return  to  the  city,  unless  indeed  something 
most  pressing  occupies  you.  Pray  take  care  of  yourself 
that  you  may  be  in  health.  Good-bye. 
(Addressed)  To  Hephasstion. 

Polycrates  to  Philoxenus  greeting.  If  you  are  well  and 
things  in  general  are  going  right,  it  will  be  as  we  desire. 
We  ourselves  are  in  health.  As  regards  those  things  we 
wished,  we  have  sent  you  Glaucias  who  is  personally. at- 
tached to  us  to  consult  you.  Please  therefore  give  him  a 
hearing,  and  instruct  him  concerning  those  things  he  has 
come  about.  But  above  all  take  care  of  yourself  that  you 
may  be  in  health.     Good-bye. 

(Addressed)  To  Philoxenus. 


STUDIES 

1.  Why  had  not  Peloponnesus  united  under  one  government? 
What  advantages  came  to  this  region  from  the  Achtean  league? 
What  causes  contributed  to  the  rise  of  this  league?    What  elements 


Studies  311 


of  democracy  had  it?  What  were  its  officers?  What  part  had  Aratus 
in  the  building  of  the  union?  What  kind  of  business  came  before  the 
federal  assembly  described  by  Polybius?  Why  did  various  kings 
seek  the  friendship  of  the  league?  What  stand  did  the  league  take 
toward  the  offer  of  gifts? 

2.  How  did  the  Rhodians  fall  somewhat  below  the  Achaans  in 
honor?  Would  a  modern  state  or  educational  institution  accept  such 
a  gift?  What  did  Polybius  consider  wrong  in  such  acceptance?  Why 
do  we  say  his  opinion  of  the  Rhodians  is  complimentary  to  them  and 
to  the  Greeks  in  general?  Describe  the  conduct  of  Priene  in  defend- 
ing a  trust  committed  to  her.  From  these  passages  what  do  you 
conclude  as  to  Greek  character  at  this  time? 

3.  Describe  the  situation  of  Alexandria;  its  climate.  Describe  its 
extent  and  plan.  What  was  the  Museum?  What  was  its  purpose? 
What  were  the  other  public  works? 

4.  Enumerate  the  sciences  mentioned  in  this  selection.  What  did 
the  ancients  know  of  the  form  and  dimensions  of  the  earth?  How  did 
they  prove  the  earth  to  be  round?  What  knowledge  had  Herophilu? 
of  physiology? 

5.  What  are  the  terms  of  the  marriage  contract  here  mentioned? 


BOOK  III 

Rome 

CHAPTER  XXVIU 

A.  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  SOURCES 

The  Romans  derived  all  the  elements  of  their  higher  The  begin- 
nings of 
culture  from  the  Greeks.     The  most  valuable  of  these  writing. 

acquisitions  was  the  alphabet.    At  an  unknown  time  in  the 

period  of  the  kings  some  of  the  Romans  learned  from  the 

Greeks  to  read  and  write.     Priests  wrote  prayers  and  i?ci™1    ._ 

W  orld,  320  n. 

rituals;  and  the  pontiffs  composed  the  fash,  or  calendar— 
a  list  of  days  of  each  month  setting  forth  the  festivals,  the 
market-days,  and  the  days  which  were  lucky  or  unlucky 
for  doing  business.  Little  however  was  written,  that 
could  be  of  service  to  the  historians,  who  lived  hundreds 
of  years  afterward.  Because  of  the  lack  of  such  service- 
able material  we  call  the  regal  period  prehistoric. 

About  the  beginning  of  the  Republic  the  Romans  com-   The  fasti, 

1     •  1    laws,  and 

menced  to  keep  a  list— also  called  fash — of  their  annual   treaties. 

magistrates,  and  to  record  their  laws  and  treaties.  Gradu- 
ally was  formed  a  considerable  body  of  written  material, 
consisting  of  the  documents  above  mentioned  and  of 
funeral  orations,  family  chronicles,  and  poetry.  The 
earliest  historian  was  Fabius  Pictor,  a  Roman  senator 
during  the  war  with  Hannibal     He  wrote  in  Greek  a   Lattej  par) 

0  ill     1  Mil  1  1     CCU' 

history  of  his  country  from  the  earliest  times  to  his  own   tury  B.C. 
day.    As  he  grouped  events  by  years,  his  work  is  called 

313 


3H 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


Ancient 

World,  405  f. 


P.  73- 


Historians. 


Cassar, 
100-44  B.C. 


A ncicnt 
World,  445. 


Sallust. 


Annals.  After  him  followed  a  long  succession  of  annalists, 
who  wrote  either  in  Greek  or  in  Latin.  The  first  Roman 
to  adopt  the  native  tongue  for  historical  use  was  Cato  the 
Censor;  it  is  chiefly  for  this  reason  that  he  is  considered 
the  founder  of  Latin  prose  literature.  "He  tells  us  that 
he  himself  wrote  books  on  history  with  his  own  hand  in 
large  letters  that  his  boy  might  start  in  life  with  a  useful 
knowledge  of  what  his  forefathers  had  done."  Cato  and 
other  public  men  of  his  time  wrote  their  political  and 
judicial  speeches,  thus  creating  in  literature  the  depart- 
ment of  oratory.  Not  long  after  Cato  lived  Polybius,  the 
ablest  writer  of  Roman  history.  His  work  has  been  men- 
tioned in  an  earlier  chapter. 

The  period  of  the  annalists,  closing  about  80  B.C.,  was 
followed  by  that  of  the  historians. 

First  in  order  let  us  consider  Gaius  Julius  Cassar.  While 
in  war  and  in  statesmanship  his  achievements  place  him 
among  the  foremost  men  of  the  world,  his  literary  genius 
is  scarcely  less  remarkable.  In  his  writings  he  shows  a 
faultless  taste  and  a  clear,  direct,  masterful  style.  His 
Commentaries  on  the  Gallic  War  and  On  the  Civil  War  are 
a  plain  but  forceful  narrative  of  his  wonderful  campaigns. 
The  primary  object  of  these  works  was  to  justify  his  wars 
and  his  political  policy. 

Somewhat  later  Sallust  wrote  a  monograph  On  the  Con- 
spiracy of  Catiline  and  another  On  the  Jugurthine  War. 
Along  with  his  narrative  of  events,  he  tried  impartially  to 
analyze  the  character  of  society  and  the  motives  of  con- 
duct. These  works  we  still  have,  but  most  of  his  History, 
in  which  he  described  the  events  following  Sulla's  death, 
has  been  lost.  Caesar  and  Sallust  were  the  chief  historians 
of  their  age.  Though  each  noble  family  recorded  the  deeds 
of  illustrious  ancestors,  no  national  interest  in  biography 


The  Age  of  Cicero  315 

arose  till  the  closing  years  of  the  republic,  when  the  great 
men  of  Rome  began  to  attract  all  eyes.    At  this  time  lived  Nepos. 
Cornelius  Nepos,  mentioned  above  among  the  sources  for 
Greek  history.     The  same  chapter  speaks  of  his  Greek  P.  73  f. 
contemporary,  Diodorus,  whose  Historical  Library  treats 
of  both  Greek  and  Roman  affairs. 

In  this  age  Roman  oratory  reached  the  height  of  its  JJ^gjJ^1" 
development  in  Marcus  Tullius  Cicero.     As  Caesar  em-   106-43  B.C. 
bodied  imperialism,  Cicero  represented  the  better  spirit 
of  the  republic.    As  a  statesman  he  cherished  high  ideals 
of  republican  freedom;  as  a  citizen  he  was  intensely  patri-   Rome,  182; 

1  ij-ii        Ancient 

otic;  and  his  private  character  was  worthy  and  amiable,  world,  445  f- 
His  achievement  was  to  bring  the  prose  of  his  country  to 
formal  perfection, — to  make  Latin  a  great  classical  lan- 
guage. This  result  he  accomplished  by  developing,  refin- 
ing, and  enriching  his  mother  tongue  not  only  in  oratory 
but  in  nearly  every  style  of  prose  from  philosophy  to  fa- 
miliar correspondence.  It  is  chiefly  owing  to  his  creative 
genius  that  Latin  has  been  the  universal  language  of  learn- 
ing and  culture  from  his  time  almost  to  the  present  day. 
If  in  reading  his  Orations  we  make  allowance  for  their 
rhetorical  coloring  and  their  political  bias,  we  shall  find 
them  valuable  for  the  study  of  the  age.  More  trustworthy 
are  his  Letters  to  friends,  in  which  he  speaks  candidly  of 
passing  events. 

As  the  temperament  of  the  Romans  was  realistic  and  Lucretius, 
practical,  they  met  with  little  success  in  imaginative  liter- 
ature. Lucretius,  a  poet  of  the  Ciceronian  age,  composed 
in  verse  a  work  On  the  Nature  of  the  World,  in  which  he 
tried  by  means  of  science  to  dispel  from  the  mind  all 
fear  of  death  and  of  the  gods,— to  free  men  from  super 
stition.  Notwithstanding  the  scientific  details  in  which 
the  poem  abounds,  it  is  a  work  of  genius.     Catullus,  a   Catullus. 


,i6 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


The  Au- 
gustan Age, 
31  B.C.-14 
A.D. 


Livy. 


Books  i-x 
and  xxi-xlv, 
with  mere 
summaries 
of  the  re- 
maining 
books,  have 
alone  come 
down  to  us, 
and  are  our 
chief  source 
for  the  earlier 
periods. 


Dionysius  of 
Halicarnas- 


brilliant  poet  of  the  same  age,  wrote  beautiful  lyrics  on 
subjects  of  love  and  life,  and  some  bitter  lampoons. 

The  principate  of  Augustus  is  considered  the  golden 
age  of  Roman  literature.  A  most  interesting  and  valu- 
able document  from  this  period  is  Augustus'  own  account 
of  his  administration  preserved  in  an  inscription.  Scholars 
term  it  the  Monumcntum  Ancyranum  because  it  was 
found  on  a  temple  in  Ancyra,  Asia  Minor,  though  we  may 
designate  it  simply  as  his  Deeds.  The  most  eminent 
author  of  prose  in  this  age  was  Livy,  who  wrote  a  History 
of  Rome  in  a  hundred  and  forty-two  books.  The  military 
and  personal  details  in  the  early  books  are  largely  mythi- 
cal; yet  even  in  this  part  the  author  expresses  vividly  and 
accurately  the  character  of  Rome  and  of  her  citizens  and 
institutions.  From  the  time  of  the  Punic  Wars,  the  details 
of  every  kind  are  in  a  high  degree  trustworthy. 

Though  in  his  conception  of  the  aim  and  method  of  his- 
tory he  was  far  inferior  to  Polybius,  whom  he  had  read,  he 
loved  what  he  supposed  to  be  the  truth  and  the  right. 
His  sympathies  were  intensely  republican;  but  he  con- 
sented to  work  for  Augustus.  His  love  of  law  and  order, 
his  hatred  of  violence  and  vulgarity,  served  the  interests 
of  his  patron,  while  the  vast  compass  and  the  stately 
style  of  his  history,  like  the  splendid  public  works  of 
the  age,  helped  make  the  imperial  government  mag- 
nificent. 

While  Livy  was  writing  his  great  work,  Dionysius  of 
Halicarnassus  was  compiling  a  detailed  history  of  Rome 
from  the  earliest  times  to  the  beginning  of  the  Punic  Wars. 
As  an  historian  he  is  on  the  whole  inferior  to  Livy;  and 
yet  his  work  is  a  valuable  source  for  the  life  and  institu- 
tions of  early  Rome. 

Strabo  the  geographer,  who  wrote  under  Augustus  and 


The  Augustan  Age  317 

Tiberius,  has  been  mentioned  in  the  chapter  which  treats  P.  74- 
of  the  sources  for  Greek  history. 

In  the  same  age  Vergil,  Rome's  most  splendid  poet,   Vergil, 
wrote  an  epic  poem,  the  y£neid.     In  this  story  of  the 
wanderings  of  ^Eneas  he  glorifies  the  beginnings  of  Rome   Rome,  17, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  the  imperial  family,  which  claimed   World,  461. 
descent  from  the  hero  of  his  poem. 

Horace,  author  of  Odes  and  Satires  and  Epistles  in  Horace, 
verse,  was  the  poet  of  contentment  and  common  sense,  Ancient 
who  bade  his  friends — 

Snatch  gayly  the  joys  which  the  moment  shall  bring, 
And  away  every  care  and  perplexity  fling. 

Leave  the  future  to  the  gods,  he  taught.  A  comfortable 
villa,  some  shady  nook  in  summer,  and  in  winter  a  roar- 
ing fireplace,  good  wine,  pleasant  friends,  and  a  mind 
free  from  care  make  an  ideal  life.  After  the  stormy  end 
of  the  republic,  the  world  needed  such  a  lesson;  and 
though  he  remained  independent  in  spirit,  Horace  quietly 
served  his  prince.  His  work  abounds  in  references  to 
manners,  customs,  and  events,  and  hence  is  valuable  for 
an  understanding  of  the  age. 

In  the  same  age  lived  Ovid,  the  polished  poet  of  the  Ovid, 
gay,  immoral  circle  which  surrounded  Julia,  granddaughter 
of  Augustus.    To  the  student  of  history  his  most  valuable 
work  is  the  Fasti,  a  metrical  calendar  containing  much 
curious  information  regarding  Roman  religion. 

Under   Tiberius    the   republican    reaction    against    the  Veiieius  Pa- 

.  ,  ,         ,-  terculus. 

principate  was  at  its  height;  the  time  was  t  here  I  ore  so 
unfavorable  to  literary  work,  that  this  administration 
produced  no  writers  of  talent  or  especial  merit.  Veiieius 
Paterculus,  who  had  served  Tiberius  as  a  military  offi<  1  r, 
wrote  a  short  History  of  Rome  to  the  year  30  A.D.  The 
earlier  period  he  treats  briefly,  his  own  age  with  greater 


3i8 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


The  Age  of 
the  Good 
Emperors, 
96-180  A.D. 

Tacitus, 
about  55-120 
A.D. 

Ancient 

World,  493. 


fulness.  Wordy  and  pompous,  he  is  nevertheless  fairly 
accurate  in  his  statement  of  facts;  and  for  the  principate 
of  Tiberius  he  enjoys  the  advantage  of  being  our  only 
contemporary  source.  Undoubtedly  sincere  in  his  ad- 
miration of  the  emperor,  he  overflows  with  eulogy,  like  a 
partisan  rather  than  a  calm-tempered  historian. 

The  progress  of  the  Romans  in  morality  and  kindliness 
under  the  early  princes  is  well  represented  by  Seneca.  A 
Spaniard  by  birth,  a  Stoic,  and  a  rhetorician,  he  became 
the  tutor  and  afterward  the  prime  minister  of  Nero.  His 
essays  on  moral  and  philosophic  subjects  are  mostly 
presented  in  the  form  of  Letters  and  Dialogues.  With 
Seneca  we  may  contrast  Petronius,  "Master  of  Pleas- 
ures," at  the  court  of  Nero.  He  wrote  a  character  novel 
in  perhaps  twenty  books,  of  which  we  have  mere  frag- 
ments. The  most  important  is  the  Dinner  of  Trimalchio , 
a  satire  on  a  coarse,  uneducated  freedman  who  had  sud- 
denly grown  rich.  It  is  of  great  value  for  social  life. 
Under  Vespasian  Pliny  the  Elder  wrote  a  Natural  History 
in  thirty-seven  books.  In  addition  to  the  natural  sciences, 
it  includes  geography,  medicine,  and  art.  An  encyclo- 
paedia compiled  from  two  thousand  different  works,  it  is 
a  great  storehouse  of  knowledge.  Not  long  afterward 
Josephus,  a  Hebrew  writer,  composed  two  important 
historical  works,  Jewish  Antiquities  and  The  Jewish  War. 

The  sufferings  of  republicanism  under  Domitian,  fol- 
lowed by  the  happy  reigns  of  Nerva  and  Trajan,  produced 
the  last  great  writers  of  classic  Latin,  Tacitus  and  Juvenal. 
One  wrote  history,  the  other  satire,  yet  with  a  kindred 
spirit.    The  Annals  and  the  Histories  l  of  Tacitus  covered 

1  Of  thf  Annals  we  have  bks.  i-iv,  parts  of  v  and  vi,  and  xi-xvi,  with 
gaps  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  last  group  of  books;  of  the 
Histories  there  remain  bks.  i-iv  and  the  first  half  of  v. 


Tacitus  and  Juvenal  319 

the  period  from  the  death  of  Augustus  to  the  death  of 
Domitian.  Besides  these  larger  works  he  wrote  a  mono- 
graph on  the  Life  and  Character  of  Agricola,  the  conqueror 
of  Britain,  and  another,  the  Germania,  on  the  character 
and  institutions  of  the  Germans  of  his  time.  His  experi- 
ence as  an  army  officer  and  a  statesman  gave  him  a  clear 
understanding  of  military  and  political  events.  He  was 
conscientious,  too,  and  though  he  made  little  use  of  docu- 
ments as  sources,  we  may  trust  his  statement  of  all  facts 
which  could  be  known  to  the  public.  His  style  is  ex- 
ceedingly rapid,  vivid,  and  energetic.  His  excellencies 
as  an  historian,  however,  are  balanced  by  serious  defects. 
Though  he  owed  his  seat  in  the  senate  to  Domitian,  he 
belonged  to  the  strictest  circle  of  aristocrats,  who  were 
dissatisfied  with  the  principate  though  they  had  nothing 
better  to  propose.  Hatred  of  the  "  tyrants  "  from  Tiberius 
to  Domitian,  and  the  bitterness  he  felt  because  of  his 
party's  failure,  supplied  him  with  inspiration  for  his 
gloomy  narrative.  To  most  critics  his  chief  merit  lies  in 
his  dramatic  portrayal  of  character;  but  his  prejudice  led  - 
him  unconsciously  to  invent  bad  motives  even  for  the  best 
acts  of  the  emperors,  especially  of  Tiberius.  His  charac- 
ters, however  vivid  and  self-consistent,  are  the  product  of 
his  gloomy,  bitter  imagination.  Valuable  as  his  work  is  to 
one  who  can  distinguish  between  fact  and  fancy,  it  is  as 
much  satire  as  history. 

Like  the  historian,  Juvenal,  author  of  Satires,  was  power-   Juvenal, 

.   ,  •  r  ^u  i    •        about  00- 

ful  and  dramatic.     With  the  inspiration  ut  wrath  and  in    moA.d. 
the  spirit  of  Tacitus,  he  looked  back  to  the  society  of  Rome 
under  Nero  and  Domitian  to  find  in  it  nothing  hut  hideous   fjgjff^ 
vice.    The  pictures  drawn  by  the  historian  are  grand  and 
fascinating;  those  of  the  satirist  repel  us  by  their  ugliness; 
the  works  of  both  masters  are  unreal. 


32° 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


Pliny  the 
Younger. 


Suetonius, 

about  75- 
160  A.D. 


Aulus 
Gellius, 

born  about 
130  A.D. 


Revival  of 

Hellenic 

literature. 

Dio  Chrysos- 
tom,  about 
40  to  after 
112  A.D. 

Plutarch, 
p.  74. 

Epictetus, 
about  50-120. 


When  Rome  renounced  the  republic,  so  f;ir  as  to  con- 
sider her  emperors  good,  she  lost  her  motive  for  literary 
art.  Her  writers  became  shallow  and  insipid,  without 
thought  or  imagination,  who  could  only  repeat  what  they 
had  read.  The  best  of  this  class  was  Pliny  the  Younger, 
an  orator,  and  for  a  time  governor  of  Bithynia.  One  of 
his  speeches,  a  eulogy  on  Trajan,  which  has  come  down 
to  us,  is  an  example  of  the  tiresome,  feeble  style  of  the 
day.  His  Letters,  polished  yet  trivial,  are  valuable  for  the 
study  of  the  social  life  and  literary  activities  of  his  time. 
The  principate  of  Hadrian  is  represented  in  literature  by 
Suetonius,  for  a  time  the  emperor's  secretary.  In  his 
Lives  of  the  Ccesars  he  arranges  his  material  topically,  with 
little  reference  to  chronological  order.  Though  accurate 
in  his  presentation  of  political  matters,  generally  too  of 
personal  details,  he  has  marred  his  writings  by  the  in- 
troduction of  a  great  amount  of  unfounded  gossip  and 
calumny  against  the  princes  and  their  families.  He  was  a 
compiler  without  literary  talent.  The  same  is  true  of  a 
younger  contemporary,  Aulus  Gellius,  whose  Attic  Nights 
is  a  storehouse  of  literary,  religious,  political  and  legal 
antiquities.  The  title  is  due  to  the  circumstance  that 
the  compilation  of  the  work  occupied  the  author's  even- 
ings during  a  winter  spent  in  Athens. 

A  revival  of  Hellenic  literature  in  the  second  century 
A.D.  produced  some  authors  of  unusual  merit.  The 
literary  activity  of  Dio  Chrysostom,  a  rhetorician  and 
moralist,  extends  from  Vespasian  to  Trajan.  Among  his 
Orations  are  some  which  treat  interestingly  of  morals  and 
of  political  and  social  conditions  in  Greece.  About  the 
same  time  Plutarch  wrote  his  Lives,  referred  to  in  the 
chapter  on  Greek  sources.  In  the  same  generation  with 
Plutarch  lived  Epictetus,  a  Stoic  philosopher,  who  taught 


Second  and  Third  Centuries  A.D.    321 

the  brotherhood  of  man  and  the  loving  goodness  of  God 

the  all-wise  Father.     His  Discourses  were  written  down 

by  a  pupil,  Arrian,  whose  Anabasis  of  Alexander  has  al-   P-  75- 

ready  been  mentioned.    In  Arrian's  generation  Appian  of 

Alexandria  wrote  a  narrative  History  of  Rome.    It  is  true  Appian, 

that  he  was  uncritical,  yet  we  find  much  valuable  in-    175. 

formation  in  the  parts  of  his  work  which  are  still  extant. 

Somewhat  later  Marcus  Aurelius  composed  in  Greek  his   Marcus 

Meditations,  philosophic  thoughts  written  down  by  the   \ 21-180.' 

Stoic  emperor  without  order,  just  as  they  occurred  to  him. 

To  the  period  following  his  reign  belongs  the  active  life  of 

Dio  Cassius  of  Bithynia.    Although  a  Greek,  he  became   Dio  Cassius, 

t->  1  1     1  1  1-    •    •  about  155- 

a  Roman  senator  and  held  various  important  admimstra-  240. 
tive  offices.  This  experience  in  practical  affairs  was  of  the 
greatest  value  to  him  as  a  historian.  He  composed  in 
Greek  a  History  of  Rome  in  eighty  books,  extending  from 
the  earliest  times  to  229  A.D.  The  work  shows  remark- 
able insight  and  judgment.  We  have  books  xxxvi-lx  en- 
tire, with  fragments  and  an  abridgment  of  the  rest.  The 
period  following  Marcus  Aurelius,  180-228  A.D.,  repre- 
sented by  fragments  of  Dio  Cassius,  is  covered  in  the 
History  of  the  Empire  Since  Marcus  Aurelius  by  Herodian,    Herodian, 

J    J  r  J  •    about  165- 

a  Greek  who  lived  somewhat  later.  255. 

Several  minor  sources  deserve  briefer  mention.  Floras,  Minor 
whose  time  and  country  are  unknown,  composed  in  a 
highly  rhetorical  style  an  Epitome  of  Roman  History  from 
the  founding  of  the  city  to  the  beginning  of  the  empire. 
At  the  requesl  of  Valens,  Eutropius  wrote  a  dry  Com- 
pendium of  Roman  History  to  the  accession  of  his  patron 
364  A.D.  Aurelius  Victor,  who  lived  in  the  fourth  cen- 
tury A.I).,  is  said  to  have  composed  the  Origin  of  the 
Roman  Nation;  On  the  Illustrious  Men  of  the  City  of  Rome; 
The   Ccesars,    brief    biographies    of    the    emperors    from 


322 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


Ammianus 
Marcellinus, 
about  33Q- 
401  A.D. 


Res  Gcsta. 


Macrobius. 


Christian 
Writers. 


i^actantius, 
about  260- 
330  A.D. 


Augustus  to  Constantius;  Life  and  Character  of  the  Roman 
Emperors,  from  Augustus  to  Theodosius.  It  is  probable, 
however,  that  all  these  works  are  not  by  the  same  hand. 
The  six  authors  of  the  Augustan  History — the  lives  of  the 
emperors  from  Hadrian  to  Numerianus,  117-284  A.D. — 
wrote  under  Diocletian  and  Constantine,  and  dedicated 
their  biographies  to  the  one  or  the  other  of  these  em- 
perors. Spartianus  was  the  author  of  the  life  of  Hadrian; 
and  Capitolinus  of  the  lives  of  Antoninus  Pius  and  Marcus 
Aurelius.  This  work,  however  devoid  of  literary  merit,  is 
a  highly  important  source. 

An  author  of  incomparably  greater  historical  insight 
and  judgment  was  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  a  Greek  of 
Antioch,  Syria.  Born  in  the  reign  of  Constantine,  he  en- 
tered the  army  at  an  early  age  and  attained  to  high  com- 
mands in  a  long  and  honorable  career.  Late  in  life  he 
wrote  in  Latin  a  history  of  the  emperors'  Achievements 
from  Nerva  to  Valens  in  thirty-one  books.  There  remain 
only  books  XIV-XXXI.  His  attention  to  personal  and 
racial  character,  customs  and  social  conditions  makes  his 
work  unusually  interesting  and  instructive.  He  was  the 
last  distinguished  historian  of  Rome.  Approximately  to 
the  date  of  his  death  belongs  the  Saturnalia  of  Macrobius, 
a  dialogue  of  learned  men  on  literary  questions,  religion, 
and  various  customs  of  earlier  Rome.  This  work  should 
be  classed  with  the  Attic  Nights  of  Gellius. 

Among  the  Christian  writers  of  ancient  times  the  first 
in  order  are  the  authors  of  the  books  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment. Then  follow  a  succession  of  "Christian  Fathers," 
who  interpreted  and  expanded  the  doctrines  of  the  Church. 
Of  this  class  the  earliest  author  represented  in  the  present 
volume  is  Lactantius,  a  contemporary  of  Diocletian  and 
Constantine.    A  rhetorician  of  fine  literary  taste,  he  was 


Fourth  and  Fifth  Centuries  A.D.    323 

converted  to  Christianity  probably  in  the  last  persecu- 
tion. Among  his  numerous  writings  the  sketch  entitled 
On  the  Manner  in  which  the  Persecutors  died  is  of  chief 
interest  to  students  of  history.  A  doubt  once  raised  as  to 
its  authenticity  seems  to  be  groundless.  To  the  same 
generation  belongs  Eusebius,  bishop  of  Cesarea,  an  inti-  Eusebius. 
mate  friend  and  ardent  admirer  of  Constantine.  He 
was  a  zealous  Christian  and  a  learned,  prolific  writer. 
His  Ecclesiastical  History  in  ten  books  narrates  in  detail 
the  rise  of  Christianity  and  its  relation  to  the  empire. 

A  later  age  is  represented  by  St.  Jerome.  He  was  a  St.  Jerome, 
man  of  native  ability  and  broad  deep  learning,  whose  a4d.42° 
ascetic  temperament  led  him  to  pass  five  years  in  solitary 
life  among  the  hermits  of  the  Syrian  desert.  He  is  es- 
pecially Celebrated  for  his  translation  of  the  Scriptures 
into  Latin.  This  version  is  known  as  the  Vulgate.  He 
was  chiefly  instrumental,  too,  in  introducing  monastic  life 
into  the  West.  His  Letters  are  a  storehouse  of  informa- 
tion on  all  aspects  of  social  life  of  his  age.  Even  more 
distinguished  is  his  younger  contemporary,  St.  Augustine,  St.  Augus- 
whose  Confessions  gives  an  account  of  his  own  life,  and  ^ajc4." 
incidentally  throws  light  on  the  times  in  which  he  lived. 
A  philosopher  and  teacher  of  rhetoric,  he  was  converted 
to  Christianity,  and  baptized  in  his  thirty-third  year. 
Thenceforth  he  was  a  most  zealous  supporter  of  the  faith. 
His  various  writings,  filling  sixteen  large  volumes,  have 
contributed  more  than  the  works  of  any  other  man  to  the 
final  shaping  of  Catholic  Christianity.  Along  with  his 
Confessions  the  work  of  greatest  interesl  to  the  general 
student  of  history  is  his  City  of  God.  A  leading  objeel  of 
this  book  is  to  refute  the  charge  of  the  pagans  thai  the 
misfortunes  of  Rome  were  due  to  Christianity.  I  It- 
demonstrates  accordingly  the  infinite   superiority  of  his 


3H 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


Salvianus. 


De  gulurna 
(tone  Dei. 


Eginhard. 


Inscriptions 
and  build- 
ings. 


God  in  goodness  and  protecting  power  to  the  countless 
deities  of  pagan  Rome.  A  still  later  author  is  Salvianus, 
presbyter  of  Marseilles,  who  lived  nearly  through  the 
fifth  century — through  the  confusion  and  violence  of  the 
barbarian  invasions.  In  his  Providence  of  God  he  explains 
the  misfortunes  of  the  times  as  divine  punishments  of  the 
wealthy,  governing  class  for  their  immorality,  greed,  and 
oppression.  His  fiery  zeal  leads  him  to  exaggerate  the 
miseries  and  the  vices  of  his  age.  These  defenders  of  the 
faith  are  merely  representative  of  a  host  of  Christian 
Fathers. 

Quite  distinct  is  the  last  author  of  this  volume,  Egin- 
hard, secretary  and  private  chaplain  of  Charlemagne. 
His  Life  of  the  Emperor  Karl  the  Great,  sl  simple  trust- 
worthy Latin  narrative,  is  the  only  piece  of  historical 
writing  of  the  period  in  which  it  falls. 

Inscriptions,  too,  form  an  exceedingly  valuable  source. 
Almost  wholly  wanting  in  the  regal  period  and  early 
republic,  they  grow  abundant  toward  the  end  of  the  re- 
publican period;  and  for  the  administration  of  the  empire 
they  furnish  the  most  precious  information.  For  a  full 
and  accurate  appreciation  of  Roman  history,  the  public 
works  should  also  be  studied. 


AUTHORS  AND   DOCUMENTS 

Ammianus  Marcellinus,  translated  by  C.  D.  Yonge.    Macmillan. 

Appian,  Roman  History,  translated  by  White.    2  vols.    Macmillan. 

Augustan  History,  by  Capitolinus,  Spartianus,  etc.  Selections  trans- 
lated by  the  editors. 

Augustine,  St.,  Confessions,  translated  by  W.  Montgomery.  Cam- 
bridge: University  Press.  City  of  God,  translated  by  J.  Healey. 
3  vols.    London:  Dent. 

Augustus,  Deeds  ("Monumentum  Ancyranum"),  translated  by 
Fairley,  in  "Translations  and  Reprints  from  the  Original  Sources 
of  European  History,"  V.     University  of  Pennsylvania. 


Authors  and  Documents  325 

Aurelius  Antoninus,  Marcus,  Meditations,  translated  by  Long.     New 

York:  A.  L.  Burt  Company. 
Aurelius  Victor,  The  Ccesars.    Selection  translated  by  Miss  Rachel 

R.  Hiller. 
Caesar,  Commentaries,  translated  by  W.  A.  McDevitte.    Macmillan. 

Revised  by  the  editors. 
Cato,  On  Agriculture,  translated  by  Dr.  E.  H.  Oliver. 
Catullus,  Poems,  translated  (Bohn).    Macmillan. 
Cicero,  Orations,  translated  by  C.  D.  Yonge.    Macmillan.    Republic, 

edited  and  translated  by  Hardingham.    London:  Quaritch. 
Dio  Cassius,  Roman  History,  translated  by  H.  B.  Foster.     6  vols. 

Troy,  N.  Y.:  Pafraets. 
Dio  Chrysostom,  Orations.    Selections  translated  by  the  editors. 
Diodorus  Siculus,  Historical  Library,  translated  by  Booth.    London. 

1814.     (Out  of  print.)     Revised  by  the  editors. 
Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  Roman  Antiquities,  translated  by  Spel- 
man.    London.    1758.    (Out  of  print.)    Revised  by  the  editors. 
Eginhard,  Life  of  the  Emperor  Karl  the  Great,  translated  by  W.  Glais- 

ter.    London:  Bell. 
Epictetus,  Discourses,  translated  by  George  Long.    Macmillan. 
Eusebius,  Ecclesiastical  History,  in  "Nicene  and  Post-Nicene  Fath- 
ers," I. 
Gellius,  Aulus,  Attic  Nights,  translated  by  Beloe.     (Out  of  print.) 

Revised  by  Dr.  E.  G.  Sihler. 
Herodian,  History.    Selection  translated  by  the  editors. 
Horace,  Works,  translated  by  Martin.     2  vols.    Scribners. 
Inscriptions,  Latin,  translated  by  the  editors,  unless  otherwise  stated. 
Jerome,  St.,  Letters,  in  "Nicene  and  Post-Nicene  Fathers,"  VI. 
Josephus,  Works,  translated  by  W.  Whiston,  revised  by  Shilleto. 

5  vols.    Macmillan. 
Justin,  Nepos,  and  Eutropius,  translated  (Bohn).     Macmillan. 
Juvenal,  Satires  (D.  Iunii  Iuvenalis  Satirce)  with  a  Literal  Knglish 

Prose  Translation  and  Notes  by  Lewis.    Macmillan. 
Koran.     Selections  from  the  Kur-dn,  edited  by  Stanley  Lane-Poole. 

London,  1879. 
Lactam  in-,  On  the  Manner  in  which  the  Persecutors  died,  in  "Ante- 

Xii  ene  Fathers,"  VI  I. 
Livy,  History  of  Rome,  translated  by  Spillan.    .\  vols.    Macmillan. 
Revised  by  the  editors. 


326  Italy  and  her  People 

Lucretius,  On  the  Nature  of  the  World  (T.  Lucreti  Cari,  dc  Rcrnm 
Natitra  libri  sex)  translated  by  Munro.    London:  Bell. 

New  Testament,  The. 

Ovid,  Fasti,  translated  (Bohn).    Macmillan. 

Papyri.    See  p.  76. 

Petronius,  Banquet  of  Trimalchio,  translated  by  H.  T.  Peck.  Dodd, 
Mead  and  Co. 

Pliny  the  Elder,  Natural  History,  translated.  6  vols.  (Bohn)  Mac- 
millan. 

Pliny,  Letters,  translated  by  Church  and  Brodribb.  Philadelphia: 
Lippincott. 

Plutarch,  Lives,  translated  by  Stewart  and  Long.  4  vols.  Mac- 
millan. 

Polybius,  Histories,  translated  by  Shuckburgh.     2  vols.    Macmillan. 

Sallust,  Florus,  and  Velleius  Paterculus,  translated  (Bohn).  Mac- 
millan. 

Salvianus,  Providence  of  God.    Selection  translated  by  the  editors. 

Strabo,  Geography,  translated  by  Hamilton  and  Falconer.  Revised 
by  the  editors. 

Suetonius,  Lives  of  the  Ccesars,  translated  by  Thomas,  revised  by 
Forester.    Macmillan. 

Tacitus,  Annals,  translated  by  Church  and  Brodribb.  Macmillan. 
Germania,  translated  by  W.  H.  Fyfe.    Oxford:  Clarendon  Press. 

Theodosian  Code.    Selection  translated  by  Dr.  E.  G.  Sihler. 

Vergil,  JEneid,  translated  by  Crane  (verse) .  New  York :  Baker,  Taylor. 

B.  ITALY  AND  HER  PEOPLE 
I.  The  Po  Valley 

The  form  of  Italy  as  a  whole  is  a  triangle,  of  which  the  eastern  side 
is  bounded  by  the  Ionian  Sea  and  the  Adriatic  Gulf,  the 

Polybius  11.  southern  and  western  sides  by  the  Sicilian  and  Tyrrhenian 
(or  Tuscan)  seas.  These  two  sides  converge  to  form  the 
apex  of  the  triangle.  .  .  .  The  third  side,  or  base,  of  this 
triangle  is  on  the  north,  and  is  formed  by  the  chain  of  the 
Alps,  which  stretches  across  the  country  from  Marseilles 
and  the  Sardinian  Sea,  with  no  break,  nearly  to  the  head 
of  the  Adriatic  Sea. 


u 


Northern  Italy  327 

To  the  south  of  this  range,  which  I  said  we  must  re-   The  valley 
gard  as  the  base  of  the  triangle,  are  the  most  northerly 
plains  of  Italy,  the  largest  and  most  fertile,  so  far  as  I 
know,  in  all  Europe.    This  is  the  district  with  which  we 
are  at  present  concerned. 

It  is  a  superb  plain  variegated  with  fruitful  hills.  The  Strabo  v.  1. 
Po  divides  it  almost  through  the  midst;  one  side  is  called 
Cispadana,  and  the  other  Transpadana.  Cispadana  in- 
cludes the  part  next  to  the  Apennines,  together  with  Li- 
guria;  and  Transpadana  includes  the  remainder.  The 
Ligurians  of  the  mountains  and  the  Celts  of  the  plain  (Or  Gauls.) 
occupy  Cispadana;  the  Celts  and  the  Venetians  inhabit 
the  other  division. 

The  fertility  of  the  Po  valley  is  proved  by  its  population,  The  prod- 
the  size  of  the  cities,  and  its  wealth;  in  all  these  respects 
the  Romans  of  this  country  surpass  the  rest  of  Italy.  The  Strabo  v.  1. 
cultivated  land  produces  fruits  in  abundance  and  of  every 
kind,  and  the  woods  contain  so  great  a  quantity  of  mast 
that  Rome  is  supplied  chiefly  from  the  swine  fed  there. 
As  it  is  well  watered,  it  produces  millet  to  perfection.  This 
condition  affords  the  greatest  security  against  famine,  as 
millet  resists  every  severity  of  climate,  and  never  fails 
even  when  other  grains  are  scarce.  The  pitch  works  are 
amazing,  and  the  casks  prove  the  abundance  of  wine;  for 
the  casks,  formed  of  wood,  are  larger  than  houses,  and 
the  ureat  supply  of  pitch  makes  them  inexpensive. 

The  soft  wood,  which  is  by  far  the  best,  is  produce*  1  in 
the  country  round  Mutina  (modern  Modena)  and  the 
Scultanna  River.  The  coarse  wool,  on  the  other  hand, 
which  forms  the  main  article  of  clothing  among  the  Italian 
slaves,  is  grown  in  Liguria  and  the  country  of  the  Symbri. 
A  medium  kind,  grown  about  Patavium  (modern  I'adu 
is  used  for  the  finer  carpets,  cassocks,  and  everything  else 


328 


Italy  and  her  People 


The   people. 

Polybius  ii. 

17- 
(Phlegraean, 

"Volcanic," 

from  the  fact 

that  the  soil 

contained 

much 

volcanic 

matter.) 


Their  power. 


Diodorus  v. 
40. 


Their  learn- 
ing. 

(To  the  time 
of  Diodorus; 
P-  73  ■) 


of  the  same  sort  with  the  wool  on  one  or  both  sides.  The 
mines  are  not  now  worked  so  diligently,  because  they  are  not 
equally  profitable  with  those  of  Transalpine  Gaul  and  Iberia. 

II.  The  Etruscans 

These  plains  (of  the  Po)  were  anciently  inhabited  by  the 
Etruscans,  who  at  the  same  time  occupied  the  Phlegra?an 
plains  round  Capua  and  Nola;  the  two  places  last  men- 
tioned have  been  most  celebrated,  because  they  were 
visited  by  many  people,  and  so  became  known.  In  speak- 
ing then  of  the  Etruscan  empire,  we  should  not  refer  to  the 
district  occupied  by  the  Etruscans,  at  the  present  time, 
but  to  these  northern  plains,  and  to  what  they  did  when 
they  lived  there. 

In  ancient  times  they  were  valiant,  and  enjoyed  a  large 
country,  and  built  many  famous  cities.  With  their  great 
navy  they  were  masters  of  the  sea  which  washes  the  west 
coast  of  Italy,  and  which  they  called  Tyrrhenian  (or 
Tuscan),  after  their  own  name.  As  one  of  their  military 
equipments  they  had  invented  a  most  useful  instrument 
of  war, — the  trumpet,  which  from  them  is  called  Tyrrhena. 
To  the  generals  of  their  army  they  gave  as  badges  of  honor 
an  ivory  throne  and  a  purple  robe.  They  invented  porti- 
coes for  their  houses,  to  avoid  the  trouble  and  noise  of  a 
crowd  of  servants,  and  other  hangers-on.  Introducing 
these  customs  into  their  commonwealth,  the  Romans 
greatly  improved  them. 

The  Etruscans  gave  themselves  up  to  learning,  especially 
to  the  study  of  nature.  In  these  researches  they  were 
especially  anxious  to  discover  the  meaning  of  thunder  and 
lightning.  To  this  day,  therefore,  they  are  admired  by 
princes  the  world  over,  who  employ  their  soothsayers  in 
interpreting  the  supernatural  effects  of  thunder. 


Central  and  Southern  Italy  329 

They  enjoy  a  very  rich  country,  well  tilled  and  im-   Their  lux- 
proved;  and  so  reap  abundance  of  all  sorts  of  fruits,  not 
only  for  necessary  food  but  for  pleasure  and  delight. 

They  have  their  tables  spread  twice  a  day,  furnished 
with  every  variety  of  food,  even  to  luxury  and  excess. 

Their  carpets  are  interwoven  with  flower  designs,  and 
they  use  a  great  many  silver  cups  of  many  forms.  Of 
household  servants  they  have  a  large  number,  some  very 
beautiful,  others  rich  in  apparel,  above  the  condition  of 
servants.  Slaves  and  freedmen  alike  have  several  apart- 
ments allowed  them,  completely  furnished  and  adorned. 

Finally  the  Etruscans  threw  off  their  primitive  sobriety, 
and  now  live  an  idle,  profligate  life  in  riot  and  drunken- 
ness. There  is  no  wonder  then  that  they  have  lost  the 
honor  and  reputation  their  fathers  gained  through  warlike 
achievemen. 

III.  Latium  and  Campania 


The  whole  of  Latium  is  fertile,  and  abounds  in  every  Latium 
product;  we  should  except  a  few  districts  along  the  coast,  strabo 
which  are  marshy  and  unhealthful.  .  .  .  Some  parts 
also  may  be  too  mountainous;  yet  even  these  regions  are 
not  absolutely  idle  and  useless,  for  they  furnish  abundant 
pasturage,  wood,  and  the  peculiar  products  of  marsh  and 
rock.  For  instance,  Caecubum,  wholly  a  marsh,  nourishes 
a  vine,  which  produces  excellent  wine. 

One  of  the  maritime  cities  of  Latium  is  Ostia.  It  has  Ostia. 
no  port  because  of  the  accumulation  of  silt  brought  down 
by  the  Tiber,  which  is  swelled  by  many  rivers.  Vessels 
therefore  come  to  anchor  furl  her  out,  and  yet  with  some 
danger.  Gain,  however,  overcomes  everything;  for  there 
are  many  lighters  in  readiness  to  freighl  and  unfreighl  the 
larger  ships  before  they  approach  the  mouth  of  the  river, 


v-3-5 


$30  Italy  and  her   People 

to  enable  them  to  finish  their  voyage  speedily.    Lightened 

of  a  part  of  their  cargo,  they  enter  the  river  and  sail  up  to 

(A  stadium      Rome,  a  distance  of  a  hundred  and  ninety  stadia.    Such 

is  about  600 

feet.)  is  the  city  of  Ostia  founded  by  Ancus  Marcius. 

Campania.  Next  in  order  after  Latium  is  Campania,  which  extends 

Strabov.4.3.  along  the  Tuscan  Sea.  .  .  .  This  plain  is  fertile  above 
all  others,  and  is  entirely  surrounded  by  fruitful  hills  and 
the  Samnite  and  Oscan  mountains. 

The  plains  about  Capua  are  the  best  in  Italy  for  fertility 
and  beauty  and  nearness  to  the  sea,  and  for  the  harbors, 

Polybius  iii.  jnt0  which  run  the  merchants  who  are  sailing  to  Italy  from 
all  parts  of  the  world.  They  contain,  too,  the  most  famous 
and  beautiful  cities  of  Italy.  ...  In  the  centre  of  these 
plains  lies  the  richest  of  all  the  cities, — Capua.  No  tale 
in  all  mythology  wears  a  greater  appearance  of  probability 
than  that  which  is  told  of  these  lowlands,  which  like  others 
of  remarkable  beauty  are  called  the  Phlegraean  plains;  for 
surely  none  are  more  likely  for  beauty  and  fertility  to  have 
been  contended  for  by  the  gods. 

In  addition  to  these  advantages,  they  are  strongly 
sheltered  by  nature  and  difficult  of  approach;  for  one 
side  is  protected  by  the  sea,  and  the  rest  by  a  long  high 
chain  of  mountains,  through  which  lead  but  three  passes 
from   the  interior,   all   narrow  and   difficult, — one   from 

The  text  is      Samnium  (a  second  from  Latium),  and  a  third  from  Hir- 

uncertain.  .    . 

pint. 
Strabov.4.3.  One  proof  of  the  fertility  of  this  country  is  that  it  pro- 
duces the  finest  corn.  I  refer  to  the  grain  from  which  a 
groat  is  made  superior  to  all  kinds  of  rice,  and  to  almost 
all  other  farinaceous  food.  They  say  that  some  of  the 
plains  are  bearing  crops  all  the  year  round, — two  crops 
of  rye,  a  third  of  panic,  and  sometimes  a  fourth  of  vege- 
tables.   From  there,  too,  the  Romans  procure  their  finest 


The  City  of  Rome  331 

w  ines.  .  .  .    Furthermore,  the  whole  country  round  Vena- 
frum,  and  bordering  the  plains,  is  rich  in  olives. 

IV.  Rome 

In.  the  interior  the  first  city  above  Ostia  is  Rome — the  Situation, 
only  city  built  on  the  Tiber.  Its  position  was  fixed  by  Strabov.;,.: 
necessity  rather  than  choice.  We  may  add  that  those  who 
afterward  enlarged  it  were  not  at  liberty  to  select  a  better 
site,  as  they  were  prevented  by  what  was  already  built.  .  .  . 
It  seems  to  me  that  the  first  founders  were  of  the  opinion, 
in  regard  to  themselves  and  their  successors,  that  the 
Romans  had  to  depend  not  on  fortifications  but  on  arms 
and  valor,  for  safety  and  wealth,  and  that  walls  were  not  a 
defence  to  men,  but  men  were  a  defence  to  walls.  At  the 
time  of  its  founding,  when  the  large  and  fertile  districts 
about  the  city  belonged  to  others,  and  while  it  lay  easily 
open  to  assault,  there  was  nothing  in  its  position  which 
could  be  looked  upon  as  favorable;  but  when  by  valor  and 
labor  these  districts  became  its  own,  there  succeeded  a 
tide  of  prosperity  which  surpassed  the  advantages  of  every 
other  place. 

Notwithstanding  the  prodigious  increase  of  the  city,  Buildings, 
there  has  been  plenty  of  food,  and  of  wood  and  stone  for 
ceaseless  building,  made  necessary  by  the  falling  down  of 
houses,  by  fires,  and  by  sales,  which  seem  never  to  cease. 
These  sales  are  a  kind  of  voluntary  destruction  of  houses; 
each  owner  tears  down  and  rebuilds  one  part  or  another 
according  to  his  own  taste.  For  these  purposes  the  many 
quarries,  the  forests,  and  the  rivers  which  convey  the 
materials,  offer  wonderful  facilities.   .   .   . 

To  avert  from  the  city  damages  of  the  kind  referred  to, 
Augustus  Caesar  instituted  a  company  of  freedmen  to  lend 
assistance  at  fin-.;  and  to  prevenl  the  falling  of  houses, 


332  Italy  and  her  People 

he  decreed  tl  at  new  buildings  should  not  be  carried  so 
high  as  formerly,  and  that  those  erected  along  the  public 
streets  should  not  exceed  seventy  feet  in  height.  These 
improvements  must  have  ceased,  had  it  not  been  for  the 
facilities  a  Horded  by  the  quarries,  the  forests,  and  the  ease 
of  transportation. 

Creatness.  Rome   is   now   mistress  of   every   accessible   country; 

every  sea  owns  her  power.  She  is  the  first  and  only  state 
recorded  in  history  which  ever  made  the  East  and  West  the 
boundaries  of  her  empire.    And  her  dominion  has  not  been 

Dionysiusi.3.  of  short  duration,  but  more  lasting  than  that  of  any  other 
commonwealth  or  kingdom.  For  after  the  city  had  been 
founded,  she  conquered  many  warlike  nations,  her  neigh- 
bors, and  still  advanced,  overcoming  all  opposition.  .  .  . 
By  the  conquest  of  all  Italy,  she  was  emboldened  to  pro- 
ceed even  to  universal  empire;  and  having  driven  the 
Carthaginians  from  off  the  sea,  whose  maritime  strength 
was  superior  to  all  others,  she  subdued  Macedon,  the  most 
powerful  nation  by  land  till  that  time;  and  as  no  enemy 
was  left  either  among  the  Greeks  or  the  barbarians,  she  is 
mistress  of  the  whole  world.  .  .  .  There  is  no  nation  that 
claims  a  share  in  her  universal  power,  or  refuses  obedience 
to  it.  But  I  need  say  no  more  to  prove  that  I  have  not 
made  choice  of  a  petty  subject,  or  proposed  to  relate  triv- 
ial or  obscure  actions,  but  have  undertaken  the  history  of 
the  most  illustrious  state  and  of  the  most  brilliant  achieve- 
ments that  can  possibly  be  treated. 

STUDIES 

i.  Describe  the  products  of  the  Po  Valley.  What  was  its  value  to 
Rome? 

2.  Who  were  the  Etruscans?  Give  an  account  of  their  civiliza- 
tion. 


Studies  333 

3.  How  does  Latium  compare  with  Etruria?  Is  it  more  or  less 
fertile  than  Campania? 

4.  Describe  the  situation  of  Rome.  What  is  said  of  her  build- 
ings? What  came  to  be  her  political  position?  Name  the  authors 
of  the  selections  I-IV  and  state  when  each  lived  and  what  he 
wrote. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 


ROME  UNDER  THE   KINGS 


The  found- 
ing of  Rome. 

Dionysius   i. 
88. 


The  Romans 
founded 
their  colonies 
in  this  way, 
and  there- 
fore believed 
their  own 
city  to  have 
been  thus 
founded.    In 
fact  all  their 
fundamental 
institutions, 
religious, 
social,  and 
political, 
they  uncriti- 
cally assigned 
to  their 
kings  as 
founders. 


The  tribes 
and  the 
curiae. 


I.  Romulus 

When  everything  was  performed  which  he  conceived  to 
be  acceptable  to  the  gods,  he  called  all  the  people  to  a  place 
appointed,  and  described  a  quadrangular  figure  about 
the  hill,  tracing  with  a  plow  drawn  by  a  bull  and  a 
cow  yoked  together,  one  continuous  furrow,  designed  to 
receive  the  foundation  of  the  wall;  hence  this  custom  re- 
mains among  the  Romans  of  tracing  a  furrow  with  a  plow 
round  the  place  where  they  design  to  build  the  city.  After 
he  had  finished  these  things  and  sacrificed  the  bull  and  the 
cow,  and  also  having  performed  the  initial  gift  of  many 
other  sacrifices,  he  set  the  people  to  work.  This  day  the 
Romans  even  at  present  celebrate  every  year  as  one  of 
their  greatest  festivals,  and  call  it  Parilia  (April  21).  On 
that  day,  which  falls  in  the  beginning  of  the  spring,  the 
husbandmen  and  shepherds  offer  up  a  sacrifice  of  thanks- 
giving for  the  increase  of  their  cattle.  But  I  cannot  cer- 
tainly say  whether  they  anciently  chose  this  day  as  one  of 
public  rejoicing;  and  for  that  reason  looked  upon  it  as  the 
most  fitting  for  the  building  of  the  city;  or,  whether  the 
building  of  it  having  been  begun  on  that  day,  they  con- 
secrated it,  and  dedicated  it  to  the  worship  of  those  gods 
who  are  propitious  to  shepherds. 

Appointed  king,  Romulus  proved  himself  brave  and 
skilful  in  war  and  wise  in  the  adoption  of  a  most  excellent 

334 


Patricians,   Plebeians  and  Clients      335 

form  of  government.  He  divided  the  whole  population  Dionysius 
into  three  parts,  each  of  which  he  placed  under  the  com-  (abridged), 
mand  of  a  distinguished  person.  Then  dividing  these  parts 
into  ten  companies,  he  appointed  the  bravest  men  to  be 
their  leaders.  The  larger  divisions  he  called  tribes,  and  the 
smaller  curia.  The  leaders  of  the  tribes  were  tribunes; 
those  of  the  curiae  were  curiones. 

Another  division  of  the  population  he  made  on  the  prin-  The  social 

clflSS6S 

ciple  of  honor  and  worth.  Those  who,  illustrious  by  birth 
and  commended  for  their  virtue,  were  well-to-do  and  had 
children,  he  separated  from  the  ignoble  and  base  and  needy. 
Those  of  inferior  fortune  he  called  plebeians;  the  better  Ancient 

,*     1         n    ,  1  i  j         World,  no  i 

class  he  named  patres  (fathers;  because  they  were  older 
than  the  rest,  or  because  they  had  children,  or  on  account 
of  their  illustrious  birth,  or  for  all  these  reasons.  Their 
descendants  were  called  patricians.  Whenever  the  king 
wished  to  bring  the  patricians  together,  his  heralds  used 
to  summon  them  by  their  own  name  and  that  of  the  father; 
but  the  common  people  were  called  to  the  assembly  by 
servants,  who  went  about  trumpeting  on  ox-horns. 

After  Romulus  had  distinguished  the  nobles  from  the 
commons,  he  passed  laws  to  regulate  the  duties  of  each 
rank.  The  nobles  were  to  be  priests,  magistrates,  and 
judges,  and  were  to  help  him  manage  the  affairs  of  the 
city.  The  commons  he  excused  from  this  business,  for 
they  had  neither  experience  in  such  matters  nor  leisure  to 
attend  to  them.  They  were  to  farm,  to  rear  cattle,  and  to 
carry  on  the  money-making  industries,  that  they  mighl 
have  no  time  for  party  strife,  such  as  we  find  in  other 
cities,  where  those  in  office  abuse  the  lower  classes,  and  the 
base  and  needy  envy  the  richer  citizens. 

Placing  the  plebeians  as  a  trusl   in  the  hands  of  the  Tjw  patrons 
patricians,   he  permitted   each   commoner   to  choose  as  clients. 


(Dionysius 
is  probably 
wrong  in  as- 
suming that 
all  plebeians 
became 
clients.) 


(We  infer 
that  the 
clients  had 
a  right  to 
vote.) 

The   senate 
and  the 
assembly 

Ancient 

World,  332. 

(The  comitia 
tiiriata.) 


The  liber- 
ality of  Rome 
toward 
strangers. 

Dionysius  ii. 
16. 


336  Rome  Under  the  Kings 

• 

patron  the  noble  whom  he  wished.  The  patrons  were  to 
explain  the  laws  to  their  clients,  who  were  ignorant  of  such 
matters,  and  to  watch  over  their  business  affairs  as  a  father 
does  for  his  children,  to  sue  for  them  when  they  were  un- 
justly treated,  and  to  defend  them  when  sued.  The  clients 
were  to  contribute  to  the  dowry  of  their  patron's  daughters, 
to  furnish  the  ransom  in  case  the  patron  or  his  son  should 
be  taken  captive,  to  pay  their  lord's  fines,  and  to  bear 
part  of  the  expenses  of  the  offices  he  held,  that  he  might 
perform  his  public  duties  with  becoming  dignity.  It  was 
impious  for  patron  and  client  to  accuse  each  other  or  to 
testify  or  vote  against  each  other. 

After  making  these  arrangements,  Romulus  resolved  to 
appoint  councillors  who  were  to  help  him  manage  the  gov- 
ernment. For  this  purpose  he  selected  a  hundred  men  from 
the  patricians,  and  called  this  council  the  senate.  He 
made  also  an  assembly  of  commons,  to  which  he  granted 
three  powers,— the  election  of  magistrates,  the  ratification 
of  laws,  and  the  decision  of  questions  of  war  and  peace. 
The  resolutions  of  the  assembly,  however,  had  no  force 
unless  the  senate  approved  them. 

The  most  effective  of  all  the  arrangements  of  Romulus — 
the  one  which  did  most  not  only  to  maintain  the  freedom 
of  Rome,  but  also  to  win  for  her  the  supremacy  over  other 
states — was  the  law  which  bade  the  Romans  not  to  mas- 
sacre or  enslave  conquered  peoples  or  to  lay  waste  their 
land,  but  to  settle  part  of  the  conquered  territory  with 
Roman  citizens,  to  found  colonies  in  some  conquered 
towns,  and  to  give  others  the  Roman  citizenship.  The 
kings  who  followed  him,  and  still  later  the  annual  magis- 
trates (consuls),  carried  out  his  liberal  policy  to  such  an 
extent  that  in  time  the  Roman  nation  came  to  excel  all 
others  in  population. 


Institutions  of  Romulus  337 

Romulus  sent  a  colony  of  three  hundred  men  into  each  Roman  colo- 

1  ,1  1  •    1  r    1     •     1        1  1        nies;  admis- 

city,  to  whom  these  gave  a  third  part  of  their  lands  to  be  sion  of 
divided  among  them  by  lot;  and  these  Caeninenses  and  citfzenship. 
Antemnates,  who  desired  to  remove  to  Rome,  he  conveyed   Dionysius  ii. 
thither  together  with  their  wives  and  children,  they  re-  3S" 
taining  the  possession  of  their  lands,  and  bringing  with 
them  all  their  effects.    These,  who  were  not  less  than  three 
thousand,  the  king  immediately  incorporated  with  the 
tribes  and  the  curia?:  so  that  the  Romans  had  then  for 
the  first  time  six  thousand  foot  in  all  upon  the  register. 
Thus  Caenina  and  Antemna,  no  inconsiderable  cities  .  .  . 
after  this  war  became  Roman  colonies. 

The  care  of  religion  he  intrusted  to  many  persons.    In  Religion, 
no  other  newly  built  city  could  be  found  so  many  priests  Dionysius  ii. 

21. 

and  attendants  of  the  gods.  .  .  .  Each  curia  elected  two 
men  above  fifty  years  of  age,  of  noble  birth,  of  good  char- 
acter and  sufficient  wealth,  and  of  sound  body,  to  act  as 
priests  for  the  remainder  of  their  lives,  exempt  from  mili- 
tary and  political  duties.  And  as  it  was  necessary  that 
the  women  and  the  children  should  have  some  part  in  per- 
forming religious  rites,  Romulus  enacted  that  the  wives  of 
priests  should  assist  their  husbands  in  religious  services, 
and  that  the  women  and  children  should  attend  to  those 
ceremonies  which  could  not  lawfully  be  performed  by  men. 

Romulus  gave  the  father  absolute,  lifelong  power  over  The  power 
the  son,  including  the  right  to  scourge  him,  to  bind  him  and   father. 
compel  him  thus  to  toil  in  the  fields,  or  to  put  him  to  death,   Dionysius  ii. 
even  if  the  son  chanced  to  be  engaged  in  public  affairs,   20- 
even  if  he  were  occupying  high  offices  or  were  being  com- 
mended for  his  public  liberality.    According  to  this  law, 
illustrious  men,  while  delivering  from  the  rostra  harangues 
against  the  senate  but  in  favor  of  the  people,  men  who  for 
this  reason  were  highly  popular,  have  been  dragged  From 


33% 


Rome  Under  the  Kings 


the  rostra  by  their  fathers  to  suffer  whatever  punishment 

the  latter  should  think  right.    And  while  these  sons  were 

led  away  through  the  market-place,  no  one  was  able  to  res- 

Romc,  p.  73-     cue  them — neither  the  consul,  nor  tribune  of  the  plebs,  nor 

the  mob  whom  they  were  flattering,  and  who  considered  its 

own  power  superior  to  all  authority.    I  will  not  mention 

those  whom  fathers  have  slain,  good  men  moved  by  virtue 

and  zeal  to  achieve  some  noble  deed  forbidden  by  their 

(The  consul     parent.    Such  was  the  case  with  Manlius  Torquatus  and 

son  to  death    many  others,  in  regard  to  whom  I  shall  speak  at  the  proper 

for  disobedi-     Ume> 


ence.) 

Dionysius  ii. 
27. 


The  Roman  legislator  did  not  limit  the  father's  au- 
thority at  this  point,  but  gave  him  permission  to  sell  the 
son  .  .  .  granting  to  the  father  more  power  over  the  son 
than  to  the  master  over  his  slaves;  for  if  a  slave  is  sold  and 
afterward  given  his  liberty,  henceforth  he  remains  free, 
whereas  if  the  son  is  sold  by  the  father  and  then  liberated, 
he  falls  again  under  the  paternal  power,  and  a  second  time 
in  like  manner;  not  till  after  the  third  sale  does  he  become 
free  from  his  father. 


His  religious 
institutions. 

Livy  i.  19. 


(Argiletum, 
a  piece  of 
ground  be- 
tween the 
Quirinal  and 
the  Forum.) 


II.   NUMA   POMPILIUS 

After  Numa  had  been  made  king  in  this  way,  he  set 
about  founding  anew,  on  the  principles  of  law  and  morals, 
the  city  recently  established  by  force  of  arms.  When  he 
saw  that  the  spirit  of  the  citizens,  rendered  savage  by 
military  life,  could  not  be  reconciled  to  those  principles 
during  the  continuance  of  wars,  he  concluded  that  his 
fierce  nation  should  be  softened  by  the  disuse  of  arms. 
At  the  foot  of  Argiletum,  therefore,  he  erected  a  temple  of 
Janus  as  an  index  of  peace  and  war;  when  open,  it  should 
show  that  the  state  was  engaged  in  war,  and  its  closing 
should  signify  that  all  the  neighboring  nations  were  at 


Guilds  and  Priests 


339 


peace  with  Rome.    Twice  only  since  the  reign  of  Numa 
has  this  temple  been  closed. 

He  organized  the  people,  according  to  their  trades,  in 
guilds  of  musicians,  goldsmiths,  builders,  dyers,  shoe- 
makers, curriers,  coppersmiths,  and  potters.  All  the  other 
trades  he  united  in  one  guild.  He  assigned  to  every  guild 
its  especial  privileges,  common  to  all  the  members,  and 
ordained  that  each  should  have  its  own  times  of  meeting 
and  should  worship  its  special  patron  god. 

Next  he  turned  his  attention  to  the  appointment  of 
priests,  though  he  himself  performed  many  sacred  rites, 
especially  those  which  now  belong  to  the  flamen  (priest)  of 
Jupiter. 

It  is  a  crime  for  the  flamen  of  Jupiter  to  ride  horseback 
or  to  see  the  centuries  under  arms;  for  this  reason  he  has 
rarely  been  elected  consul.  He  is  not  permitted  to  take 
an  oath;  the  ring  he  wears  must  be  hollow  and  of  open 
work.  No  fire  may  be  carried  from  his  house  but  the 
sacred  fire.  If  a  man  enters  that  house  bound,  he  must 
be  unbound,  and  the  bonds  must  be  carried  through  the 
inner  court  up  the  roof  and  thrown  into  the  street.  The 
flamen  has  no  knot  about  him,  either  on  his  cap,  his  girdle, 
or  any  other  part.  If  a  man  who  is  about  to  be  beaten 
with  rods  falls  at  his  feet  as  a  suppliant,  the  guilty  one 
cannot  be  beaten  that  day  without  sacrilege.  None  but 
a  freeman  may  cut  a  flamen's  hair.  He  never  touches  or 
names  a  she-goat,  raw  flesh,  hair,  or  beans.  lie  must  not 
clip  the  tendrils  of  the  vine  that  climbs  too  high.  The 
feet  of  the  bed  he  sleeps  in  must  be  plastered  with  mud. 
He  never  quits  it  three  consecutive  nights,  and  no  one 
else  has  the  right  to  sleep  therein.  There  must  not  be 
near  the  woodwork  of  his  bed  a  box  with  sacred  i  al  es  in 
it.     The  parings  of  his  nails  and  the  cuttings  of  his  hair 


He  organ- 
izes guilds. 

Plutarch, 
Numa,  17. 


He  appoints 
priests. 

Livy  i.  20. 


The  priest 
of  Jupiter. 

Aulus  Gellius 
x.  15  (quoted 
from  Fabius 
Pictor). 

Rome,  22, 
28;  Ancient 
World,  333  f. 


34Q 


Rome  Under  the  Kings 


The  Vestal 
virgins. 

Livy  i.  20. 


Plutarch, 
Numa,  10. 


The  worship 
of  the  dead. 

Ovid,  Fasti, 
ii-  533  ft". 

(The  festival 
to   the   dead 
was  cele- 
brated on 
February 
19.    Styx,  the 
river  which 
bounds  the 
world  of  the 
dead.) 


are  covered  with' earth  at  the  foot  of  a  fruit  tree.  For  him 
all  days  are  holy  days.  He  is  not  allowed  to  go  into  the 
open  air  without  the  apex  (conical  cap) ;  and  even  as  to 
remaining  bareheaded  under  his  own  roof,  the  pontiffs 
have  only  quite  recently  decided  that  he  may  do  so. 

Numa  also  selected  maidens  for  Vesta,  to  fill  a  priest- 
hood derived  from  Alba  and  closely  connected  with  the 
family  of  the  founder  of  Rome.  That  they  might  be  con- 
stant attendants  in  the  temple,  he  appointed  them  salaries 
from  the  public  treasury;  and  by  requiring  them  to  re- 
main unmarried  and  to  perform  various  religious  rites,  he 
made  them  sacred  and  venerable. 

He  ordained  that  the  Vestal  virgins  should  continue 
unmarried  thirty  years;  during  the  first  ten  years  they 
were  to  learn  their  duties,  during  the  next  ten  they  were 
to  perform  them,  and  during  the  last  they  were  to  teach 
others.  After  this  period  any  of  them  who  wished  might 
marry  and  cease  to  be  priestesses;  but  it  is  said  that  very 
few  took  advantage  of  this  privilege  and  that  those  few 
were  not  happy.  By  their  regrets  and  sorrow  for  the  life 
they  had  left,  they  made  the  others  scruple  to  leave  it 
and  prefer  to  remain  maidens  till  their  death. 

Honor  is  paid  also  to  the  graves  of  the  dead.  Appease 
the  spirits  of  your  forefathers,  and  offer  small  presents  to 
the  pyres  that  have  long  been  cold.  The  shades  of  the 
dead  ask  but  humble  offerings:  affection  rather  than 
costly  gifts  pleases'them;  Styx  below  has  no  greedy  divin- 
ities. Enough  for  them  is  the  covering  of  their  tomb 
overshadowed  with  the  chaplets  laid  there,  and  the  scat- 
tered fruits  and  the  little  grain  of  salt,  and  corn  soaked 
in  wine,  and  violets  loosened  from  the  stem;  let  these 
gifts  be  placed  in  a  jar  in  the  middle  of  the  way.  T  do 
not  forbid  more  costly  offerings,  but  by  these  mentioned 


Religious  Festivals  341 

the  shade  may  be  appeased.     After  erecting  the  altars, 
add  prayers  and  suitable  words. 

But  while  they  are  celebrating  these  rites,  remain  un-  "Let  none 
wedded,  ye  maidens;  let  the  torch  of  pine  wood  await  marry." 
auspicious  days.    And  let  not  the  curved  spear  part  thy   (The  pine 
virgin  ringlets,  thou  maiden  who  appearest  to  thy  impa-   torc!iJ??  th 
tient  mother  already  of  marriageable  years.    Conceal  thy  marriage 
torches,  Hymenaeus,  and  remove  them  afar  from  these  The  parting 
dismal  fires,— the  gloomy  tombs  have  other  torches  than  ^eahaSprear 
these.     Let  the  gods,  too,  be  concealed,  with  the  doors   wasamar- 

.  ,    nage  cere- 

of  their  temples  closed;  be  the  fires  without  incense,  and   mony.   Hy- 
let  the  hearths  stand  without  fire.    Abroad  now  wander  ^"^  ^ 
phantom  spirits,  and  bodies  that  have  been  committed  to  marriage.) 
the  tombs.     Now  the  ghost  feeds  on  the  food  left  for 
it.  .  .  . 

The  kinsfolk,  full  of  affection,  have  named  the  next  day  £he 
the  Caristia,  and  the  company  of  relatives  assemble  at  the 
family  feast.  In  good  truth  it  is  a  pleasant  thing  to  turn 
our  attention  from  the  tombs  and  from  our  relatives  who 
are  dead,  to  those  who  survive;  and  after  so  many  are 
lost,  to  see  all  that  remains  of  our  family,  and  to  reckon 
the  degrees  of  relationship.  .  .  . 

When  the  night  has  passed  away,  then  let  the  god  who  Thejestival 
by  his  landmark  divides  the  fields  be  worshipped  with  the  corner- 
accustomed  honors.  Terminus,  whether  thou  art  a  stone, 
or  whether  a  stock  sunk  deep  in  the  earth  by  the  ancients, 
yet  even  in  this  form  dost  thou  possess  divinity.  Thee 
the  two  owners  of  adjoining  fields  crown  with  chaplets 
from  their  opposite  sides,  and  present  with  two  garlands 
and  two  cake-.  They  build  an  altar;  the  peasant's  wife 
brings  in  a  broken  pan  the  fire  taken  from  the  burning 
hearth. 

An  old  man  cuts  up  the  firewood,  and  piles  it  high  when 


stones. 


342 


Rome  Under  the  Kings 


The  census. 


This  complex 
form  of  the 
census  did 
not  arise  till 
after  the  in- 
stitution    of 
the  censors 
in  the  early 
Republic; 
see  p.  3SS. 
below. 

The  census 
classes. 


chopped,  and  strives  hard  to  drive  the  branches  into  the 
resisting  ground.  While  he  is  exciting  the  kindling  blaze 
with  dried  bark,  a  boy  stands  by  and  holds  in  his  hands  a 
broad  basket.  Out  of  this,  when  the  father  has  thrice 
thrown  the  produce  of  the  earth  into  the  midst  of  the 
flames,  his  little  daughter  offers  the  sliced  honeycombs. 
Others  have  wine;  a  portion  of  each  thing  is  thrown  into 
the  fire;  the  crowd,  all  arrayed  in  white,  look  on  and  keep 
a  religious  silence.  Terminus  is  sprinkled,  too,  with  the 
blood  of  a  slain  lamb;  he  makes  no  complaint  when  a 
young  pig  is  offered  him.  The  neighbors  meet  in  suppli- 
cation, and  they  celebrate  the  feast  and  sing  thy  praise, 
holy  Terminus.  It  is  thou  that  dost  set  the  limits  to,  na- 
tions, and  cities,  and  mighty  kingdoms;  without  thee  the 
whole  country  would  be  steeped  in  litigation. 

III.  Servius  Tullius 

He  then  set  about  a  peaceful  work  of  the  utmost  impor- 
tance, that  as  Numa  had  been  the  author  of  religious  insti- 
tutions, posterity  might  celebrate  Servius  as  the  founder  of 
all  distinctions  among  the  members  of  the  state,  and  of 
those  classes  which  are  based  on  dignity  and  fortune.  For 
he  instituted  the  census, — a  most  salutary  measure  for  an 
empire  destined  to  become  so  great.  According  to  the  cen- 
sus the  services  of  war  and  peace  were  to  be  performed  not 
by  every  person  without  distinction,  but  in  proportion  to 
his  amount  of  property.  By  means  of  the  census  he  formed 
the  classes  and  the  centuries, — an  arrangement  which  still 
exists  and  which  is  eminently  suited  both  to  peace  and  to 
war. 

Of  those  who  had  an  estate  worth  a  hundred  thousand 
asses  or  more  he  made  eighty  centuries,  forty  of  seniors  and 
forty  of  juniors.    All  these  centuries  constituted  the  first 


The  Census  Classes  343 

class.    The  seniors  were  to  guard  the  city,  the  juniors  to  Livy  i.  43. 

0  ,  (In  the  third 

carry  on  war  in  the  field.  Their  arms  were  a  helmet,  a  century  B.C. 
round  shield,  greaves,  and  a  corselet — all  of  bronze.  This  pe^  com,  was 
armor  was  for  defence.     Their  offensive  weapons  were  a   forth  n^T\y 

1  two  cents;  in 

spear  and  a  sword.    To  the  first  class  were  added  two  cen-  earlier  times 

.  ,  .        .  ,  .,,  its  value  was 

tunes  of  mechanics,  who  were  to  serve  without  arms.   greater. 
Their  duty  was  to  convey  the  military  engines.  ^Sti™*5 

The  second  class  included  all  whose  estates  were  worth  was  at  first 

based  on 

from  seventy-five  to  a  hundred  thousand  asses.  I  rom  the  land.) 
seniors  and  juniors  of  this  class  twenty  centuries  in  all  were 
enrolled.  Their  shields  were  oblong  instead  of  round,  and 
they  had  no  corselet.  With  these  exceptions  their  arms  were 
the  same  as  those  of  the  first  class.  The  property  of  the 
third  class  amounted  to  fifty  thousand  asses  (at  the  low- 
est) ;  the  number  of  the  centuries  was  the  same  as  of  the 
second  class  with  the  same  distinction  of  age.  Their  arms, 
too,  were  the  same  excepting  that  they  wore  no  greaves. 
The  fourth  class,  including  all  whose  property  was  rated 
at  twenty-five  thousand  asses  (at  the  lowest),  furnished 
the  same  number  of  centuries;  but  they  had  no  arms  ex- 
cepting a  spear  and  a  long  javelin.    The  fifth  class  included    (Livy  is  con- 

1         o        r  o  j  fused  as  to 

thirty  centuries,  who  carried  slings  and  stones  for  throwing,  the  numbers; 

Among  them  were  counted  three  centuries  of  horn-blowers  e?o:   '/J"'/,,,'/' 

and  trumpeters.    The  property  of  the  class  was  rated  at  World,  341) 
eleven  thousand  asses  (at  the  lowest).    All  below  this  rat- 
ing formed  one  century  exempt  from  military  service. 

After  dividing  and  arming  the  infantry  in  this  way,  he-  The  cavalry. 

levied  twelve  centuries  of  knights  from  among  the  chief   (In  fact  the 

,  ,       mimiKT  was 
men  of  the  state.    And  of  the  three  centuries  instituted  by   doubled,  ami 

Romulus  he  made  six  without  changing  their  names.1    Ten   Jjj^gS^ 

thousand  asses  from  the  public  revenue  were  given  the  wereadded; 

Kotnt,  ,  1. 

'The  three  original  centuries  wen'  distinguished  from  t In-  three    7°.) 

afterward  added  by  the  terms  '  earlier"  and  "later." 


344 


Rome  Under  the  Kings 


The  as- 
sembly of  the 
centuries 
(comilia 
cenluriata) . 


The  city 
tribes. 

(At  the  same 
time  he 
probably  di- 
vided the 
country,  too, 
into  tribes.) 

The  growing 
population. 

Livy  i.  44. 


In  fact  the 
number  of 
men  of  mili- 
tary age  at 
this  time 
could  hardly 
have  exceed- 
ed nine  or 
ten  thou- 
sand; Ancient 
World,  337. 


knights  for  buying  horses;  and  widows  were  taxed  two 
thousand  asses  yearly  for  the  support  of  the  horses.  All 
these  burdens  were  taken  off  the  poor  and  laid  on  the 
rich. 

Then  an  additional  honor  was  added;  the  right  to  vote 
was  not  given  to  all  alike,  according  to  the  custom  estab- 
lished by  Romulus,  and  followed  by  succeeding  kings,  of 
granting  to  every  man  the  same  right;  but  degrees  of  privi- 
lege were  made,  so  that  no  one  might  seem  to  be  excluded 
from  the  right  of  voting,  and  yet  the  whole  power  might 
reside  in  the  chief  men  of  the  state.  For  the  knights  were 
first  called,  and  then  the  eighty  centuries  of  the  first  class; 
and  if  they  happened  to  differ,  which  was  rarely  the  case, 
those  of  the  second  were  called,  and  the  voting  seldom 
descended  to  the  lowest  class. 

Next  he  divided  the  city  into  four  parts  according  to  the 
regions  and  hills  then  inhabited,  and  he  called  these  divi- 
sions tribes,  as  I  think  from  the  tribute;  for  he  introduced 
also  the  method  of  levying  taxes  according  to  the  value  of 
estates. 

The  taking  of  the  census  he  hastened  by  the  terror  of  a 
law  which  threatened  with  imprisonment  and  death  those 
who  did  not  present  themselves  to  be  rated.  He  then  pro- 
claimed that  all  the  Roman  citizens,  horse  and  foot,  should 
attend  at  the  dawn  of  day  in  the  Campus  Martius,  each  in 
his  century.  .  .  .  Eighty  thousand  citizens  are  said  to 
have  been  rated  in  that  survey.  Fabius  Pictor,  the  earliest 
of  our  historians,  adds  that  such  was  the  number  of  these 
who  were  able  to  bear  arms.  This  multitude  made  neces- 
sary the  enlargement  of  the  city.  Servius,  accordingly, 
added  two  hills,  the  Quirinal  and  the  Viminal.  .  .  .  The 
whole  city  he  surrounded  with  an  earthen  rampart,  a  moat, 
and  a  wall. 


A  Great  Temple 


345 


IV.  The  Temple  of  the  Capitoline  Jupiter 

The  king  undertook  to  build  a  temple  to  Jupiter,  Juno, 
and  Minerva  in  performance  of  the  vow  he  had  made  to 
the  gods  in  the  last  battle  against  the  Sabines.  He 
therefore  surrounded  the  hill,  on  which  he  proposed  to 
place  the  temple,  with  high  supporting  walls  in  many 
places;  for  it  was  neither  easy  of  access  nor  even,  but 
craggy  and  ending  in  a  point;  hence  there  was  great  diffi- 
culty in  rendering  it  tit  for  the  purpose.  He  therefore 
filled  up  the  interval  between  the  supporting  walls  and 
the  top  of  the  hill  with  earth;  and  by  levelling  it,  made  it 
very  fit  to  receive  the  sanctuaries.  But  he  was  prevented 
by  death  from  laying  the  foundations  of  it:  for  he  lived 
but  four  years  after  the  end  of  the  last  war.  Many  years 
afterward,  however,  the  Tarquin,  who  was  the  second 
king  after  him,  and  who  was  finally  dethroned,  laid  the 
foundations  of  this  structure,  and  built  a  great  part  of  it. 
But  even  he  did  not  complete  the  work,  which  was  finished 
under  those  annual  magistrates  who  were  consuls  the  third 
year  after  his  expulsion.  It  is  proper  to  relate  also  the 
incidents  that  preceded  the  building  of  it,  which  all  the 
writers  of  the  local  history  have  handed  down.  When 
Tarquinius  was  preparing  to  build  the  temple,  he  called 
the  augurs  together  and  ordered  them  first  to  consult  the 
gods  as  to  the  most  suitable  place  of  all  the  city  to  be  con- 
secrated, and  the  most  acceptable  to  the  gods;  and  on 
their  naming  the  hill  that  commands  the  Forum,  and  was 
then  called  the  Tarpeian,  now  the  Capitoline  hill,  he  or- 
dered them  again  to  declare  after  they  had  consulted  the 
gods,  in  which  pari  of  the  hill  the  foundations  oughl  t<>  be 
laid;  in  this  matter  there  n  i  small  difficulty;  for  there 
were  upon  the  hill  many  altars,  of  both  gods  and  geniuses, 


Work  of  the 
Tarquins. 

Begun  by 
the  first 
Tarquin. 

Dionysius 

iii.  60. 

This  temple 
was  dedi- 
cated  in   the 
first   year    of 
the  Re- 
public. 

Dionysius 
knew  it  only 
as   it   existed 
in  his  own 
time.     Origi- 
nally it  was 
in   I.truscan 
style;  cf. 
A  ncient 
World,  321. 


346 


Rome  Under  the  Kinirs 


Ancient 

World,  329. 


End  of  the 
kingship. 

Livy  i.  60. 

(In  the 
absence  of 
the  king,  the 
city  was 
ruled  by  a 
"prefect.") 


not  far  distant  from  one  another,  which  were  to  be  removed 
to  some  other  place,  and  the  whole  area  to  be  set  aside  for 
the  sacred  enclosure,  that  was  proposed  to  be  created 
there  for  the  gods.  The  augurs  thought  proper  to  consult 
the  gods  to  whom  these  altars  were  consecrated,  concerning 
every  one  of  them;  and  if  they  gave  their  consent,  then  to 
remove  them;  the  rest  of  the  gods,  therefore,  and  geniuses 
gave  them  leave  to  remove  their  altars;  but  Terminus  and 
Juventus,  although  the  augurs  besought  them  with  great 
earnestness,  and  importunity,  could  not  be  prevailed  on 
to  leave  their  places;  for  which  reason  their  altars  were  in- 
cluded within  the  circuit  of  the  temple,  and  one  of  them, 
now,  stands  in  the  portico  of  the  chapel  of  Minerva,  and 
the  other,  in  the  chapel  itself  near  to  the  statue  of  that 
goddess;  from  hence,  the  augurs  concluded  that  no  time 
would  ever  remove  the  boundaries  of  the  Roman  empire, 
or  impair  its  vigor;  and  both  have  proved  true  to  this  age, 
which  is  now  the  twenty-fourth  generation. 

Lucius  Tarquinius,  the  Proud,  reigned  twenty-five 
years;  the  regal  form  of  government  extended  frorn  the 
building  of  the  city  to  its  deliverance,  two  hundred  and 
forty-five  years.  Two  consuls,  Lucius  Junius  Brutus 
and  Lucius  Tarquinius  Collatinus,  were  elected  in  the 
Gomitia  centuriata  under  the  prefect  of  the  city,  as  pre- 
scribed by  the  commentaries  of  Servius  Tullius. 


STUDIES 

1.  How  did  the  Romans  found  a  city  (cf.  remark  in  margin)? 
Describe  the  division  of  the  population  into  tribes  and  curiae;  into 
patricians  and  plebeians.  Who  belonged  to  the  curias?  What 
public  rights  had  the  clients?  Describe  the  founding  of  a  Roman 
colony.  What  was  done  with  conquered  aliens  who  wished  to  live  at 
Rome?  What  religious  regulations  are  ascribed  to  Romulus?  De- 
scribe the  early  family. 


Studies  347 

2.  What  religious  institutions  are  said  to  have  been  established  by 
Numa?  What  restrictions  were  placed  on  the  priest  of  Jupiter? 
How  did  the  Romans  worship  the  dead?  What  guilds  are  ascribed 
to  Numa  as  founder? 

3.  What  are  the  most  important  institutions  assigned  to  Servius 
Tullius?  Why  should  the  Romans  ascribe  to  him  census  regulations 
which  were  in  fact  adopted  long  after  his  time? 

4.  From  this  passage  what  ceremonies  seem  to  have  oeen  neces- 
sary before  building  a  temple?  Eliminating  the  individual  kings, 
who  are  largely  mythical,  write  an  essay  on  (1)  the  government 
under  the  kings;  (2)  the  early  Roman  religion. 


CHAPTER  XXX 

THE  EARLY  REPUBLIC:    (I)  THE   PLEBEIANS  WIN 
THEIR  RIGHTS 


The  Repub- 
lic, 509  B.C. 

Cicero,  Re- 
public, ii.  30. 

A  ncient 
World,  339. 


(Law  of 
Valerius 
Publicola.) 


The  consuls. 
Livy  ii.  1. 


Rome,  27. 


I.  The  Founding  of  the  Republic 

After  the  kingship  had  lasted  more  than  two  hundred 
and  fifty  years,  Tarquin  was  expelled.  At  this  time  the 
Romans  hated  the  name  of  king  as  much  as  they  had  once 
longed  for  the  deceased — or  rather  the  departed — Romu- 
lus. When  Tarquin  was  banished,  therefore,  the  monarchy 
came  to  an  end. 

Then  Publicola  had  a  law  passed  by  the  popular  assem- 
bly that  no  magistrate  should  put  to  death  or  scourge  a 
Roman  citizen  without  granting  him  the  right  of  appeal  to 
the  people. 

But  we  date  the  beginning  of  liberty  from  this  period  be- 
cause  the  consuls  were  annual  magistrates,  not  because  they 
had  any  less  power  than  that  of  king.  The  first  consuls  had 
all  the  privileges  and  trappings  of  royal  authority.  Care 
was  taken,  however,  that  they  might  not  appear  doubly 
terrible  by  both  having  the  (lictors  and)  fasces  at  the  same 
time.  With  the  consent  of  his  colleague  Brutus  was  first 
attended  by  the  fasces.  He  had  been  zealous  in  establish- 
ing liberty,  and  now  he  was  its  faithful  guardian.  First  of 
all  he  required  the  people,  while  still  enraptured  with  their 
new  liberty,  to  swear  that  they  would  never  again  suffer  a 
king  to  rule  at  Rome;  for  he  feared  that  they  might  after- 
ward be  wTon  over  or  bribed  by  the  royal  family.  Next, 
that  a  full  list  of  members  might  give  the  senate  more 

348 


Early  Republican  Institutions         349 

strength,  he  chose  into  it  the  principal  men  from  the  class 

of  knights  so  as  to  complete  the  number  three  hundred, 

winch  the  king's  murders  had  diminished. 

Then  the  Romans  attended  to  religious  matters.    The  King  of  the 

? ,.  .  .       sacrifices, 

kings  had  performed  a  part  of  the  public  worship ;  and  in   (Rex  sacro- 

order  that  their  service  might  not  be  missed,  a  king  of  the 

sacrifices  was  appointed.    This  priestly  office  the  Romans  Llvy  "• 2- 

made  subject  to  the  chief  pontiff,  in  order  that  too  great  JjJJjJJ95 

honor,  added  to  the  name  of  king,  might  not  endanger  their  World,  340. 

liberty,  now  their  chief  care. 

In  that  period  the  senate  maintained  the  commonwealth  The  senate 
1  and  the  con- 

in  such  a  condition  that,  though  the  people  were  free,  they  suls. 

had  little  to  do  with  the  government;  for  the  senate  man-  cicero,  Re- 
aged  nearly  all  public  business  by  its  own  authority  and  pubhc'  u«  32- 
according  to  its  own  customs  and  traditions,  while  over 
all,  the  consuls  exercised  a  power  which,  though  annual, 
was  by  nature  and  law  truly  royal.  They  earnestly  en- 
forced that  rule  which  has  done  so  much  to  maintain  the 
power  of  the  nobles,  that  the  acts  of  the  popular  assembly 
should  not  be  valid  unless  approved  by  the  senate. 

Scarcely  ten  years  after  the  first  consuls,  Titus  Lartius  The  dicta-^ 
was  appointed  first  dictator.    This  new  office  seemed  like 

^L  Rome,  68. 

the  royal  power  restored. 

Immediately  after  receiving  his  authority,  he  appointed  Dionysus  ▼. 
Spurius  Cassius  master  of  horse,  for  no  one  to  this  day 
when  chosen  dictator  enters  upon  his  office  without  a  mas- 
ter of  horse.  Wishing  to  make  a  display  of  his  power  for 
the  purpose  of  striking  terror  rather  than  for  any  real  use, 
he  bade  his  lictors  bear  through  the  city  their  axes  bound 
in  rods  (fasces).  This  was  a  custom  of  the  kings  but 
abandoned  by  the  consuls,  for  Valerius  Publicola  made  the 
c  hange  in  order  to  render  the  consular  office  less  hateful  to 
the  i>eople. 


75 


35° 


The  Early   Republic 


Livy  ii.  18.  When  the  first  dictator  was  appointed  at  Rome,  the 

people,  seeing  the  axes  carried  before  him,  were  struck  with 
awe,  so  that  they  became  more  submissive  and  more 
obedient  to  orders.  Under  the  consuls  a  citizen  oppressed 
by  one  could  ask  the  aid  of  the  other;  but  under  the  dic- 
tator there  was  no  such  means  of  assistance;  neither  was 
there  a  right  of  appeal  or  any  other  resource  except  in 
strict  obedience. 


The  tribunes 
of  the  plebs. 

Livy  ii.  33. 

A  ncicnt 
World,  342. 

493  B.C. 


Cicero,  Re- 
public, ii.  34- 


The  comitia 
tiibuta  in- 
stituted, 
471  B.C. 

Dionysius 
ix.  41. 

The  author 
of  this  law 
was  Publil- 
ius  Volero; 
Ancient 
World,  343. 


II.  The  Growth  of  Plebeian  Rights 

Then  they  began  to  consider  a  reconciliation,  and  among 
the  conditions  it  was  allowed  that  the  plebeians  should 
have  their  own  magistrates,  with  inviolable  privileges,  who 
should  have  the  power  of  bringing  common  people  aid 
against  the  consuls,  and  that  it  should  not  be  lawful  for 
any  of  the  patricians  to  hold  this  office.  In  this  way  two 
tribunes  of  the  plebs  were  created. 

By  the  institution  of  two  tribunes  to  appease  the  sedition 
of  the  people,  the  power  of  the  senate  was  lessened.  Still 
it  remained  dignified  and  august,  for  it  was  still  composed 
of  the  wisest  and  bravest  men,  who  protected  their  country 
in  peace  and  in  war.  Their  authority  was  still  strong  be- 
cause in  honor  they  were  superior  to  their  fellow-citizens. 

This  man,  therefore,  as  soon  as  he  was  at  liberty  to 
perform  the  functions  of  his  office,  .  .  .  assembled  the 
people,  and  proposed  a  law  concerning  the  election  of  the 
tribunes,  by  which  that  election  was  to  be  transferred 
from  the  assemblies  of  the  curiae,  called  by  the  Romans 
Comitia  Curiata,  to  the  assemblies  of  the  tribes.  The  dif- 
ference between  them  is  this:  in  order  to  render  valid  the 
resolutions  taken  in  the  assemblies  of  the  curiae,  it  was 
necessary  that  the  senate  should  issue  a  decree,  and  that 
the  people,  voting  in  their  curiae,  should  confirm  it,  and 


Early  Roman  Laws  351 

that  after  both  these  acts  the  heavenly  signs  and  auspices 
should  not  oppose  it:  whereas  in  the  assemblies  of  the 
tribes  neither  the  previous  decree  of  the  senate  was  neces- 
sary, nor  the  ratification  of  the  holy  rites  and  auspices, 
but  only  that  the  resolutions  there  taken  should  be  finally 
determined  by  the  members  of  the  tribes  in  one  day. 

III.  Laws  or  the  Twelve  Tables 

Let  the  master  of  a  funeral  make  use  of  a  public  officer  Funerals, 
and  lictors.    Let  it  be  lawful  for  him  to  use  three  mantles 
in  a  funeral,  a  purple  fillet  for  the  head,  and  ten  flute-  Ancient 

'        r  .  J*  odd,  344  v 

players.    Let  him  do  no  more  than  this. 

Let  none  pour  wine  mixed  with  precious  ointment  into 
dead  bodies. 

Let  none  make  more  than  one  funeral  for  one  person,  or 
carry  more  than  one  bier  in  the  funeral  procession. 

Let  none  make  use  of  gold  in  funerals.  But  if  the  teeth 
of  the  deceased  are  fastened  with  gold,  let  none  be  pros- 
ecuted for  burying  or  burning  the  deceased  with  that 
gold. 

Let  not  women  scratch  their  faces  or  tear  their  cheeks  or 
raise  lamentations  on  account  of  a  funeral. 

Let  the  praises  of  honored  men  be  repeated  in  a  gather- 
ing of  the  people;  and  let  songs  of  mourning,  accompanied 
with  a  flute,  attend  these  praises. 

Let  the  father  have  power  over  the  life  and  death  of  his  The  family 

1  .  ana  prop- 

son.    Let  it  be  lawful  to  sell  the  son  as  a  slave  three  times.   erty. 
If  the  father  shall  sell  the  son  three  times,  let  the  son  be 
free  from  his  father. 

Let  there  be  a  space  of  two  and  a  half  feet  round  the 
outer  wall  of  every  house. 

Let  an  oath  be  of  the  greatest  force  to  insure  credit. 

Let  no  man  take  more  interest  lor  money  than  one  per 


352 


The  Early   Republic 


cent  a  month.    If  he  shall  do  otherwise,  let  him  be  finer 
four  times  that  sum. 
Crimes.  If  a   judge  or  arbitrator  appointed   by  law  shall   take 

money  for  a  judgment  to  be  given,  let  the  crime  be 
capital. 

If  any  one  breaks  the  limb  of  another  and  makes  no 
reparation,  let  retaliation  take  place. 

Whoever  shall  maliciously  burn  another's  house,  let  him 

Rome,  86         be  bound  and  whipped  at  the  discretion  of  the  praetor,  and 

burned.    But  if  the  mischief  is  accidental,  let  him,  at  the 

discretion  of  the  praetor,  repair  the  damage  or  be  punished 

for  it  by  being  whipped. 

If  any  one  shall  publish  slander  or  write  verses  to  the 
defamation  of  another,  let  the  offence  be  capital.  If  any 
shall  assemble  in  the  city  privately  at  night,  let  the  offence 
be  capital. 

Let  there  be  no  intermarriage  between  patricians  and 
plebeians. 
Debtors.  Let  thirty  days'  grace  be  granted  after  a  debt  has  been 

confessed  and  judgment  given.  Then  let  the  debtor  be 
seized.  Let  the  creditor  bring  him  before  the  court.  If  he 
does  not  obey  the  summons,  or  is  not  bailed  by  any  one, 
let  the  creditor  take  him  away  and  bind  him  with  a  thong 
or  with  fetters  weighing  no  more  than  fifteen  pounds,  or  if 
he  will,  less.  If  the  debtor  pleases,  let  him  maintain  him- 
self. If  he  does  not  maintain  himself,  let  the  one  who  keeps 
him  in  bonds  give  him  a  pound  of  spelt  every  day;  if  he 
thinks  fit,  more.  Meantime  let  there  be  an  agreement. 
If  the  debtor  does  not  agree  with  his  creditor,  let  the  latter 
keep  him  in  bonds  sixty  days.  In  this  period  let  the  creditor 
cite  him  to  court  three  market-days  in  succession,  and  let 
him  proclaim  the  sum  at  which  the  costs  are  laid.  Then 
let  the  creditor  put  him  to  death:  or  if  he  pleases,  sell  him 


The  Tribal  Assembly  353 

as  a  slave  in  a  foreign  country  beyond  the  Tiber.  But  if 
the  debtor  is  assigned  to  many  creditors,  let  them  on  the 
third  market-day  cut  his  body  into  several  pieces.  If 
they  cut  more  or  less,  let  it  bring  no  damage  to  them- 
selves. 

IV.  Further  Growth  of  Plebeian  Rights 

a.  The  Valerian-Horatian  Laws 

After  the  subversion  of  the  decemvirate,  the  first  per-  Power  of 
sons  who  were  invested  with  the  consular  dignity  by  the   assembly 
people  in  an  assembly  of  the  centuries,  were,  as  I  said,   *jj"g£d' 
Lucius  Valerius  Potitus  and  Marcus  Horatius  Barbatus.   ^^  ^ 
These  magistrates,  who  were  themselves  of  a  popular  xi.  45- 
disposition  and  had  inherited  these  principles  from  their  Ancient 
ancestors,  adhered  to  the  promises  they  had  made  to  the   n  orld>  345' 
plebeians,  when  they  persuaded  them  to  lay  down  their 
arms.    Avowing  that,  in  their  administration,  they  would 
consult  nothing  but  the  interest  of  the  people,  they  en- 
acted several  laws  in  the  assembly  of  centuries, — while  the 
patricians  were  dissatisfied  but  ashamed  to  oppose  them, 
—some  laws  which  I  need  not  record,  and  particularly 
that  which  ordains  that  the  laws  passed  by  the  people  in 
their  assemblies  by  tribes  should  bind  all  the  Romans 
without  distinction,  and  have  the  same  force  with  those 
which  should  be  passed  in  the  assemblies  by  centuries. 
The  punishments  appointed  against  such  as  should  abro-   Jto^JJg^ 
gate  or  transgress  this  law,   if  convicted  thereof,   were   to  correct* 
death  and  the  confiscation  of  their  fortunes.  .  .  .    It  was  ,1",,;Vt','1, '.'r"r 
stated  above  that  in  the  assemblies  by  tribes  the  plebeians  gjWsj^ 

and  the  poorer  sort  were  superior  to  the  patricians;  but    mentioned 

.  •  •          ,  1        1    f  ..  <ii'i  ""'  con- 

in  the  assembly  by  centuries,  the  patricians,  tnougn  tar  ,;lill  ,,.„,, 

l<      numerous,  wen-  superior  to  the  plebeians. 


354 


The   Early   Republic 


Proposal  of 
Canuleius, 

445  B.C. 

Livy  iv.  i. 


Aristocratic 
feeling. 

lb.  2. 

These  selec- 
tions up  to 
and  includ- 
ing the 
Ogulnian  law 
have  been 
translated 
by  Dr.  E.  G. 
Sihlcr. 

A  ncient 

World,  346. 


Plebeian 
feeling. 

Livy  iv.  4.  6. 


b.  The  Canuleian  Law 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  the  tribune  of  the  people 
C.  Canuleius  made  public  a  bill  concerning  the  right  of 
intermarriage  [conubium]  of  the  senatorial  class  (patres) 
and  the  plebeians,  by  which  the  senatorial  class  felt  that 
their  blood  was  stained  and  the  rights  of  the  old  families 
were  perverted. 

[Appeal  of  the  aristocracy]:  They  should  remember 
what  eminence  the  senate  itself  had  received  from  the 
Fathers,  what  eminence  they  intended  to  hand  down  to 
their  children,  so  that  they  too,  like  the  plebeians,  could 
boast  that  it  was  more  enlarged  and  imposing.  .  .  . 
What  and  how  great  things  had  C.  Canuleius  undertaken? 
He  was  proposing  a  rude  mixture  of  families,  a  perversion 
of  public  and  private  auspices,  to  the  end  that  there  be 
nothing  pure  and  unstained,  so  that  with  the  removal  of 
all  distinction  no  one  could  know  either  himself  or  his 
own.  For  what  other  force  could  mixed  marriages  have, 
but  that  almost  in  the  fashion  of  irrational  beasts  the  mat- 
ing of  plebeians  and  patricians  be  indiscriminately  brought 
about?  So  that  the  offspring  (of  such  alliances)  shall  not 
know  of  what  blood  or  of  what  religion  he  is.  One  half 
would  be  of  senatorial  rank,  one  half  of  plebeian,  not  even 
itself  in  harmony  with  itself.  .  .  . 

Or  can  there  be  any  greater  or  more  marked  disgrace, 
than  that  a  part  of  the  citizen  body  as  though  polluted 
should  be  held  unworthy  of  the  right  of  intermarriage?  .  .  . 

The  plebeians  on  this  issue  were  particularly  enraged, 
because  it  was  claimed  that  they  could  not  secure  auspices, 
as  though  they  were  hateful  to  the  immortal  gods,  nor  was 
there  an  end  of  the  struggles — since  the  plebeians  had  got 
as  its  leader  a  most  insistent  tribune  and  since  the  pie- 


Consular  Tribunes;  Censors  355 

beians  themselves  vied  with  him  in  persistence  until  the 
Fathers,  at  last  overcome,  yielded  that  a  legislative  vote 
should  be  had  concerning  the  right  of  intermarriage.  .  .  . 

c.  The  Military  Tribunes  with  Consular  Power 

When  Canuleius,  through  his  victory  over  the  Fathers  The  creation 

,      ..,,,,-  1  of  this  office 

and  through  his  popularity  with  the  plebeians,  became  a  resulted  di- 

man  of  towering  stature,  other  tribunes  in  hot  enthusiasm  [^victory 

to  enter  upon  a  struggle  for  their  own  bill  made  a  contest  ?f  Canule- 

with  all  their  might,  and  while  the  rumor  of  war  was  grow- 

,  ,     .  ,,  .  ,  Livy  iv.  6. 

ing  day  by  day  they  prevented  the  enrollment  of  troops. 

The  consuls,  since  nothing  could  be  done  through  the  pj^^346, 

senate,  as  the  tribunes  interfered,  held  meetings  of  the 

leading  men  at  home.    It  was  clear  that  they  would  either 

have  to  yield  victory  to  the  enemy  or  to  citizens.    Of  the 

retired  consuls,  Valerius  and  Horatius  took  no  share  in 

the  deliberations.    The  motion  of  C.  Claudius  proposed  to  ^"P*"1  of 

arm  the  consuls  against  the  tribunes;  the  motions  of  the   warfare 

Quinctii,  of  Cincinnatus,  and  Capitolinus  would  have  noth-   the 'plebeians 

ing  to  do  with  slaughter  and  with  violently  treating  the  JJ^y^jJ" 

officers  (tribunes)  whom,  after  concluding  a  treaty  with  their  griev- 

x  ,        i      •       •    1    1  1     ■  ances  were 

the  plebeians,  they  had  accepted  to  be  inviolable  in  person.   righted. 
Through  these  conferences  the  issue  was  brought  to  that  We  have 
point  that  they  permitted  military  tribunes  with  consular  Jg^g*/; 
power  to  be  chosen  indiscriminately  from  patricians  and   secret  cau 
plebeians.    As  to  the  election  of  consuls  no  change  was  to 
be  made;  and  therewith  both  tribunes  and  plebs  were  con- 
tented. 

d.  The  Censors 

In  the  year  in  which  Marcus  Geganius  Macerinus  was  Gre°]J*c°f 
consul  a  second  time  and  Titus  Quinctius  Capitolinus  a  ,,,  B.C.  ' 
fifth   time,   the  censorship   was   instituted.     Though   oi    Livyiv.8. 


35^ 


The  Early   Republic 


Supervision 
of  the  farmers 
and  the 
knights. 

Aulus  Gellius 
iv.  12. 


The  authors 
were  Li- 
cinius  and 
Sextius, 
367  B.C. 

Livy  vi.  35, 
42. 

This  para- 
graph gives 
the  policy  of 
the  tribunes. 


humble  origin,  it  grew  in  importance  till  it  came  to  regulate 
the  morals  and  discipline  of  Rome,  to  revise  the  list  of  the 
senators  and  knights,  to  mark  the  citizens  with  honor  or 
disgrace,  and  to  control  the  revenues  of  the  state.  The 
Romans  instituted  the  office  because  the  census  and  as- 
sessment of  citizens  had  not  been  taken  for  several  years. 
This  wrork  could  no  longer  be  deferred,  and  the  consuls 
had  no  leisure  to  attend  to  it  while  wars  with  so  many 
states  were  impending. 

If  any  one  permitted  his  land  to  run  to  waste,  and  did 
not  plow  or  keep  it  in  order,  or  if  any  one  had  neglected 
his  trees  or  vineyard,  it  was  not  with  impunity;  the  matter 
fell  within  the  censor's  authority  and  the  censors  degraded 
him.  Also  if  any  Roman  knight  had  a  horse  in  poor  con- 
dition or  unseemly  to  look  on,  he  was  fined  for  lack  of 
proper  grooming,  which  is  the  same  as  if  you  were  to  say 
want  of  care.  There  are  good  authorities  for  both  these 
circumstances,  and  M.  Cato  has  frequently  attested  them. 

e.  The  Licinian  Laws 

The  outward  cause  of  political  innovations,  it  seems, 
was  the  huge  amount  of  debt,  for  which  trouble  the  ple- 
beians could  hope  for  no  relief  unless  men  of  their  own  class 
were  placed  in  the  highest  governmental  position.  It  was 
necessary  earnestly  to  think  about  it.  By  tentative  ef- 
forts and  working  the  plebeians,  they  said,  had  reached 
that  point  of  advancement  whence  if  they  strove  further, 
they  might  be  able  to  reach  the  highest  things  and  be 
placed  on  a  level  with  the  senatorial  class  in  honor  as  well 
as  in  merit.  For  the  present  it  was  determined  to  have 
tribunes  of  the  people  chosen,  in  which  office  they  might 
find  a  way  for  themselves  to  the  other  honors  of  state. 

And  C.  Licinius  and  L.  Sextius  were  elected  tribunes 


The  Licinian  Laws  357 

and  then  published  bills,  all  of  which  were  antagonistic  to   The  pro- 

DOSfllS 

the  power  of  the  patricians  and  in  the  interest  of  the  plebs, 
one  concerning  debt,  viz.  that,  subtracting  from  the  prin- 
cipal what  had  been  paid  by  way  of  interest,  what  re- 
mained was  to  be  paid  within  three  years  in  equal  instal- 
ments; the  other  concerning  the  limit  of  lands,  that  no 
one  should  enter  on  more  than  fifty  acres  of  (public)  land; 
the  third  that  no  elections  be  held  of  military  tribune  [with 
consular  power]  and  that  under  all  circumstances  one  of 
the  two  consuls  should  be  chosen  from  the  plebs — all 
matters  of  towering  importance, — which  could  not  be 
maintained  without  the  greatest  effort.  When  therefore  a 
critical  struggle  was  impending,  involving  at  one  and  the 
same  time  all  things  for  which  an  unlimited  desire  prevails 
among  men,  to  wit,  land,  money,  and  office  of  state, — the 
senators  thoroughly  frightened  and  in  a  flutter  of  irresolu- 
tion, found  in  public  and  private  conferences  no  remedy 
but  intercession,  which  had  been  tested  in  many  prior 
struggles.  They  set  up  some  of  the  colleagues  (in  the 
tribunate)  against  the  bills  of  the  tribunes.  When  they 
saw  that  the  people  were  being  summoned  by  Licinius  and 
Sextius  to  begin  the  voting,  they  surrounded  themselves 
with  a  bodyguard  of  senators  and  they  would  not  suffer 
the  bills  to  be  read  aloud  nor  any  other  customary  form  to 
be  gone  through  toward  having  the  people  pass  any  reso- 
lution. And  now  having  often  called  in  vain  a  meeting,  and 
seeing  the  bills  as  good  as  defeated,  Sextius  said:  "Very  well, 
since  it  is  decided  that  intercession  shall  count  for  so  much, 
we  will  protect  the  plebs  with  that  very  weapon.  Come,ye 
senators,  announce  an  election  for  choosing  military  trib- 
unes, T  will  sec  to  it  thai  do  help  come  from  thai  term 
veto  ("1  fori. id"),  which  with  such  satisfaction  you  now 
hear  our  colleagues  harmoniously  utter."    The  threats  were 


358 


The  Early   Republic 


To  admit 
plebeians 
to  the 
augural  and 
pontifical 
colleges, 
300  B.C. 

Livy  x.  6. 

The  law  in 
fact  in- 
creased the 
number  of 
augurs  and 
pontiffs  to 
nine  each, 
and  provided 
that  four 
augurs  and 
five  pontiffs 
should  be 
plebeian; 
Botsford, 
Roman  As- 
semblies, 3og. 

The  struggle 
which  led  to 
it. 

Dio  Cassius, 
Frag.  37. 


not  uttered  in  vain:  no  elections  were  held  except  those 
of  aediles  and  tribunes  of  the  people.  Licinius  and  Sextius 
were  reelected  As  tribunes  of  the  people  and  suffered  no 
curule  magistrate  to  be  chosen:  and  this  desolation — the 
plebs  reelecting  the  two  tribunes  and  they  doing  away  with 
elections  of  military  tribunes — prevailed  in  the  city  for 
five  years.  Finally  after  great  struggles  the  dictator  and 
the  senate  were  overpowered,  so  that  the  measures  of  the 
tribunes  were  admitted.  The  elections  of  the  consuls  were 
held  in  spite  of  the  resistance  of  the  nobility,  at  which 
Lucius  Sextius  was  made  consul,  the  first  of  plebeian  rank. 

f.  The  Ogulnian  Law 

A  struggle  arose  among  the  leading  men  of  the  state, 
patricians  and  plebeians,  a  struggle  stirred  up  by  the 
tribunes  of  the  people  Q.  and  Cn.  Ogulnius,  who  every- 
where saw7  opportunities  to  make  charges  against  the 
senatorial  class  before  the  plebeians.  After  trying  other 
things  in  vain,  they  undertook  to  inflame  not  the  lowest 
plebs,  but  the  very  heads  of  the  plebs,  retired  consuls  and 
triumphatores,  to  whose  honors  nothing  was  lacking  but 
the  priestly  offices,  which  were  not  yet  promiscuously  be- 
stowed. Therefore  they  published  a  bill  to  this  effect: 
"Whereas  there  are  four  augurs  and  four  pontifices  at  this 
time,  it  is  resolved  to  have  the  number  of  priests  enlarged, 
and  four  pontifices  and  five  augurs  shall  be  chosen  in  addi- 
tion from  the  plebeians." 

g.  The  Hortensian  Law 

When  the  tribunes  moved  an  annulment  of  debts,  the 
law  was  often  proposed  without  avail,  since  the  leaders 
were  by  no  means  willing  to  accept  it  and  the  tribunes 
granted  the  nobles  the  choice  of  either  putting  this  law  to 


Hortensian  Law  359 

vote  or  following  that  of  Stolo,  by  which  they  were  to  Licinius 
reckon  the  previous  interest  toward  the  principal  and  re-  p.  356  f. 
ceive  the  remainder  in  triennial  payments.  For  the  time  a  ove" 
being  the  weaker  party,  dreading  lest  it  might  lose  all,  paid 
court  to  them,  and  the  wealthier  class,  encouraged  to 
think  it  would  not  be  compelled  to  adopt  either  course, 
maintained  a  hostile  attitude.  But  when  the  revolted 
party  proceeded  to  press  matters  somewhat,  both  sides 
changed  their  positions.  The  debtors  were  no  longer  satis- 
fied with  either  plan,  and  the  nobles  thought  themselves 
lucky  if  they  should  not  be  deprived  of  their  principal. 
Hence  the  dispute  was  not  decided  immediately,  but  after- 
ward they  prolonged  their  rivalry  in  a  spirit  of  conten- 
tiousness, and  did  not  act  at  all  in  their  usual  character. 
Finally  the  people  made  peace  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
nobles  were  unwilling  to  remit  much  more  than  they  had 
originally  expected;  however,  the  more  they  beheld  their 
creditors  yielding,  the  more  they  were  emboldened,  as  if 
they  were  successful  by  a  kind  of  right;  and  consequently 
they  regarded  the  various  concessions  almost  as  matters 
of  course  and  strove  for  yet  more,  using  as  a  stepping-stone 
to  that  end  the  fact  that  they  had  already  obtained  some- 
thing. 

After  great  and  long-continued  seditions  due  to  debts  Livy, 

,        _      .      ,  ,  ,  Epitome,  xi. 

the  plebs  seceded  to  the  Jamculum,  whence  they  were 

brought  back  by  Quintus  Hortensius  as  dictator.  The  law> 

After  the  secession  of  the  plebs  to  the  Janiculum,  Q.    2«7  B.C. 

Hortensius  dictator  moved  and  carried  a  law  in  1 1  u  • .  E  1  ule-  rajuaistory, 

turn  that  whatever  the  plebs  ordered  should  be  binding  on   xvl-  IO- 37- 

i-  .;• 
all  the  citizens.  \  pieb 

Formerly  the  patricians  maintained  thai  they  were  doI    |';,! ,,,;'.;' n,v 

bound  by  plebiscites,  as  the  latter  -I  withoul    *  tnta 

their  authorization;  but  afterward  the  Hortensian  statute   sembb 


360  The   Earl)    Republic 

was  enacted,  which  provided  that  plebiscites  should  be 
binding  on  the  whole  people;  and  in  this  way  they  were 
made  equal  to  statutes. 

STUDIES 

1.  Describe  the  government  of  the  early  Republic.  Compare  it 
with  the  government  under  the  kings. 

2.  Show  how  the  comitia  tributa  differed  from  the  other  popular 
assemblies. 

3.  From  the  laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables  what  may  we  infer  regarding 
(1)  funeral  customs,  (2)  the  family,  (3)  honesty  in  business,  (4)  the 
condition  of  the  poor,  (5)  the  general  character  of  the  Romans  of  the 
time?  ~'*> 

4.  a.  How  did  the  laws  of  Valerius  and  Horatius  affect  the  tribal 
assembly?  b.  What  was  the  feeling  of  the  aristocracy  and  the  plebs 
respectively  as  to  the  question  of  intermarriage?  c.  What  led  to  the 
institution  of  military  tribunes  with  consular  power?  d.  What  were 
the  functions  of  the  censors,  and  why  were  they  instituted?  e.  What 
appeal  did  Licinius  and  Sextius  make  to  the  people?  How  did  they 
bring  about  the  enactment  of  their  bill?  f.  What  was  the  Ogulnian 
law?  g.  Describe  the  conflict  which  led  to  the  enactment  of  the 
Hortensian  law.  What  were  its  terms?  From  the  entire  chapter 
write  an  account  of  the  methods  of  political  warfare  adopted  by  the 
opposing  parties. 


CHAPTER  XXXI 

THE  EARLY  REPUBLIC:    (II)   ROME  BECOMES 
SUPREME  IN  ITALY 


I.  Treaty  with  Carthage  and  with  the  Latins 

The  first  treaty  between  Rome  and  Carthage  was  made 
in  the  year  of  Lucius  Junius  Brutus  and  Marcus  Horatius, 
the  first  consuls  elected  after  the  expulsion  of  the  kings. 
Of  this  treaty  I  append  a  translation  as  accurate  as  I  could 
make  it,  for  the  fact  is  that  the  ancient  language  differs  so 
much  from  that  at  present  in  use  that  the  best  scholars 
among  the  Romans  themselves  have  great  difficulty  in 
interpreting  some  points  in  the  document. 

"Between  the  Romans  and  their  allies,  and  the  Cartha- 
ginians and  their  allies,  there  shall  be  peace  and  alliance 
upon  the  following  terms: — 

"Neither  the  Romans  nor  their  allies  shall  sail  beyond 
the  Fair  Promontory,  unless  driven  by  bad  weather  or  1  >  y 
an  enemy.  And  in  case  any  one  of  them  be  driven  ashore, 
he  shall  not  buy  or  take  aught  for  himself  save  what  is 
needful  for  the  repair  of  his  ship  and  the  service  of  the 
gods,  and  he  shall  depart  within  five  days. 

"Merchants  landing  for  traffic  in  Sardinia  or  in  Libya 
shall  strike  no  bargain  except  in  the  presence  of  a  herald  or 
a  town  clerk;  and  the  credit  of  the  state  shall  be  a  security 
to  the  merchant  for  whatever  he  shall  sell  in  the  presence  of 
this  officer. 

"If  any  Roman  lands  in  the  Carthaginian  province  in 
Sicily,  he  shall  enjoy  all  the  rights  enjoyed  by  others. 

361 


First  treaty 
between 
Rome  and 
Carthage, 
509  B.C. 

Polybius  iii. 
22. 

Rome,  39. 


(The  early 
date  of  this 
treaty  has 
been  ques- 
tioned, yet 
without 
sufficient 
grounds. 
lair  Prom- 
ontory is  on 
the  northern 
coast  of 
Africa,  near 
Carthage.) 


362 


The  Early  Republic 


Treaty 
between 
Rome  and 
the  Latins, 
493  B-C 


Dionysius 
vi.  5. 


Ancient 
World,  355 


"The  Carthaginians,  on  the  other  hand,  shall  do  no  in- 
jury to  the  people  of  Antium,  Laurentum,  Circeii,  Tar- 
racina,  or  any  other  people  of  the  Latins  who  are  subject  to 
Rome.  Nor  shall  they  possess  themselves  of  any  town  of 
the  Latins  which  is  not  subject  to  Rome.  If  they  take  one 
of  these  towns,  they  shall  deliver  it  unharmed  to  the 
Romans. 

"The  Carthaginians  shall  build  no  fort  in  Latium;  and  if 
they  land  an  armed  force  there,  they  shall  depart  before 
night." 

[A  few  years  afterward  the  Romans  concluded  with  the 
Latins  the  following  treaty:] 

"Let  there  be  peace  between  the  Romans  and  all  the 
Latin  cities  as  long  as  heaven  and  earth  shall  remain  in 
their  present  position. 

"Let  them  neither  make  war  upon  one  another  them- 
selves, nor  bring  in  foreign  enemies,  nor  grant  a  safe  pas- 
sage to  those  wTho  shall  make  war  upon  either. 

"Let  them  with  all  their  forces  assist  one  another  when 
attacked  by  enemies,  and  let  both  have  equal  shares  of  the 
spoils  and  booty  taken  in  their  common  wars. 

"Let  suits  relating  to  private  contracts  be  determined  in 
ten  days  among  that  people  among  whom  the  contract  was 
made. 

"Let  nothing  be  added  to,  or  taken  from,  these  treaties 
except  by  the  joint  consent  of  the  Romans  and  all  the 
Latins." 


II.  Sack  of  Rome  by  the  Gauls 


The  battle 
of  the  Allia, 
390  B.C. 

Plutarch, 
Cam  ill  us,  13 


Every  Roman  believes  that  the  prayers  of  Camillus 
were  quickly  heard  by  Jupiter,  and  that  a  terrible  retribu- 
tion was  exacted  for  his  wrongs.  (For  it  was  while  he  was 
in  exile  that  the  Gauls  came.) 


The  Gauls  at  Rome  363 

The  Romans  marched  about  eleven  miles  from  the  city, 
and  halted  for  the  night  on  the  banks  of  the  Allia,  a  stream  lb.  18. 
which  joins  the  Tiber  not  far  from  where  their  camp  was 
pitched.  Here  in  an  unskilful  battle  the  want  of  discipline 
caused  the  ruin  of  the  Romans.  The  Gauls  drove  the  left 
wing  into  the  river  and  destroyed  it,  but  the  right,  which 
took  refuge  in  the  hills  to  avoid  the  enemy's  charge  on  level 
ground,  suffered  less,  and  most  of  this  division  safely 
reached  the  city.  Of  the  rest,  those  who  survived  after 
the  enemy  were  weary  with  slaughter  took  refuge  at  Veii, 
imagining  that  all  was  over  with  Rome. 

On  the  third  day  after  the  battle  Brennus  (the  Gallic  The  Gauls 
chief)  came  at  the  head  of  his  army  to  attack  the  city. 
Seeing  the  gates  open  and  no  guards  on  the  walls,  he  at   camiiius'  22. 
first  feared  some  ambuscade,  as  he  could  not  believe  that    .    .    , 

Ancient 

the  Romans  had  so  utterly  despaired  of  themselves.    When   World,  354  f. 
he  discovered  the  truth,  he  marched  through  the  Colline 
Gate,  and  captured  Rome  a  little  more  than  three  hundred 
and  sixty  years  after  its  foundation,  if  we  can  believe  that 
any  accurate  record  has  been  kept  of  those  earlier  periods. 

(First  the  barbarians  plundered  and  burned  the  city,  The^siege  of 
while  the  Romans  held  only  the  Capitoline  Mount.)    En- 


the  Capitol. 


couraged  by  their  chief,  the  Gauls  eagerly  volunteered  an  camiiku,  27 
assault  on  the  Capitol.  About  midnight  many  of  them 
climbed  silently  up  the  rock,  which  although  rough  ; 
precipitous  was  easier  of  ascent  than  they  had  imagined;  so 
that  the  first  of  them  reached  the  top,  and  were  on  the 
point  of  attacking  the  rampart  and  its  sleeping  garrison, 
for  neither  men  nor  dogs  noticed  them. 

But  then-  were  sacred  geese  kept  in  the  temple  of  Juno, 
which  in  other  times  were  fed  without  stint,  bill  which  then, 
as  there  was  scarcely  food  enough  for  the  men,  were  some- 
what negle<  ted.   These  birds  arc  naturally  quick  of  hearing 


364 


The  Early   Republic 


"  Woe  to 
the  van- 
quished! " 

Plutarch, 
Camillus,  28. 


Camillus 
comes  to  the 
rescue. 

I'lutarch, 
Camillus,  29. 


and  timid;  and  now  rendered  wakeful  and  wild  by  hunger, 
they  quickly  perceived  the  Gauls  climbing  up,  and  rushing 
noisily  to  the  place,  awoke  the  garrison. 

The  Gauls,  feeling  that  they  were  discovered,  no  longer 
preserved  silence,  but  violently  assaulted  the  place.  The 
Romans  snatched  whatever  arms  came  first  to  hand  and 
r*an  to  repel  them.  First  of  all  Manlius,  a  man  of  consular 
rank,  strong  of  body  and  full  of  courage,  fell  in  with  two  of 
the  enemy.  As  one  of  them  lifted  up  his  battle-axe,  Man- 
lius cut  off  the  right  hand  with  his  sword,  while  he  dashed 
his  shield  into  another's  face  and  threw  him  backward 
down  the  cliff.  Then  he  stood  upon  the  wall,  and  with  the 
help  of  those  who  gathered  round  him,  beat  off  the  rest,  for 
not  many  had  reached  the  top  or  effected  anything  equal 
to  the  boldness  of  the  attempt.  After  thus  escaping  the 
danger,  the  Romans  threw  their  sentinel  down  the  rock, 
whereas  on  Manlius  they  conferred  by  vote  a  reward  for 
his  bravery. 

(Afterward  the  Romans  on  the  Capitoline  Mount  came 
to  terms  with  the  enemy.)  Brennus,  the  Gallic  chief,  and 
Sulpicius,  a  Roman  leader  of  the  commons,  met,  and  it  was 
agreed  that  the  Romans  should  pay  a  thousand  pounds  of 
gold,  and  that  on  receiving  it,  the  Gauls  should  at  once 
leave  the  country.  Both  parties  swore  to  observe  these 
conditions;  but  while  the  gold  was  being  weighed,  the 
Gauls  at  first  stealthily  tampered  with  the  scales  and  then 
openly  pulled  the  beam,  so  that  the  Romans  became  angry. 
Thereupon  Brennus  insolently  took  off  his  sword  and  belt 
and  threw  them  into  the  scale;  and  when  Sulpicius  asked, 
"What  is  this?"  he  replied,  "Woe  to  the  vanquished!" 

While  the  Romans  were  thus  disputing  with  the  Gauls 
and  with  one  another,  Camillus  with  his  army  was  at  the 
gates.    Learning  what  was  going  on  within,  he  ordered  the 


Greek  Invasion  of  Italy  365 

mass  of  his  soldiers  to  follow  him  quietly  and  in  good  order, 
while  he  pushed  on  with  the  picked  troops  to  join  the 
Romans,  who  all  made  way  for  him  and  received  him  as 
their  dictator  with  silence  and  respect.  He  then  took  the 
gold  from  the  scales  and  gave  it  to  his  lictors,  and  ordered  Rome,  27; 
the  Gauls  to  take  the  scales  and  the  beam  and  depart;  "for  World  355. 
it  is  the  custom  of  the  Romans,"  he  said,  "to  defend  their 
country  not  with  gold  but  with  iron." 

In  this  way  Rome  was  strangely  taken  and  yet  more  Plutarch, 
strangely  rescued,  after  the  Gauls  had  held  it  more  than 
ten  months. 


Camillas,  30. 


III.  Pyrrhus 

He  was  indeed  a  soldier  worthy  to  command  soldiers,   Plutarch, 
the  only  king  of  the  age  in  whom  could  be  traced  any  like- 
ness to  the  great  Alexander.    By  the  fire  and  the  energy  of 
his  movements  in  the  field  of  battle,  Pyrrhus  revived  the 
image  of  that  hero;  other  kings  mimicked  him  only  in 
their  behavior  and  in  the  trappings  and  state  of  royalty. 
We  can  form  an  opinion  of  his  knowledge  and  skill  in 
military  affairs  from  the  writings  which  he  has  left  on  these 
subjects.    It  is  said,  too,  that  Antigonus  when  asked  who  Greece,  318; 
was  the  greatest  general  answered,  "  Pyrrhus,  if  he  lives  World,  359  i. 
to  be  old,"  for  he  was  speaking  of  the  generals  of  his  time 
only.     Hannibal,  however,  considered  Pyrrhus  to  have 
been  the  best  general  that  ever  lived  for  skill  and  resource, 
placing  Scipio  next  and  himself  third,  as  is  written  in  the 
life  of  Scipio. 

In  fact  Pyrrhus  devoted  the  whole  of  his  intellect  to  the 
art  of  war;  for  he  regarded  it  as  the  only  study  tit  for  a 
king,  and  held  all  other  occupations  frivolous.  .  .  . 

As  he  desired  some  new  adventures,  he  embraced  the 
following  opportunity.    Rome  was  at  war  with  tin  Taren- 


366 


The  Early  Republic 


281-272 

B.C. 


Plutarch, 
Pyrrhus,  13. 


tines;  and  as  they  were  not  strong  enough  to  carry  on  the 
contest,  and  yet  were  not  allowed  by  the  audacious  folly  of 
their  mob  orators  to  make  peace,  they  proposed  to  choose 
Pyrrhus  leader  and  to  invite  him  to  be  their  ally  in  the  war, 
for  he  was  then  more  at  leisure  than  any  of  the  other  kings 
and  also  was  the  best  general  of  all.  .  .  . 

Thus  they  voted  for  war  and  sent  ambassadors  to  Epirus, 
not  from  Tarentum  alone  but  from  the  other  Greek  cities 
in  Italy.  These  delegates  carried  presents  to  Pyrrhus  and 
were  instructed  to  tell  him  that  they  required  a  leader  of 
skill  and  renown,  and  that  they  possessed  a  force  of  Lu- 
canians,  Messapians,  Samnites,  and  Tarentines  which 
amounted  to  twenty  thousand  cavalry  and  three  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  infantry.  This  information  not  only 
excited  Pyrrhus,  but  made  all  the  Epirots  eager  to  take 
part  in  the  campaign. 

When  Pyrrhus  arrived  at  Tarentum,  he  did  nothing  to 
displease  the  people  till  his  fleet  reached  the  coast  and  he 
had  gathered  the  greater  part  of  his  army.  Then  as  he 
saw  that  the  populace,  unless  ruled  by  a  strong  hand,  could 
help  neither  him  nor  themselves,  but  intended  to  stay 
idling  about  their  baths  and  entertainments  at  home  while 
he  fought  their  battles,  he  closed  the  gymnasia  and  the 
public  walks,  in  which  the  people  were  wont  to  waste  their 
time  in  empty  talk  about  the  war.  He  forbade  all  drink- 
ing, feasting,  and  unreasonable  revels,  and  forced  the 
people  to  take  arms.  In  carrying  out  this  order  he  showed 
himself  inexorable  to  every  one  who  was  on  the  muster- 
roll  of  able-bodied  citizens.  This  conduct  made  him  greatly 
disliked,  and  many  of  the  Tarentines  left  the  city  in  dis- 
gust; for  they  were  so  unused  to  discipline  that  inability 
to  pass  their  lives  as  they  chose  they  considered  to  be  no 
better  than  slavery. 


Pyrrhus  Defeats  the  Romans         367 

(When  Pyrrhus  heard  that  the  Roman  army  had  come  The  battle  of 
into  Lucania  to  oppose  him,  he  marched  forth  to  meet  it  at  280  B.C. ' 
Heraclea.)  Learning  that  the  Romans  were  near,  and  were 
encamping  on  the  farther  side  of  the  river  Siris,  he  rode 
down  to  the  river  to  view  them.  When  he  saw  their  even 
ranks,  their  orderly  movements,  and  their  well-arranged 
camp,  he  was  surprised,  and  said  to  the  nearest  of  his 
friends,  "These  barbarians,  Megacles,  have  nothing  bar- 
barian in  their  military  discipline,  but  we  shall  soon  learn 
what  they  can  do." 

He  began  already  to  feel  some  uncertainty  as  to  the  issue 
of  the  campaign,  and  determined  to  wait  till  his  allies  came 
up,  and  until  then  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  Romans 
and  prevent  their  crossing  the  river.  As  they  perceived  his 
object,  however,  they  quickly  crossed  the  river,  the  in- 
fantry at  a  ford,  the  cavalry  at  many  points  at  once,  so 
that  the  Greeks,  fearing  that  they  might  be  surrounded, 
drew  back. 

Perceiving  the  movement,  Pyrrhus  ordered  his  officers 
instantly  to  form  the  troops  in  order  of  battle  and  wait 
under  arms  while  he  himself  charged  with  the  cavalry, 
three  thousand  strong,  for  he  hoped  to  catch  the  Romans 
in  the  act  of  crossing  the  river  and  consequently  in  disorder. 
When  he  saw  many  shields  of  the  Roman  infantry  appear- 
ing over  the  river  bank  and  their  horsemen  all  ranged  in 
order,  he  closed  up  his  own  ranks  and  charged  them.  He 
himself  took  the  lead,  a  conspicuous  figure  in  his  beautiful 
glittering  armor,  and  he  proved  by  his  exploits  that  he 
deserved  his  high  reputation;  for  though  he  fought  per- 
sonally and  engaged  in  combal  with  the  enemy,  In-  con- 
tinually watched  the  whole  battle,  and  handled  his  troops 

with  as  much  facility  as  though  he  were  not  in  1  he  thick  of 
the  light,  appearing  always  where  his  presence  was  most 


368 


The  Early   Republic 


The 

embassy  of 
Cineas. 

Plutarch, 
Pyrrhus,   14. 

Greece,  220; 
Ancient 

World,  241. 


Plutarch, 
Pyrrhus,  18. 


Appius 

Claudius 

Csecus. 

Plutarch, 
Pyrrhus,  18  f. 


needed  and  reenforcing  those  who  seemed  likely  to  give 
way.    (Pyrrhus  won  a  hard-foughl  battle.) 

There  was  a  certain  Cineas,  a  Thessalian,  who  was  con- 
sidered a  man  of  good  judgment,  and  who  having  heard 
Demosthenes  the  orator  speak,  was  better  able  than  any  of 
the  speakers  of  his  age  to  delight  his  hearers  with  an  imita- 
tion of  the  eloquence  of  that  great  master  of  rhetoric.  He 
was  now  in  the  service  of  Pyrrhus,  and  being  sent  about  to 
various  cities,  proved  true  the  proverb  of  Euripides  that — 

All  can  be  done  by  words 
Which  foemen  wish  to  do  with  conquering  swords. 

Pyrrhus  used  to  say  that  more  cities  were  won  for  him 
by  Cineas  with  words  than  he  himself  won  by  force  of 
arms.  .  .  .  (Wishing  to  make  peace  with  Rome,)  Pyrrhus 
sent  Cineas  as  ambassador  to  conduct  the  negotiations. 
He  conversed  with  the  leading  men  of  Rome  and  offered 
their  wives  and  children  presents  from  the  king.  No  one, 
however,  would  accept  the  gifts,  but  all,  men  and  women 
alike,  replied  that  if  peace  were  publicly  made  with  the 
king,  they  would  then  have  no  objection  to  regarding  him 
as  a  friend.  And  when  Cineas  spoke  before  the  senate  in  a 
winning  and  persuasive  manner,  he  could  make  no  impres- 
sion upon  his  audience.  .  .  .  The  common  people,  how- 
ever, were  evidently  eager  for  peace,  because  they  had 
been  defeated  in  one  great  battle,  and  expected  that  they 
would  have  to  fight  another, — against  a  larger  force,  be- 
cause the  Italian  states  would  join  Pyrrhus. 

At  this  crisis  Appius  Claudius  (Caecus),  an  illustrious 
man,  who  had  long  been  prevented  by  old  age  and  blind- 
ness from  taking  an  active  part  in  politics,  hearing  of  the 
proposals  of  Pyrrhus  and  learning  that  the  question  of 
peace  or  war  was  about  to  be  voted  upon  in  the  senate, 


Italy  for  the  Italians  369 

could  no  longer  endure  to  stay  at  home,  but  caused  his 
sons  to  carry  him  in  a  litter  through  the  Forum  to  the 
senate-house.  When  he  reached  the  doors  of  the  senate- 
house,  his  sons  and  his  sons-in-law  supported  him  and 
guided  him  as  he  entered,  while  all  the  assembly  observed 
a  respectful  silence. 

(He  then  spoke  against  the  proposal  to  treat  with  Pyrrhus   (Compare 
while  this  Epirot  king  remained  in  the  peninsula.     Italy   roe  doc- 
for  the  Italians  was  the  new  principle  which  he  set  forth.    In   trme-  ' 
conclusion* he  said,)  "Do  not  imagine  that  you  will  rid 
yourselves  of  this  man  by  making  a  treaty  with  him. 
Rather  you  will  encourage  other  Greek  princes  to  invade 
you,  for  they  will  despise  you  and  think  you  an  easy  prey 
to  all  men,  if  you  let  Pyrrhus  go  home  again  without  pay- 
ing the  penalty  for  his  outrages  upon  you,  nay  with  the 
power  to  boast  that  he  has  made  Rome  a  laughing-stock 
for  Taren tines  and  Samnites!" 

By  his  words  Appius  roused  a  warlike  spirit  in  the 
Romans,  and  they  dismissed  Cineas  with  the  answer  that 
if  Pyrrhus  would  leave  Italy,  they  would  if  he  wished  dis- 
cuss the  question  of  alliance  with  him,  but  that  while  ne 
remained  in  arms  in  their  country,  the  Romans  would 
fight  him  to  the  death.  .  .  . 

After  spending  six  years  of  constant  fighting  in  Italy   Jfh£ f J^" 
and  Sicily,  Pyrrhus  failed.     During  this  time  he  lost  a 

J  .        .      ,    ,  ,  Plutarch, 

great  part  of  his  force,  but  always,  even  in  his  defeats,  kept  pyrrkus,  26. 
his  reputation  for  invincible  bravery.  In  warlike  skill  and 
personal  strength  and  daring  he  was  thought  to  be  by  far 
the  first  prince  of  his  age.  Yet  he  always  threw  away  the 
advantages  which  he  had  gained,  to  follow  some  chimerical 
scheme  of  further  conquest.  He  was  unable  to  take  proper 
measures  for  the  present  because  of  his  eagerness  for  the 
future. 


370  The  Early  Republic 


STUDIES 

i.  What  were  the  provisions  of  the  first  treaty  between  Rome  and 
Carthage?  From  this  treaty  what  may  we  infer  as  to  the  relations 
between  these  states?  as  to  their  comparative  power?  What  were  the 
provisions  of  the  treaty  bel  ween  Rome  and  Latium?  Does  the  treaty 
represent  the  two  powers  as  equal? 

2.  Give  an  account  of  the  Gallic  invasion  and  of  the  sack  of  Rome. 

3.  Write  a  biography  of  Pyrrhus,  and  describe  his  character.  As 
a  man  and  a  general  how  does  he  compare  with  the  most  famous 
Romans?  What  was  the  character  of  the  Tarentines?  What  were 
the  leading  traits  in  the  character  of  Appius  Claudius?  How  does 
bis  policy  resemble  our  "Monroe  doctrine"? 


CHAPTER  XXXII 

ROMAN  ORGANIZATION;    PROGRESS  IN   CULTURE 


I.  Municipia  and  Colonies 

The  words  municipes  and  municipia  are  very  easily  and 
very  commonly  uttered,  and  you  never  meet  with  a  man 
who  uses  them  but  he  supposes  that  he  clearly  knows  their 
meaning.  Yet  in  truth  one  thing  is  meant  and  another 
expressed;  for  how  many  of  us  are  there  who,  coming  from 
any  Roman  colony,  do  not  call  ourselves  municipes,  and 
our  countrymen  municipes,  which  is  very  far  from  reason 
and  the  truth.  So  we  are  in  the  same  manner  ignorant  of 
what  and  how  great  a  difference  there  is  between  municipia 
and  coloniae;  and  we  are  apt  to  suppose  that  colonies  are 
more  privileged  than  municipal  towns.  .  .  .  The  mu- 
nicipes in  fact  are  persons  who  from  the  municipal  towns 
are,  in  right  of  their  municipality,  Roman  citizens,  gov- 
erned by  their  own  laws,  and  partakers  of  only  privileges 
and  offices  with  the  Roman  people.  They  appear  to  be  so- 
called  a  manere  capesscndo  (''from  taking  honors");  and 
they  are  bound  by  no  compulsion  or  law  of  the  Romans, 
except  that  they  had  placed  themselves  under  the  power 
of  the  latter. 

The  Caerites,  we  learn,  were  the  first  who  were  made  a 
municipal  body  without  the  power  of  voting;  they  were 
permitted  the  honor  of  being  called  Roman  citizens,  but 
were  exonerated  from  offices  and  burden-,  on  account  <>t' 
their  having  recovered  and  protected  sacred  things  in  the 
Gallic  war;  hence  those  were  called  "  Lists  of  the  Caeriti 

371 


Municipia 
and  colonies 
distin- 
guished. 

Gellius  xvi. 
13- 

Ancient 
World,  361  f. 


Municipes 
without  the 
right  to  vote. 

'I  lir      pO 

was  in  Fact 

i  in- 
feriority, not 
of  honor. 


37 


Roman  Organization 


Colonies. 


Definitions 
of  Munici- 
pia. 

Festus  127. 


Organization 
of  Latium 
and  Campa- 
nia under 
Rome, 
33S  B.C. 

Livy  viii.  14 


Ancient 
World,  35°  f- 


upon  which  the  censors  ordered  the  names  of  those  to  be 
inscribed  whom  they  deprived  of  their  vote.  But  colonics 
stand  in  another  relationship;  they  do  not  enter  into  the 
franchise  from  without,  nor  do  they  claim  it  by  their 
origin,  but  they  are,  as  it  were,  the  offspring  of  the  state, 
and  are  of  necessity  subject  to  the  laws  and  institutes  of 
the  Romans;  which  condition;  though  it  be  more  exposed 
and  less  free,  is  yet  deemed  more  desirable  and  respectable, 
on  account  of  the  amplitude  and  majesty  of  the  Roman 
people. 

A  municipium  is  defined  as  that  class  of  men,  who  when 
they  came  to  Rome,  were  not  Roman  citizens  but  partici- 
pated with  the  Roman  citizens  in  everything  connected 
with  the  performance  of  duties,  with  the  exception  of  Not- 
ing and  holding  office;  such  as  were  the  people  of  Fundi, 
Formiae,  Cumae,  Acerrae,  Lanuvium,  and  Tusculum,  who 
after  some  years  were  made  Roman  citizens.  A  second 
definition  applies  the  term  to  those  whose  entire  state  has 
come  into  the  Roman  citizenship,  as  Aricia,  Caere,  and 
Anagnia.  Thirdly  this  class  is  defined  as  those  who  have 
entered  the  Roman  state  on  condition  of  remaining  rau- 
nicipes  of  their  several  states  and  colonies,  as  the  people 
of  Pisa,  Urbinum,  Nola,  Bononia,  Placentia,  Nepete, 
Sutrium,  and  Luca. 

The  principal  members  of  the  senate  applauded  the 
consul's  statement  of  the  business  on  the  whole;  but  said 
that  "as  the  states  were  differently  circumstanced,  the 
proposal  might  be  readily  adjusted  so  that  it  might  be 
determined  according  to  the  desert  of  each,  if  the}'  should 
put  the  question  regarding  each  state  specifically.  The 
question  was  therefore  so  put  regarding  each  separately 
and  a  decree  passed.  To  the  Lanuvians  the  right  of  citizen- 
ship was  granted,  and  the  exercise  of  their  religious  rights 


Organization  of  Latium  373 

was  restored  to  them  with  this  provision,  that  the  temple 
and  grove  of  Juno  Sospita  should  be  common  between  the 
Lanuvian  burghers  and  the  Roman  people.    The  Aricians,   *>ll  Romas 

citizcnsiiiD. 

Nomentans,  and  Pedans  were  admitted  into  the  number  of 
citizens  on  the  same  terms  as  the  Lanuvians.  To  the  Tus- 
culans  the  rights  of  citizenship  which  they  already  pos- 
sessed were  continued;  and  the  crime  of  rebellion  was 
turned  .  .  .  against  a  few  instigators.  On  the  Veliter- 
nians,  Roman  citizens  of  long  standing,  measures  of  great 
severity  were  inflicted  because  they  had  so  often  rebelled; 
their  walls  were  razed  and  their  senate  removed  from  Loss  of  all 

rights. 

thence,  and  they  were  ordered  to  dwell  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Tiber,  so  that  the  fine  of  any  individual  who  should 
be  caught  on  the  hither  side  of  that  river  should  amount 
to  one  hundred  asses;  and  that  the  person  who  had  appre- 
hended him,  should  not  discharge  his  prisoner  from  con- 
finement, until  the  money  was  paid  down.  Into  the  land  of 
the  senators  colonists  were  sent;  from  the  additions  of 
which  Velitrae  recovered  its  appearance  of  former  popu- 
lousness. 

A  new  colony  was  also  sent  to  Antium,  with  this  provi-   JjJ™.  a 
sion  that  if  the  Antians  desired  to  be  enrolled  as  colonists, 
permission  to  that  effect  should  be  granted.    Their  ships 
of  war  were  removed  from  thence,  and  the  people  of  An- 
tium were  interdicted  the  sea,  and  the  rights  of  citizenship 
were  granted  them.     The   Tiburtians  and  Praenestines  ™unre*tne<| 
were  amerced  in  some  land,  not  only  on  account  of  the  free  allies, 
recent  guilt  of  the  rebellion,  which  was  common  to  them 
with  the  other  Latins;  but  also  because  from  their  dislike 
to  the  Roman  government,  they  had  formerly  associated 
in  arms  with  the  Gauls,  a  nation  of  savages.     From  the 
other  Latin  states  they  took  away  the  privileges  of  inter- 
marriage, commerce,  and  of  holding  meetings.     To  the 


374 


Roman  Organization 


Full   citizen- 
ship again. 


The  Rostra 
were  conse- 
crated, hence 
a  temple;  the 
word  means 
"beaks." 


Changes  in 
armor,  arms 
and  organ- 
ization. 

Livy  viii.  8. 

A  ncient 
World,  365. 


The  target 
was  round; 
the  shield 
oblong. 


In  action. 


Campanians,  in  compliment  to  their  horsemen,  because 
they  had  refused  to  join  in  rebellion  with  the  Latins,  and 
to  the  Fundans  and  Formians,  because  the  passage  through 
their  territories  had  always  been  secure  and  peaceful,  the 
freedom  of  the  state  was  granted  with  the  right  of  suf- 
frage. It  was  determined  that  the  people  of  Cumae  and 
Suessula  should  have  the  same  rights  and  be  on  the  same 
footing  as  Capua.  Of  the  ships  of  the  Antians  some  were 
drawn  up  to  the  docks  at  Rome,  some  were  burned,  and 
with  the  prows  of  these  the  speakers'  stand  in  the  Forum 
was  ordered  to  be  decorated:  and  that  temple  was  called 
Rostra. 

II.  The  Reformed  Army 

The  Romans  formerly  used  targets;  afterward  when 
they  began  to  receive  pay,  they  made  shields  instead  of 
targets;  and  what  before  constituted  phalanxes  similar  to 
the  Macedonian,  afterward  became  a  line  drawn  up  in 
distinct  companies.  At  length  they  were  divided  into 
several  centuries.  A  century  contained  sixty  soldiers,  two 
centurions,  and  one  standard-bearer.  The  spearmen 
(hastati)  formed  the  first  line  in  fifteen  companies,  with 
small  intervals  between  themf*  a  company  had  twenty 
light-armed  soldiers,  the  rest  wearing  shields;  those  were 
called  light  who  carried  only  a  spear  and  short  iron  jave- 
lins. This  division,  which  constituted  the  van  in  the  field 
of  battle,  contained  the  youth  in  early  bloom  advancing 
toward  the  age  of  service.  Next  followed  men  of  more 
robust  age,  in  the  same  number  of  companies,  who  were 
called  principes,  all  wearing  shields,  and  distinguished  by 
the  completest  armor.    (Behind  them  came  the  triarii.)  .  .  . 

When  the  army  was  marshalled  according  to  this  ar- 
rangement, the  spearmen  first  commenced  the  fight.     If 


The  Army;   Coinage  375 

they  were  unable  to  repulse  the  enemy,  they  retreated 
leisurely,  and  were  received  by  the  principes  into  the  in- 
tervals of  the  ranks.  The  fight  then  devolved  on  the 
principes;  the  spearmen  followed.  The  triarii  continued 
kneeling  behind  the  ensigns,  their  left  leg  extended  for- 
ward, holding  their  shields  resting  on  their  shoulders,  and 
their  spears  fixed  in  the  ground,  with  the  points  erect,  so 
that  their  line  bristled  as  if  enclosed  by  a  rampart.  If  the 
principes  also  did  not  make  sufficient  impression  in  the 
fight,  they  retreated  slowly  from  the  front  to  the  triarii. 
Hence  when  a  difficulty  is  felt,  "Matters  have  come  to 
the  triarii,"  became  a  usual  proverb.  The  triarii,  rising 
up,  after  receiving  the  principes  and  spearmen  into  the 
intervals  between  their  ranks,  immediately  closing  their 
files,  shut  up  as  it  were  the  openings;  and  in  one  compact 
body  fell  upon  the  enemy,  no  other  hope  being  now  left; 
that  was  the  most  formidable  circumstance  to  the  enemy, 
when,  having  pursued  them  as  vanquished,  they  beheld  a 
new  line  suddenly  starting  up,  increased  also  in  strength. 
In  general  about  four  legions  were  raised,  each  consisting 
of  five  thousand  infantry  and  three  hundred  horse.  As 
many  more  were  added  from  the  Latin  levy. 

III.  Some  Aspects  of  Culture 

The  next  crime  committed  against  the  welfare  of  man-  The  earliest 

,        coins, 
kind  was  on  the  part  of  him  who  was  the  first  to  coin  the 

denarius  of  gold,  a  crime  the  author  of  which  is  equally  rai  History, 

unknown.    The  Roman  people  made  no  use  of  impressed   xxxm-  li- 

silver  even  before  the  period  of  the  defeat  of  King  Pyrrhus. 

The  as  of  copper  weighed  exactly  one  pound.  .  .  . 

Silver  was  not  impressed  with  a  mark  until  the  year  of 

the  city  485,  theyearof  the  consulship  of  Q.  Ogulnius  and   269  B.C. 

C.  Fabius,  live  years  before  the  First  Punic  War;  at  that 


376 


Roman  Organization 


A  ncient 
World,  366  f. 

A  denarius 
was  worth 
about  20 
cents.    The 
as,  at  first 
about  45 
cents,  fell  to 
2  cents; 
Botsford, 
Roman  As- 
semblies, 87, 
n.  4. 


time  it  was  ordained  that  the  value  of  the  denarius  should 
be  ten  pounds  of  copper,  that  of  the  quinarius  five  pounds, 
and  that  of  the  sestertius  two  pounds  and  a  half.  The 
weight,  however,  of  the  copper  "pound"  was  diminished 
during  the  First  Punic  War,  the  republic  not  having  means 
to  meet  its  expenditure:  in  consequence  an  ordinance  was 
made  that  the  as  should  in  future  be  struck  of  two  ounces 
weight.  By  this  contrivance  a  saving  of  five-sixths  was 
effected,  and  the  public  debt  was  liquidated.  The  impres- 
sion upon  those  copper  coins  was  a  two  faced  Janus  on  one 
side,  and  the  beak  of  a  ship  of  war  on  the  other. 


The  Appian 
Aqueduct 
and  the 
Appian  Way, 
312  B.C. 

Diodorus 
xx.  36. 


A  stade 
(stadium) 
was  600  feet. 


There  were  two  censors  this  year  at  Rome — Appius 
Claudius  and  Caius  Plautius.  With  the  concurrence  of 
Plautius,  Appius  disturbed  many  matters  of  ancient  wont 
and  usage;  for  to  gratify  the  people,  he  made  no  account 
of  the  senate.  Also  he  constructed  an  aqueduct,  named 
the  Appian  Aqueduct  after  himself,  which  brought  water 
from  regions  80  stades  distant.  On  this  he  expended  a 
great  sum  of  money  without  the  consent  of  the  senate. 

Then  he  laid  a  causeway  of  hard  stones  from  Rome  to 
Capua  a  thousand  stades  and  upward,  and  levelled  it  at 
great  cost.  This  was  called  the  Via  Appia  after  him.  In 
this  way  he  drained  the  treasury.  But  by  promoting  the 
public  good,  he  left  behind  him  an  everlasting  monument. 


Early  Italic 
painting. 

Pliny,  Natu- 
ral History, 
xxxv.  6  f. 


But  already  in  fact  had  the  art  of  painting  been  per- 
fectly developed  in  Italy.  At  all  events  there  are  extant 
in  the  temples  at  Ardea  at  this  day  paintings  of  greater 
antiquity  than  Rome  itself;  in  which  in  my  opinion,  noth- 
ing is  more  marvellous  than  that  they  should  have  re- 
mained so  long  unprotected  by  a  roof,  and  yet  preserve 
their  freshness.     At  Lanuvium,  too,  it  is  the  same,  where 


Early  Roman  Art  377 

we  see  an  Atalanta  and  a  Helena,  without  drapery,  close  Paintings  of 

the  same  age 

together  and  painted  by  the  same  artist.    They  are  both  and  class  are 
of  the  greatest  beauty,  the  former  being  evidently  the  sirox£ jjtrus- 
figure  of  a  girl,  and  they  still  remain  uninjured,  though  the  c^J°™hs' 
temple  is  in  ruins.     The  Emperor  Gaius,  inflamed  with   World,  320  f. 
greed,  attempted  to  have  them  removed,  but  the  nature 
of  the  plaster  would  not  admit  of  it.    There  are  in  exist- 
ence at  Caere  some  paintings  of  a  still  higher  antiquity. 
Whoever  carefully  examines  them,  will  be  forced  to  admit 
that  no  art  has  arrived  more  speedily  at  perfection,  seeing 
that  it  was  evidently  not  in  existence  at  the  time  of  the 
Trojan  War. 

Among  the  Romans,  too,  this  art  very  soon  rose  into  Temple  of 
o  •11  Salus 

esteem,  for  it  was  from  it  that  the  Fabii,  a  most  illustrious   (Safety). 

family,  derived  their  surname  of  "Pictor;"  indeed  the 

first  of  the  family  who  bore  it  himself  painted  the  Temple 

of  Salus,  in  the  year  of  the  city  450,  a  work  which  lasted  304  B.C. 

to  our  own  times,  but  was  destroyed  when  the  temple 

was  burnt,  in  the  reign  of  Claudius.  .  .  . 

Statues  of  this  nature  are  still  in  existence  at  various  Terra-cotta 

.   .  art. 

places.    At  Rome  in  fact  and  in  our  municipal  towns,  we     ._ 

still  see  many  such  pediments  of  temples;  wonderful,  too,   rojjfw<A!' 

for  their  workmanship  and  from  their  artistic  merit  and   ™xv  46. 

long  duration,  more  deserving  of  our  respect  than  gold, 

and  certainly  far  less  baneful.    At  the  present  day,  even  in   Very  com-^ 

the  midst  of  such  wealth  as  we  possess,  we  make  our  first  Rome  and 

libation  at  the  sacrifice,  not  from  vessels  of  murrhine  or 

crystal,  but  from  ladles  made  of  earthenware. 

Another  instance  of  the  severe  discipline  of  this  office  is  jjjjjj™, 

as  follows:  There  was  a  deliberation  about  fining  a  man,  the  censors, 

who  was  being  called  by  his  friend  before  the  censors.  Qdlius  iv. 

Whilst  expecting  their  decision  he  yawned  clearly  and  ">■ 


378 


Roman  Organization 


Roman 
women  do 
not  drink 
wine. 

Gcllius  x.  23. 


aloud;  and  he  was  about  to  be  fined,  this  being  considered 
as  a  proof  of  an  indolent  and  careless  temper,  and  of  a  rude 
and  impertinent  confidence.  But  when  he  swore  that  his 
yawning  was  reluctant  and  involuntary,  and  that  he  was 
afflicted  with  the  disease  termed  the  gapes,  he  was  ac- 
quitted of  his  intended  fine. 

The  writers  on  the  food  and  dress  of  the  Romans  inform 
us  that  the  women  of  Rome  and  Latium  lived  abstemiously; 
that  is,  they  abstained  from  wine.  ...  It  was  appointed 
by  law,  that  they  should  kiss  their  relations,  that  it  might 
be  discovered  by  their  breath  whether  they  had  been 
drinking.  But  they  relate  that  the  women  were  accus- 
tomed to  drink  the  second  brewing,  raisin  wine,  sweet 
myrrh,  and  other  sweet  beverages  of  that  taste.  And 
these  things  are  published  in  the  books  I  mentioned.  But 
Marcus  Cato  says  that  women  were  not  only  censored  but 
fined,  if  they  had  been  drinking  wine. 


STUDIES 

1.  On  the  basis  of  these  passages  classify  the  municipia,  and  dis- 
tinguish them  from  colonies.  What  was  the  status  of  each  com- 
munity mentioned  in  Livy  viii.  14? 

2.  Describe  the  organization  and  movements  of  the  reformed  army. 

3.  Describe  the  earliest  coins;  the  early  Italic  paintings.  From 
the  selections  from  Gellius  what  may  we  infer  as  to  the  severity  of 
the  censors?  the  life  of  women? 


CHAPTER  XXXIII 

THE  FIRST  AND  SECOND  PUNIC  WARS 

I.  The  Story  of  Regulus 

Early  in  the  Sicilian  war  the  Romans  sent  three  hundred  Regulus  in 
and  fifty  ships  to  Africa,  captured  many  towns,  and  left  in 

command  of  the  army  Atilius  Regulus,  who  took  about  two  P^cn' 

hundred  more  towns,  which  gave  themselves  up  to  him  on  %aorTs't^e 

account  of  their  hatred  of  the  Carthaginians.    Continually  events  lead- 

,         -i-«  i  j     iL  inS  up  to  this 

advancing,    the    Roman    general    ravaged    the    country,   invasion,  see 
Thereupon  the  Carthaginians,  considering  their  misfortune  f^;^9'' 
due  to  bad  generalship,  asked  the  Lacedaemonians  to  send   World,  370-3 
them  a  commander. 

They  sent  Xanthippus.  Regulus,  encamped  in  the  hot 
season  by  the  side  of  a  lake,  marched  round  it  to  engage  the 
enemy.  His  soldiers  were  suffering  greatly  from  the  weight 
of  their  arms,  from  dust,  thirst,  and  fatigue,  and  were  ex- 
posed to  missiles  from  the  neighboring  hills.  Toward  even- 
ing he  came  to  a  river  which  separated  the  two  armies. 
This  he  crossed  at  once,  for  he  thought  in  this  way  to 
terrify  Xanthippus;  but  the  Lacedaemonian,  anticipating 
an  easy  victory  over  an  enemy  thus  harassed  and  ex- 
hausted, took  advantage  of  the  night  to  draw  up  his  forces 
and  make  a  sudden  sally  from  the  camp.  The  expectation 
of  Xanthippus  was  not  disappointed.  Of  the  thirty  thou- 
sand men  led  by  Regulus,  a  few  only  escaped  with  difficulty 
to  the  city  of  Aspis.  All  the  rest  were  either  killed  or  taken 
prisoners;  and  among  the  captives  was  the  consul  Regulus 
himself. 

379 


380   The  First  and  Second  Punic  Wars 


The 

embassy  of 
Regulus. 

Appian, 
Punic 
Wars,  4. 


Not  long  afterward  the  Carthaginians,  weary  with 
fighting,  sent  him  in  company  with  other  ambassadors  to 
Rome  to  obtain  peace,  or  to  return  if  it  were  not  granted. 
But  Regulus  in  private  strongly  urged  the  chief  magis- 
trates of  Rome  to  continue  the  war,  and  then  went  back 
to  certain  torture;  for  the  Carthaginians  shut  him  up  in  a 
cage  full  of  spikes  and  in  this  way  put  him  to  death. 


Hamilcar 
Barca  (the 
Lightning). 

Polybius  i. 
56. 

(For  the 
places  here 
mentioned, 
see  map, 
Rome,  1 ; 
Ancient 
World,  313.) 


II.  Hamilcar  Barca 

In  the  eighteenth  year  of  the  war  the  Carthaginians 
appointed  Hamilcar  Barca  general,  and  put  the  manage- 
ment of  the  fleet  in  his  hands.  He  took  over  the  command 
and  began  to  ravage  the  Italian  coast.  After  devastating 
the  district  of  Locri  and  the  rest  of  Bruttium,  he  sailed 
away  with  his  whole  fleet  to  the  coast  of  Panormus  and 
seized  a  place  called  Ercte,  which  lies  between  Eryx  and 
Panormus  on  the  coast,  and  is  reputed  the  best  situation  in 
the  district  for  a  safe  and  permanent  camp.  For  it  is  a 
mountain  rising  sheer  on  every  side,  standing  out  above 
the  surrounding  country  to  a  considerable  height.  The 
tableland  on  its  summit  has  a  circumference  of  not  less 
than  a  hundred  stades,  within  which  the  soil  is  rich  in 
pasture  and  suitable  for  agriculture.  The  sea  breezes 
render  it  healthful,  and  it  is  entirely  free  from  dangerous 
animals. 

On  the  side  which  looks  toward  the  sea,  as  well  as  that 
which  faces  the  interior  of  the  island,  it  is  enclosed  by  in- 
accessible precipices;  while  the  spaces  between  these  parts 
require  only  slight  fortifications,  and  of  no  great  extent,  to 
make  them  secure.  On  it  is  an  eminence  which  serves  at 
once  as  an  acropolis  and  as  a  convenient  tower  of  observa- 
tion, commanding  the  surrounding  district.    It  is  also  sup- 


Hamilcar  381 

plied  with  a  harbor,  conveniently  situated  for  the  passage 
from  Drepana  and  Lilybaeum  to  Italy,  in  which  is  always 
an  abundant  depth  of  water.  Finally  the  height  can  be 
reached  by  three  ways  only — two  from  the  land  side  and 
one  from  the  sea,  and  all  of  them  difficult. 

Here  Hamilcar  intrenched  himself.  It  was  a  bold  meas-  His  wonder- 
ure;  but  he  had  no  city  which  he  could  count  upon  as 
friendly,  and  no  other  hope  on  which  he  could  rely;  and 
though  by  so  doing  he  placed  himself  in  the  very  midst  of 
the  enemy,  he  nevertheless  managed  to  involve  the  Romans 
in  many  struggles  and  dangers.  To  begin  with,  he  would 
start  from  this  place  and  ravage  the  seaboard  of  Italy  as 
far  as  Cumae;  and  again  on  shore,  when  the  Romans  had 
pitched  a  camp  to  overawe  him,  in  front  of  the  city  of 
Panormus  within  about  five  stades  of  him,  he  harassed 
them  in  every  way,  and  forced  them  to  engage  in  numerous 
skirmishes  for  the  space  of  nearly  three  years.  Of  these 
combats  it  is  impossible  to  give  a  detailed  account  in 
writing. 

Presently  however  Fortune,  acting  like  a  good  umpire  in   °fn  *he  sIope 
the  games,  transferred  him  by  a  bold  stroke  from  the  Eryi. 
locality  just  described  and  from  the  contest  in  which  he  p0iybiusi. 
was  engaged,  to  a  struggle  of  greater  danger  and  to  a  local-  5 
ity  of  narrower  dimensions.    The  Romans  were  occupying 
the  summit  of  Eryx,  and  had  a  guard  stationed  at  its  foot. 
But  Hamilcar  managed  to  seize  the  town  which  lay  be- 
tween these  two  spots. 

There  ensued  a  siege  by  the  Romans  who  were  on  the 
summit,  supported  by  them  with  extraordinary  hardihood 
and  adventurous  daring.  The  Carthaginians  found  them- 
selves between  two  hostile  armies,  and  their  supplies 
brought  to  them  with  difficulty  because  they  communi- 
cated with  the  sea  at  only  one  point  and  by  one  road;  yet 


382    The  First  and  Second  Punic  Wars 

they  held  out  with  a  determination  that  passes  belief. 
Every  contrivance  which  skill  or  force  could  sustain  did 
they  put  in  use  against  each  other,  as  before;  every  im- 
aginable privation  was  submitted  to;  surprises  and  pitched 
battles  were  alike  tried;  and  finally  they  left  the  combat 
a  drawn  one  .  .  .  like  men  still  unbroken  and  uncon- 
quered.  .  .  .  The  two  nations  engaged  were  like  well-bred 
game-cocks  which  fight  to  their  last  gasp.  You  may  see 
them  often,  when  too  weak  to  use  their  wings,  yet  full  of 
pluck  to  the  end,  and  striking  again  and  again.  Finally 
chance  brings  them  the  opportunity  of  once  more  grap- 
pling, and  they  hold  on  till  one  or  the  other  of  them  drops 
dead. 
241  B.C.  (At  last  the  Romans  destroyed  the  Carthaginian  fleet, 

whereupon  Hamilcar,  from  his  post  on  Mount  Eryx,  came 
to  terms  of  peace  with  the  enemy.  Immediately  a  war 
broke  out  between  Carthage  and  her  unpaid  mercenaries. 
By  crushing  the  mutineers,  Hamilcar  brought  this  mer- 
cenary war,  or  "Libyan  war,"  to  an  end.) 
Hamilcar  As  soon  as  they  had  brought  the  Libyan  War  to  a  conclu- 

ipain.°  si°n>  the  Carthaginians  collected  an  army  and  despatched 

Polybius  a.  1.  it  under  the  command  of  Hamilcar  to  Iberia  (Spain).  This 
general  took  over  the  command  of  the  troops,  and  with  his 
son  Hannibal,  then  nine  years  old,  crossing  by  the  Pillars  of 
Hercules,  set  about  recovering  the  Carthaginian  posses- 
sions in  Iberia.  He  spent  nine  years  there,  and  after 
reducing  many  Iberian  tribes  by  war  or  diplomacy  to  Car- 
thaginian rule,  he  died  in  a  manner  worthy  of  his  great 
achievements;  for  he  lost  his  life  in  a  battle  against  the 
most  warlike  and  most  powerful  tribes.  In  this  last  fight 
he  showed  a  brilliant  and  even  reckless  personal  daring. 


Hannibal  383 

III.  The  Battle  of  Lake  Trasimene;  the  Greatness 
of  Hannibal 

(Early  in  the  spring  Hannibal  crossed  the  Apennines  The  battle 
into   Etruria   and   marched   along   the   highway   toward  Trasimene, 
Rome.     Flaminius,  one  of  the  consuls,  followed  close  be-  2I7    ' 
hind  with  an  army.)  ifc&W 

The  Carthaginians  now  reached  a  place  formed  by  na- 
ture for  an  ambuscade,  where  Lake  Trasimene  comes 
nearest  to  Mount  Cortona.  A  very  narrow  passage  only  Livy  xsrii.  4. 
intervenes,  as  though  room  enough  had  been  left  just  for 
that  purpose.  Then  a  somewhat  wider  plain  opens,  and 
still  farther  some  hills  rise  up.  On  these  heights  Hannibal 
pitched  his  camp  in  full  view,  where  he  posted  his  Spaniards 
and  Africans  under  his  own  command.    The  Baleares  and   (Slingers 

from  the 

his  other  light  troops  he  had  ranged  round  the  mountain;  Baleares 
his  cavalry  he  posted  at  the  very  entrance  of  the  defile — 
conveniently  hidden  behind  some  rising  ground — in  order 
that  when  the  Romans  had  entered,  the  horsemen  might 
advance  and  every  place  be  closed  by  the  lake  and  the 
mountain.  Flaminius  passed  the  defile  before  it  was 
quite  daylight.  He  did  not  previously  reconnoitre,  though 
he  had  reached  the  lake  the  preceding  day  at  sunset. 

When  the  troops  began  to  spread  into  the  wider  plain,  The  Romans 
the  commander  saw  that  part  only  of  the  enemy  which  rounded, 
was  opposite  him;  the  ambuscade  in  his  rear  and  overhead 
escaped  his  notice.  And  when  Hannibal  had  his  enemy 
enclosed  by  the  lake  and  mountain,  and  surrounded  by 
his  troops,  he  gave  the  signal  for  all  at  the  same  time  to 
charge,  where  upon  each  began  to  run  down  the  nearest 
way.  To  the  Romans  the  event  was  all  the  more  sudden 
and  unexpected  because  of  a  mist  which  had  risen  from  the 
lake,  and  was  settling  thicker  on  the  plain  than  on  the 


384   The  First  and  Second  Punic  Wars 


The  begin- 
ning of  the 
fight. 


The  consul. 
Livy  xxii.  5. 


Confusion. 


A  desperate 
struggle. 


ridge.  For  this  reason  the  Punic  troops  ran  down  from  the 
various  heights  in  fair  sight  of  one  another  and  therefore 
with  greater  regularity. 

As  the  battle-cry  rose  on  all  sides,  the  Romans  found 
themselves  surrounded  before  they  could  well  see  the 
enemy;  and  the  attack  on  the  front  and  flank  had  begun 
before  their  line  could  be  well  formed,  their  arms  prepared 
for  action,  or  their  swords  unsheathed. 

Though  all  the  rest  were  in  a  panic,  the  consul  faced  the 
peril  undaunted.  As  the  men  turned  toward  the  various 
shouts,  they  threw  the  line  into  confusion,  but  Flaminius 
marshalled  them  as  well  as  time  and  place  permitted. 
Wherever  he  came  within  hearing,  he  encouraged  them, 
and  bade  them  stand  and  fight.  "We  can  escape,"  he 
cried,  "not  by  vows  and  prayers  to  the  gods  but  by  courage 
and  energy.  Let  us  hew  our  way  with  the  sword  through 
the  midst  of  their  marshalled  battalions — the  less  the  fear 
the  less  the  danger!" 

But  in  the  noise  and  tumult  the  men  heard  not  his  ad- 
vice and  command;  and  so  far  were  they  from  knowing 
their  own  standards  and  ranks  and  position,  that  they 
hardly  had  enough  courage  to  take  arms  and  make  ready 
for  battle.  Some,  surprised  before  they  could  don  their 
armor,  were  burdened  rather  than  protected  by  it.  In  the 
thick  darkness  there  was  more  use  for  ears  than  for  eyes. 
Vainly  peering  in  every  direction,  they  could  only  hear  the 
groans  of  the  dying,  the  clash  of  blows  upon  armor,  the 
mingled  clamor  of  threats  and  fear.  Some  in  their  flight 
ran  into  bands  of  fighters;  others  renewing  the  struggle 
were  turned  back  by  crowds  of  runaways. 

In  vain  the  Romans  charged  in  every  direction,  there 
was  no  hope  of  escape;  for  on  their  flanks  the  mountain 
and  lake,  on  the  front  and  rear  the  lines  of  the  enemy  en- 


The  Battle  of  Lake  Trasimene       385 

compassed  them.  As  they  saw  their  only  safety  lay  in  the 
right  hand  and  the  sword,  each  man  became  his  own  leader 
and  encouraged  to  action,  and  an  entirely  new  struggle 
arose, — not  in  a  regular  line  of  battle,  with  principes,    (The  three 

11  j    lines  of 

liastati,  and  triani,  nor  of  such  a  sort  as  when  the  vanguard  heavy  in- 
fights  before  the  standards  and  the  rest  of  the  troops  be-  l^l\5. 
hind  them,  nor  when  each  soldier  stands  in  his  own  legion,   Anciaa 

If  orld,  365.) 

cohort  and  company;  chance  collected  them  into  bands; 
and  each  man's  will  assigned  him  his  post,  to  fight  in  front 
or  rear.  So  great  was  the  ardor  of  battle,  so  intent  were 
their  minds  upon  the  fray,  that  not  one  of  the  combatants 
felt  an  earthquake  which  threw  down  large  parts  of  many 
Italian  cities,  turned  rivers  from  their  rapid  courses,  carried 
the  sea  up  into  rivers,  and  levelled  mountains  with  a  tre- 
mendous crash. 

Nearly  three  hours  the  battle  raged,  and  in  every  quarter  Jgjn^nius 
fiercely;  around  the  consul  it  was  hottest  and  most  deter- 
mined. With  the  strongest  of  his  troops  he  promptly  ny  x 
brought  assistance  wherever  he  saw  his  men  hard  pressed 
or  worried.  Knowing  him  by  his  armor,  the  enemy  at- 
tacked him  furiously,  while  his  countrymen  defended  him. 
Finally  an  Insubrian  horseman  named  Ducarius,  recog- 
nizing his  face,  said  to  his  fellows,  "Lo,  this  is  the  consul   (He  had  de- 

o  /  iciitcu  t  hem 

who  slew  our  legions  and  laid  waste  our  fields  and  cities.   an,i  n;il|  ,,,„ 
Now  will  I  offer  this  victim  to  the  shades  of  my  country-   S^eu 
men  miserably  slain!"  and  putting  spurs  to  his  horse,  he   223  B.C.) 
dashed  through  a  dense  throng  of  the  enemy.     First  he 
killed  the  consul's  armor-bearer,  who  had  opposed  himself 
to  the  attack;  then  he  ran  the  consul  through  with  a  lance. 
The  veterans,  by  opposing  their  shields,  kept  him  from 
despoiling  the  body. 

Then  for  the  first  time  many  took  to  flight.     Neither   Flight, 
lake  nor  mountain  could  now  chc  <  k  their  hurried  retreat; 


386    The  First  and  Second  Punic  Wars 

they  ran  over  steep  and  narrow  ways,  as  though  they  were 
blind;  arms  and  men  tumbled  upon  one  another.  Finding 
nowhere  else  to  run,  many  retreating  first  into  the  shallow 
water  along  the  shore,  plunged  farther  in  till  only  their 
heads  and  shoulders  reached  above.  Some  thoughtlessly 
tried  to  escape  by  swimming;  but  as  the  attempt  failed, 
they  lost  courage  and  were  drowned  in  the  deep  water;  or 
wearied  to  no  purpose,  they  made  their  way  with  extreme 
difficulty  back  to  the  shallows,— only  to  be  cut  down  by 
the  cavalry  of  the  enemy,  who  had  waded  into  the  water. 
Nearly  six  thousand  men  in  the  van  gallantly  forced 
their  way  through  the  opposing  enemy,  and  without  know- 
ing what  was  happening  in  the  rear,  escaped  from  the  de- 
file. Stopping  on  a  certain  height,  and  hearing  naught 
but  the  shouts  and  the  clash  of  arms,  they  could  not 
through  the  mist  discover  what  was  the  fortune  of  the 
battle. 
An  army  de-       At  length  the  contest  was  decided ;  and  when  the  increas- 

stroved. 

ing  heat  of  the  sun  had  dispelled  the  mist  and  cleared  the 
air, — then  in  the  bright  light  the  mountains  and  the  plains 
displayed  the  ruin  of  the  Roman  army. 

This  is  the  famous  battle  of  Lake  Trasimene,  recorded 
among  the  few  disasters  of  Rome.  Fifteen  thousand 
Romans  were  killed  in  the  struggle.  Ten  thousand,  who 
had  scattered  in  flight  through  all  Etruria,  returned  to  the 
city  by  various  roads.  A  thousand  five  hundred  of  the 
enemy  perished. 

(Next  year  Hannibal  inflicted  a  still  more  terrible  defeat 

upon  the  Romans  at  Cannae;  and  though  this  was  his  last 

brilliant  victory,  he  maintained  himself  in  Italy  many 

201  B.C  years.     Finally  he  had  to  return  to  Carthage  and  make 

peace  with  Rome.) 

Who  could  help  admiring  this  great  man's  strategic 


The  Character  of  Hannibal  387 

skill,  courage,  and  ability,  when  one  looks  to  the  length  The  great- 

.  ness  of 

of  time  during  which  he  displayed  those  qualities,  and  Hannibal. 

realizes  to  one's  self  the  pitched  battles,  the  skirmishes  p0iybius  xi 

and   sieges,    the   revolutions   and   counter-revolutions   of   I9- 

states,  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  and  in  fact  the  whole 

course  of  his  design  and  its  execution? 

For  sixteen  continuous  years  Hannibal  maintained  the 
war  with  Rome  in  Italy,  without  once  releasing  his  army 
from  service  in  the  field,  but  keeping  those  vast  numbers 
under  control,  like  a  good  pilot,  without  any  sign  of  dis- 
satisfaction toward  himself  or  toward  one  another.  This 
he  did  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  troops  in  his  service, 
so  far  from  being  of  the  same  tribe,  were  not  even  of  the 
same  race.  He  had  Libyans,  Iberians,  Ligurians,  Celts, 
Phoenicians,  Italians,  and  Greeks,  who  naturally  had 
nothing  in  common  with  one  another, — neither  laws  nor 
customs  nor  language.  Yet  the  skill  of  the  commander 
was  such  that  these  differences,  so  manifold  and  so  wide, 
did  not  disturb  obedience  to  one  word  of  command  and 
to  a  single  will. 

And  yet  circumstances  were  not  by  any  means  unvary- 
ing; for  though  the  breeze  of  fortune  set  strongly  in  his 
favor,  it  as  often  blew  adversely.  We  have  therefore  good 
ground  for  admiring  Hannibal's  display  of  ability  in  war; 
and  we  should  not  hesitate  to  say  that  had  he  reserved 
his  attack  upon  the  Romans  until  he  had  first  subdued 
other  parts  of  the  world,  not  one  of  his  projects  would 
have  eluded  his  grasp.  As  it  was,  he  began  with  those 
whom  he  should  have  attacked  last,  and  with  them  ac- 
cordingly he  began  and  ended  his  career. 


388   The  First  and  Second  Punic  Wars 


STUDIES 

1.  Give  Appian's  account  of  Rcgulus  and  Xanthippus.  Compare 
the  account  given  in  Rome,  100;  Ancient  World,  373  f  (from  Polybius). 
What  is  Polybius'  estimate  of  the  value  of  history  as  illustrated  by 
the  fate  of  these  two  generals?  From  the  maps  (Rome,  1,  95;  Ancient 
World,  313,  371)  describe  the  location  of  Sicily,  Ecnomus,  Messene, 
Mount  Ercte,  Panormus,  Mount  Eryx,  Lilybaeum,  Drepana,  the 
/Egatian  Islands,  Carthaginian  Libya,  and  Spain  (Iberia). 

2.  Write  a  biography  of  Hamilcar  Barca,  including  a  description 
of  his  character. 

3.  Write  a  biography  of  Hannibal,  and  describe  his  character. 
Whose  character  in  the  Second  Punic  War  was  the  more  admirable, 
that  of  Hannibal  or  that  of  the  Romans?  Would  the  success  of  Han- 
aibal  have  benefited  the  world? 


CHAPTER   XXXIV 

THE  END  OF  GREEK  FREEDOM 

I.  The  Depopulation  of  Greece 

In  our  time  all  Greece  was  visited  by  a  dearth  of  chil-  The  families 

are  few  and 
small. 


HIS 


dren,  and  generally  a  decay  of  population,  owing  to  which 
the  cities  were  denuded  of  inhabitants,  and  a  failure  Pojyb: 
of  productiveness  resulted,  though  there  were  no  long-  mvii'  9 
continued  wars  or  serious  pestilences  among  us.  If,  then, 
any  one  had  advised  our  sending  to  ask  the  gods  in  regard 
to  what  we  were  to  do  or  say  in  order  to  become  more 
numerous  and  better  fill  our  cities, — would  he  not  have 
seemed  a  futile  person,  when  the  cause  was  manifest  and 
the  cure  in  our  own  hands?  For  this  evil  grew  upon  us 
rapidly,  and  without  attracting  attention,  by  our  men 
becoming  perverted  to  a  passion  for  show  and  money 
and  the  pleasures  of  an  idle  life,  and  accordingly  either  not 
marrying  at  all,  or  if  they  did  marry,  refusing  to  rear  the 
children  that  were  born,  or  at  most  one  or  two  out  of  a 
great  number,  for  the  sake  of  leaving  them  well  off  or 
bringing  them  up  in  extravagant  luxury.  For  when  there 
are  only  one  or  two  sons,  it  is  evident  that,  if  war  or  pesti- 
lence carries  off  one,  the  houses  must  be  left  heirless;  and 
like  swarms  of  bees,  little  by  little  the  cities  become 
sparsely  inhabited  and  weak.  On  this  subject  there  is 
no  need  to  ask  the  gods  how  we  are  to  be  relieved  from 
such  a  curse;  for  any  one  in  the  world  will  tell  you  that  it 
is  by  the  men  themselves  if  possible  changing  their  ob- 
jects of  ambition;  or,  if  that  cannol  be  done,  by  passing 

389 


The  greatest 
of  all  her 
misfortunes. 

Polybius 
xxxviii.  3. 


390         The  End  of  Greek  Freedom 

laws  for  the  preservation  of  children.     On  this  subject 
there  is  no  need  of  seers  or  of  prodigies. 

II.  The  Misery  of  the  Fall 

My  thirty-eighth  book  embraces  the  consummation 
of  the  misfortunes  of  Greece.  For  though  Greece  as  a 
whole,  as  well  as  separate  parts  of  it,  has  on  several  occa- 
sions sustained  grave  disasters,  yet  to  none  of  her  previous 
defeats  could  the  word  "misfortune"  be  more  properly 
applied  than  to  those  which  have  befallen  her  in  our  times. 
For  it  is  not  only  that  the  sufferings  of  Greece  excite  com- 
passion; stronger  still  is  the  conviction,  which  a  knowledge 
of  the  truth  of  the  several  occurrences  must  bring,  that 
in  all  she  undertook  she  was  supremely  unfortunate.  At 
any  rate  though  the  disaster  of  Carthage  is  looked  upon 
as  of  the  severest  kind,  yet  one  cannot  but  regard  that 
of  Greece  as  not  less,  and  in  some  respects  even  more  so. 
For  the  Carthaginians  at  any  rate  left  something  for 
posterity  to  say  in  their  behalf;  but  the  mistakes  of  the 
Greeks  were  so  glaring,  that  they  made  it  impossible  for 
those  who  wished  to  support  them  to  do  so.  Besides,  the 
destruction  of  the  Carthaginians  was  immediate  and  total, 
so  that  they  had  no  feelings  afterward  of  their  disasters; 
but  the  Greeks,  with  their  misfortunes  ever  before  their 
eyes,  handed  down  to  their  children's  children  the  loss 
of  all  that  was  once  theirs.  And  in  proportion  as  we 
regard  those  who  live  in  pain  as  more  pitiable  than  those 
who  lose  their  lives  at  the  moment  of  their  misfortunes, 
in  that  proportion  must  the  disasters  of  the  Greeks  be  re- 
garded as  more  pitiable  than  those  of  the  Carthaginians, 
— unless  a  man  thinks  nothing  of  dignity  and  honor,  and 
gives  his  opinion  from  a  regard  only  to  material  advantage. 

They  displayed  at  once  want  of  good  faith  and  want  of 


The  Historian's  Duty 


39i 


courage,  brought  upon  themselves  a  series  of  disgraces, 
lost  all  that  could  bring  them  honor,  and  voluntarily  ad- 
mitted into  their  towns  the  Roman  fasces  and  axes.  They 
were  in  the  utmost  panic,  owing  in  fact  to  the  extravagance 
of  their  own  wrongful  acts,  if  one  ought  to  call  them  their 
own ;  for  I  should  rather  say  that  the  peoples  as  such  were 
entirely  ignorant,  and  were  beguiled  from  the  path  of 
right;  but  that  the  men  who  acted  wrongly  were  the  au- 
thors of  this  delusion. 

In  regard  to  these  men,  it  should  not  be  a  matter  of 
surprise  if  we  leave  for  a  while  the  ordinary  method  and 
spirit  of  our  narrative  to  give  a  clearer  and  more  elaborate 
exposition  of  their  character.  I  am  aware  that  some  may 
be  found  regarding  it  as  their  first  duty  to  cast  a  veil  over 
the  errors  of  the  Greeks,  to  accuse  us  of  writing  in  a  spirit 
of  malevolence.  But  for  myself,  I  conceive  that  with 
right-minded  persons  a  man  will  never  be  regarded  as  a 
true  friend  who  shrinks  from  and  is  afraid  of  plain  speech, 
nor  indeed  as  a  good  citizen  who  abandons  the  truth  be- 
cause of  the  offence  he  will  give  to  certain  persons  at  the 
time.  But  a  writer  of  public  history  above  all  deserves 
no  indulgence  whatever,  who  regards  anything  of  superior 
importance  to  truth.  For  in  proportion  as  written  his- 
tory reaches  larger  numbers,  and  survives  for  longer  time, 
than  words  spoken  to  suit  an  occasion,  the  writer  ought 
to  be  still  more  particular  about  truth,  and  his  readers 
ought  to  admit  his  authority  only  so  far  as  he  adheres 
to  this  principle.  At  the  actual  hour  of  danger  it  is  only 
right  that  Greeks  should  help  Greeks  in  every  possible 
way,  by  protecting  them,  veiling  their  errors  or  deprecat- 
ing the  wrath  of  the  sovereign  people;  and  this  I  genuinely 
did  for  my  part  at  the  actual  time:  hut  it  is  also  right,  in 
regard  to  the  record  of  events  t<>  be  transmitted  t<>  pos- 


The 

politicians 
were  re- 
sponsible. 

Polybius 
xxxviii.  5. 


The  first 
duty  of  the 
historian  is 
to  tell  the 
truth. 

lb.  6. 

One  of  them, 
Critolaus,  is 
the  subject 
of  the  next 
section. 


He  did  all  In- 
could  I"  help 
In  country- 
men, 


392 


The  End  of  Greek  Freedom 


terity,  to  leave  them  unmixed  with  any  falsehood:  so  that 
readers  should  not  be  merely  gratified  for  the  moment 
by  a  pleasant  tale,  but  should  receive  in  their  souls  a  les- 
son, which  will  prevent  a  repetition  of  similar  errors  in 
the  future.    Enough  however,  on  this  subject.  .  .  . 


Critolaus 
stirs  up  the 
Greeks 
against 
Rome. 

Polybius 
xxxviii.  9. 


Ancient 
World,  304, 
392  f. 


The  Romans 
again  at- 
tempt ne- 
gotiations. 

Polyb. 
xxxviii.  10. 


III.  Outbreak  of  the  Achaean  War 

A  Roman  commission  attempted  to  conduct  negotiations  with 
Critolaus,  general  of  the  Achaean  League  who  was  to  act  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  Lacedaemonians  for  the  settlement  of  some  misunder- 
standings. By  his  arbitrary  conduct,  however,  Critolaus  brought 
the  negotiations  to  naught  and  thus  greatly  offended  the  Romans. 
The  following  extract  is  an  account  of  his  subsequent  conduct. 

Critolaus  spent  the  winter  in  visiting  the  cities  and 
holding  assemblies  in  them,  on  the  pretext  that  he  wished 
to  inform  them  of  what  he  had  said  to  the  Lacedaemonians 
at  Tegea,  but  in  reality  to  denounce  the  Romans  and  to 
put  an  evil  interpretation  on  everything  they  said;  by 
these  means  he  inspired  the  common  people  in  the  various 
cities  with  feelings  of  hostility  and  hatred  for  them.  At 
the  same  time  he  sent  round  orders  to  the  magistrates  not 
to  exact  money  from  debtors,  nor  to  receive  prisoners 
arrested  for  debt,  and  to  cause  loans  on  pledge  to  be  held 
over  until  the  war  was  decided.  By  this  kind  of  appeal 
to  the  interests  of  the  vulgar  everything  he  said  was  re- 
ceived with  confidence;  and  the  common  people  were 
ready  to  obey  any  order  he  gave,  being  incapable  of  tak- 
ing thought  for  the  future,  but  caught  by  the  bait  of  im- 
mediate indulgence  and  relief. 

When  Quintus  Caecilius  Metellus  heard  in  Macedonia 
of  the  commotion  and  disturbance  going  on  in  the  Pelo- 
ponnese,  he  despatched  thither  his  legates  Gnaeus  Papirius 
and  the  younger  Popilius  Laenas,  along  with  Aulus  Gabinius 


Roman  Envoys  Insulted  393 

and  Gauis  Fannius;  they,  happening  to  arrive  when  the 
congress  was  assembled  at  Corinth,  were  introduced  to 
the  assembly,  and  delivered  a  long  and  conciliatory  speech, 
much  in  the  spirit  of  that  of  Sextus  Julius,  exerting  them- 
selves with  great  zeal  to  prevent  the  Achaeans  from  pro- 
ceeding to  an  open  breach  with  Rome,  either  on  a  pretext 
of  their  grievance  against  the  Lacedaemonians,  or  from  any 
feeling  of  anger  against  the  Romans  themselves.  But 
the  assembled  people  would  not  hear  them;  insulting  words 
were  loudly  uttered  against  the  envoys,  and  in  the  midst 
of  a  storm  of  yells  and  tumult  they  were  driven  from  the 
assembly.  The  fact  was  that  such  a  crowd  of  workmen 
and  artisans  had  been  got  together  as  had  never  been 
collected  before;  for  all  the  cities  were  in  a  state  of  drivel- 
ling folly,  and  above  all  the  Corinthians  en  masse;  and 
there  were  only  a  very  few  who  heartily  approved  of  the 
words  of  the  envoys. 

Critolaus,  conceiving  that  he  had  attained  his  purpose, 
in  the  midst  of  an  audience  as  excited  and  mad  as  himself 
began  attacking  the  magistrates,  abusing  all  who  were 
opposed  to  him,  and  openly  defying  the  Roman  envoys, 
saying  that  he  was  desirous  of  being  a  friend  of  the  Romans, 
but  had  no  taste  for  them  as  his  masters.  And  finally  he 
tried  to  incite  the  people  by  saying  that,  if  they  acquitted 
themselves  like  men,  they  would  have  no  lack  of  allies; 
but  if  they  betrayed  womanish  fears,  they  would  not  want 
for  masters.  By  many  other  such  words  to  the  same 
effect,  conceived  in  the  spirit  of  a  charlatan  and  huckster, 
he  roused  and  excited  the  populace.  .  .  . 

Having  carried  these  measures,  he  began  intriguing  to  Critolaus 

urges  an  at- 
bring  on  an  outbreak  and  cause  an  attack  upon  tin-  Koninn    tack  on  the 

envoys.     He  had  no  pretext  for  doing  this;  hut  adopted  a    envoys- 

course,  which  of  all  possible  courses,  offends   most   lla-   Ib-  "■ 


394 


The  End  of  Greek  Freedom 


grantly  against  the  laws  of  gods  and  num.  The  envoys 
however  separated;  Gna;us  Papirius  went  to  Athens  and 
thence  td  Sparta  to  watch  the  turn  of  events;  Aulus 
Gabinius  went  to  Naupactus;  and  the  other  two  remained 
at  Athens,  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  Caecilius  Metellus. 
This  was  the  state  of  things  in  the  Peloponnese. 


Overthrow 
of  the 
Achaeans. 

Pausanias 
vii.  1 6. 


Mummius 
commands 
the  Romans. 


Ancient 
World,  392  f. 


IV.  The  Decisive  Battle 

Meantime  Mummius,  and  with  him  Orestes,  who  was 
first  sent  from  Rome  to  settle  the  disputes  between  the 
Lacedaemonians  and  Achaeans,  reached  the  Roman  army 
one  morning,  took  over  the  command,  and  sent  Metellus 
and  his  forces  back  to  Macedonia,  and  himself  waited  at 
the  Isthmus  till  he  had  concentrated  all  his  troops.  His 
cavalry  amounted  to  3,500  and  his  infantry  to  22,000. 
There  were  also  some  Cretan  bowmen,  and  Philopoemen 
had  brought  some  soldiers  from  Attalus,  from  Pergamus 
across  the  Ca'icus.  Mummius  placed  some  of  the  Italian 
troops  and  allies,  so  as  to  be  an  advanced  post  for  all  his 
army,  12  stades  in  the  van.  And  the  Achaeans,  as  this 
vanguard  was  left  without  defence  through  the  confidence 
of  the  Romans,  attacked  them,  and  slew  some,  but  drove- 
still  more  back  to  the  camp,  and  captured  about  500  shields. 
By  this  success  the  Achaeans  were  so  elated  that  they 
attacked  the  Roman  army  without  waiting  for  them  to 
begin  the  battle.  But  when  Mummius  led  out  his  army 
to  battle  in  turn,  then  the  Achaean  cavalry,  which  was 
opposite  the  Roman  cavalry,  ran  immediately,  not  ven- 
turing to  make  one  stand  against  the  attack  of  the  enemy's 
cavalry.  And  the  infantry,  though  dejected  at  the  rout 
of  the  cavalry,  stood  their  ground  against  the  wedge-like 
attack  of  the  Roman  infantry,  and  though  out-numbered 


Destruction  of  Corinth  395 

and  fainting  under  their  wounds,  yet  resisted  bravely 
till  1,000  picked  men  of  the  Romans  took  them  in  flank, 
and  so  turned  the  battle  into  a  complete  rout  of  the 
Achaeans.     And  had  Diaeus  been  bold  enough  to  hurry  Discus  had 

succeeded 

into  Corinth  after  the  battle,  and  to  receive  within  its  Critolaus. 
walls  the  runaways  from  the  fight  and  shut  himself  up 
there,  the  Achaeans  might  have  obtained  better  terms  from 
Mummius,  if  the  war  had  been  lengthened  out  by  a  siege. 
But  as  it  was,  when  the  Achaeans  gave  way  before  the 
Romans,  Diaeus  fled  for  Megalopolis.  .  .  .  Diaeus  after 
ruining  the  Achaeans  announced  to  the  people  of  Megalo- 
polis their  impending  ruin,  and  after  slaying  his  wife  with 
his  own  hand  that  she  might  not  become  a  captive,  took 
poison  and  so  died.  .  .  . 

And  most  of  those  that  were  left  in  the  city  were  slain  The  sack 

ii-ii  1  j  1      an"  ruin  °' 

by  the  Romans,  and  the  women  and  children  were  sold  by  Corinth. 

Mummius,  as  also  were  the  slaves  who  had  been  manu- 
mitted and  had  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Achaeans,  and 
had  not  been  killed  in  action.  And  the  most  wonderful 
of  the  votive  offerings  and  other  ornaments  he  carried 
off  to  Rome,  and  those  of  less  value  he  gave  to  Philopce- 
men,  the  general  of  Attalus'  troops,  and  these  spoils  from 
Corinth  were  in  my  time  at  Pergamum.  And  Mummius 
razed  the  walls  of  all  the  cities  which  had  fought  against 
the  Romans,  and  took  away  their  arms,  before  any  ad- 
visers were  sent  out  to  him  from  Rome.  And  when  they 
arrived,  then  he  put  down  all  democracies,  and  appointed 
chief-magistrates  according  to  property  qualifications. 
And  taxes  were  laid  upon  Greece,  and  those  who  had  ^"^wl 
money  were  forbidden  to  have  land  over  the  borders, 
and  all  the  general  meetings  were  put  down  altogether, 
as  those  in  Achaia,  or  Phocis,  or  Boeotia,  or  any  other  part 
of  Greece. 


396        The  End  of  Greek  Freedom 


STUDIES 

1.  What  was  the  cause  of  the  depopulation  of  Greece?  What  was 
done  with  children  whom  the  father  refused  to  bring  up?  What  did 
Polybius  consider  the  remedy  for  the  evil? 

2.  What  comment  does  he  make  on  the  fall  of  Greece?  Whom 
does  he  consider  responsible?  How  did  his  duty  as  historian  differ 
from  his  duty  as  statesman?  What  in  his  opinion  is  one  of  the  vices 
of  history? 

3.  What  were  the  character  and  policy  of  Critolaus?  Were  the 
Greeks  or  the  Romans  chiefly  responsible  for  the  Achaean  War? 
Give  your  reasons. 

4.  Describe  the  decisive  battle.  How  did  the  Romans  treat  the 
vanquished?     What  was  done  to  Corinth? 


CHAPTER  XXXV 

GROWTH   OF   PLUTOCRACY;   PROGRESS   IN 
CIVILIZATION 

I.  Government 

The  Roman  government  has  three  factors,  each  of  them  The  three 

.  i     i     •'  -l  r    factors  or 

possessing  sovereign  power;  and  their  respective  shares  of   "estates" 

power  in  the  whole  state  have  been  regulated  with  such  ^1^°/" 

scrupulous  regard  to  equality  and  balance  that  no  one  can  Polybius  vi 

say  for  certain,  not  even  a  native,  whether  the  constitution  n. 

as  a  whole  is  an  aristocracy  or  democracy  or  despotism. 

And  no  wonder:  for  if  we  confine  our  observation  to  the  Ancient 

n  orld, 

power  of  the  consuls,  we  should  be  inclined  to  regard  it  as  40i-3. 
despotic;  if  to  that  of  the  senate,  as  aristocratic;  and  if 
finally  one  looks  at  the  power  possessed  by  the  people,  it 
would  seem  a  clear  case  of  democracy.  What  the  exact 
powers  of  these  several  parts  were,  and  still  with  slight 
modifications  are,  I  will  now  state. 

Before  leading  out  the  legions,  the  consuls  remain  at   ^he  con" 
Rome  and  are  supreme  masters  of  the  administration.    All 

,  .,  /    r     i  i    i     \  Polybius  vi. 

other  magistrates  except  the  tribunes  (of  the  plebs)  are  I2. 
under  them  and  take  their  orders.  They  introduce  foreign 
ambassadors  to  the  senate,  bring  before  it  matters  requir- 
ing deliberation,  and  see  to  the  execution  of  its  decrees. 
If  again  there  are  any  matters  of  state  which  require  rati- 
fication by  the  people,  it  is  their  business  to  attend  to  these 
affairs,  to  summon  the  popular  meetings,  t<>  bring  the  pro- 
posals before  the  assembly,  and  to  carry  out  the  decrees 
of  the  majority. 

397 


39* 


Growth  of  Plutocracy 


Their 
powers  in 

war. 


II.  The  sen- 
ate. 

Polybius  vi. 
13- 


(Lustrum, 
lustration, 
the  ceremony 
of  purifica- 
tion at  the 
close  of  the 
census- 
taking; 
hence  the 
period  from 
one  census 
to  another.) 

Its  powers 
in  Italy. 


In  the  preparations  for  war,  too,  and  briefly  in  the  entire 
management  of  a  campaign,  they  have  all  but  absolute 
power.  It  is  their  right  to  impose  on  the  allies  such  levies 
as  they  think  good,  to  appoint  the  military  tribunes,  to 
make  up  the  roll  of  soldiers,  and  to  select  those  who  are 
suitable.  Besides  they  have  absolute  power  of  inflicting 
punishment  on  all  who  are  under  their  command  while  in 
active  service;  and  they  have  authority  to  expend  as  much 
of  the  public  money  as  they  choose,  for  they  are  accom- 
panied by  a  quaestor  who  is  entirely  at  their  orders.  A 
survey  of  these  powers  would  in  fact  justify  our  describing 
the  constitution  as  despotic,— a  clear  case  of  royal  govern- 
ment. Nor  will  it  affect  the  truth  of  my  description,  if 
any  of  the  institutions  I  have  described  are  changed  in 
our  time,  or  in  that  of  our  posterity.  The  same  remarks 
apply  to  what  follows. 

The  senate  first  of  all  controls  the  treasury,  and  regulates 
the  receipts  and  disbursements  alike.  For  the  quaestors 
cannot  issue  any  public  money  for  the  various  departments 
of  the  state  without  a  decree  of  the  senate,  except  for  the 
service  of  the  consuls.  The  senate  controls  also  what  is  by 
far  the  largest  and  most  important  expenditure, — that 
which  is  made  by  the  censors  every  lustrum  for  the  repair 
or  construction  of  public  buildings;  this  money  cannot  be 
obtained  by  the  censors  except  by  the  grant  of  the  senate. 

Similarly  all  crimes  committed  in  Italy  requiring  a  public 
investigation,  such  as  treason,  conspiracy,  poisoning,  or 
wilful  murder,  are  in  the  hands  of  the  senate.  Besides  if 
any  individual  or  state  among  the  Italian  allies  requires  a 
controversy  to  be  settled,  a  penalty  to  be  assessed,  help  or 
protection  to  be  afforded,— all  this  is  the  province  of  the 
senate.  Or  again  outside  Italy,  if  it  is  necessary  to  send 
an  embassy  to  reconcile  warring  communities,  or  to  remind 


The  Senate  and  the  People  399 

them  of  their  duty,  or  sometimes  to  impose  requisitions 

upon  them,  or  to  receive  their  submission,  or  finally  to 

proclaim  war  against  them, — this  too  is  the  business  of 

the  senate. 

In  like  manner  the  reception  given  to  foreign  ambassa-  Its  power* 

dors  at  Rome,  and  the  answers  to  be  returned  to  them,  are  affairs. 

decided  by  the  senate.     With  such  business  the  people 

have  nothing  to  do.     Consequently  if  one  were  staying 

at  Rome  when  the  consuls  were  not  in  town,  one  would 

imagine  the  constitution  to  be  a  complete  aristocracy; 

and  this  has  been  the  idea  entertained  by  many  Greeks, 

and  by  many  kings  as  well,  from  the  fact  that  nearly  all 

the  business  they  had  with  Rome  was  settled  by  the 

senate . 

After  this  discussion  one  would  naturally  be  inclined  to   III.  The 

people. 
ask  what  part  in  the  constitution  is  left  for  the  people, 

when  the  senate  has  these  various  functions,  especially  x°y  " 
the  control  of  the  receipts  and  expenditures  of  the  treasury, 
and  again  when  the  consuls  have  absolute  power  over  the 
details  of  military  preparations  and  an  absolute  author- 
ity in  the  field?  There  is  however  a  part  left  for  the  people, 
and  it  is  a  most  important  one.  For  the  people  are  the 
sole  fountain  of  honor  and  of  punishment;  and  it  is  by 
these  two  powers  and  these  alone  that  dynasties  and  con- 
stitutions and,  in  a  word,  human  society  are  held  together. 
For  where  the  distinction  between  them  is  not  sharply 
drawn  both  in  theory  and  practice,  there  no  undertaking 
can  be  properly  administered,— as  indeed  we  might  expect 
when  good  and  bad  are  held  in  exactly  the  same  honor. 

The  people  then  are  the  only  courl  to  decide  matters  of  J,hte£alP_weT 
life  and  death;  and  even  in  cases  where  the  penally  is 
money,  if  the  sum  to  be  a  d  is  sufficiently  serious,  and 

especially  when  the  accused  have  held  the  higher  magis- 


400 


Growth  of  Plutocracy 


In  elections, 
legislation, 
and  foreign 
affairs. 


Relations  of 
these  three 
parts,  or 
estates,  to 
one  another. 


The  har- 
mony and 
strength  of 
the  constitu- 
tion. 

Polybius  vi. 


trades.  And  in  regard  to  this  arrangement  there  is  one 
point  deserving  especial  commendation  and  record.  Men 
who  are  on  trial  for  their  lives  at  Rome,  while  sentence  is 
in  process  of  being  voted, — if  one  tribe  only  whose  vote 
is  needed  to  ratify  the  sentence  has  not  voted, — have  the 
privilege  of  openly  departing  and  condemning  themselves 
to  voluntary  exile.  Such  men  are  safe  at  Naples  or 
Prreneste  or  at  Tibur,  or  at  other  town  with  which  this 
arrangement  has  been  duly  ratified  on  oath. 

Again,  it  is  the  people  who  bestow  offices — the  most 
honorable  rewards  of  virtue — on  the  deserving.  They 
have  too  the  absolute  power  of  passing  or  repealing  laws; 
and  most  important  of  all,  it  is  the  people  who  deliberate 
on  the  questions  of  peace  or  war.  And  when  provisional 
terms  are  made  for  alliance,  suspension  of  hostilities,  or 
treaties,  it  is  the  people  who  ratify  or  reject  them. 

These  considerations  again  would  lead  one  to  say  that 
the  chief  power  in  the  state  is  the  people's,  and  that  the 
constitution  is  a  democracy. 

Such  then  is  the  distribution  of  power  among  the  several 
parts  of  the  government.  I  must  now  show  how  these 
several  parts  can  oppose  or  support  one  another  as  they 
choose.  .  .  . 

The  result  of  this  power  of  the  several  estates  for  mutual 
help  or  harm  is  a  union  sufficiently  firm  for  all  emergencies, 
and  the  best  possible  form  of  government.  For  whenever 
any  danger  from  without  compels  these  estates  to  unite 
and  work  together,  the  strength  which  is  developed  by 
the  state  is  so  extraordinary  that  everything  required  is 
unfailingly  carried  out  by  the  eager  rivalry  of  all  classes 
to  devote  their  whole  minds  to  the  need  of  the  hour,  and 
to  make  sure  that  any  resolution  agreed  upon  should  not 
fail  for  want  of  promptness;  while  each  individual,  alike 


Governmental  Balances;   Religion     401 

in  private  and  public,  works  for  the  accomplishment  of 
the  business  in  hand.  The  peculiar  constitution  accord- 
ingly makes  the  state  irresistible,  and  certain  of  obtaining 
whatever  it  attempts. 

Nav  even  when  these  external  alarms  are  past,  and  the  The  correc- 

J  .  tion  of 

people  are  enjoying  their  good  fortune  and  the  fruits  of  abuses, 
their  victories,  and  as  usually  happens,  are  growing  cor- 
rupt through  flattery  and  idleness,  so  as  to  show  a  tendency 
to  violence  and  arrogance, — it  is  in  these  circumstances 
more  than  ever  that  the  constitution  is  seen  to  possess 
within  itself  the  power  of  correcting  abuses.  For  when 
anv  one  of  the  three  estates  becomes  puffed  up,  and  shows 
an  inclination  to  be  contentious  and  unduly  encroaching, 
the  dependency  of  all  three  upon  one  another,  and  the  pos- 
sibility of  limiting  and  thwarting  one  another  must  cer- 
tainly check  this  tendency.  The  proper  balance  is  main- 
tained therefor  by  holding  the  impulsiveness  of  one  part 
under  fear  of  the  others. 

II.  Religion 

Whenever  one  of  their  illustrious  men  dies,  as  a  part  of  The  funeral 

oration, 
the  funeral  the  body  with  all  its  adornments  is  carried  into 

,     .      ,  ,,  •        11     1     Polybius  vi. 

the  Forum  to  the  rostra,  as  a  raised  platform  there  is  called.    SJ. 

Sometimes  the  body  is  propped  upright  upon  it  so  as  to  be 
easily  seen,  or  more  rarely  it  is  laid  upon  the  rostra.  The 
speaker  is  the  son,  if  the  deceased  has  left  one  of  full  age 
who  is  present  at  the  time;  or,  failing  a  son,  one  of  his  kins- 
men mounts  the  rostra,  while  all  the  people  are  standing 
round,  and  delivers  a  speech  concerning  the  virtues  of  the 
deceased  and  the  successful  exploits  performed  by  him  in 
his  lifetime.  By  these  measures  the  pen] .If  are  reminded 
of  what  has  been  done  and  made  to  see  it  with  their  own 
eyes — not  only  those  persons  who  were  engaged  in  the 


402 


Growth  of  Plutocracy 


The  masks 
(imagines). 


Rome,  27; 
Ancient 
World,  332. 


actual  transactions  but  those  also  who  were  not.  Their 
sympathies  are  so  deeply  moved  that  the  loss  appears  not 
to  be  confined  to  the  actual  mourners,  but  to  be  a  public 
one  affecting  the  whole  community. 

After  the  burial  and  all  the  usual  ceremonies  are  per- 
formed, they  place  the  likeness  of  the  deceased  in  the  most 
conspicuous  spot  in  the  house  and  surmount  it  by  a  wooden 
canopy  or  shrine.  This  likeness  consists  of  a  mask  made 
to  represent  the  deceased  with  remarkable  fidelity  both  in 
form  and  in  color.  These  likenesses  they  adorn  with  great 
care,  and  display  them  at  public  sacrifices.  And  when  any 
illustrious  member  of  the  family  dies,  they  carry  these 
masks  to  the  funeral,  putting  them  on  men  whom  they 
think  as  near  like  the  originals  as  possible  in  height  and 
other  personal  peculiarities.  And  these  substitutes  assume 
clothes  according  to  the  rank  of  the  person  represented:  if 
he  was  a  consul  or  a  praetor,  a  toga  with  purple  stripes;  if 
a  censor,  whole  purple;  if  he  had  also  celebrated  a  triumph 
or  performed  any  exploit  of  that  kind,  a  toga  embroidered 
with  gold.  These  representatives  themselves  ride  in 
chariots,  while  the  fasces  and  axes  and  all  the  other  cus- 
tomary insignia  of  the  particular  offices  lead  the  way, 
according  to  the  dignity  of  the  rank  enjoyed  by  the  de- 
ceased in  his  lifetime.  On  arriving  at  the  rostra  they  all 
take  their  seats  on  ivory  chairs  in  their  order. 

There  could  not  easily  be  a  more  inspiring  spectacle  than 
this  for  a  young  man  of  noble  ambitions  and  virtuous  as- 
pirations. For  can  we  imagine  any  one  unmoved  at  the 
sight  of  all  the  likenesses  collected  together  of  the  men  who 
have  earned  glory,  all  as  it  were  living  and  breathing?  Or 
what  could  be  a  more  glorious  spectacle? 

The  speaker  over  the  body  about  to  be  buried,  after 
finishing  the  praise  of  this  particular  person,  starts  upon 


Funeral  Customs  403 

the  others  whose  representatives  are  present;  he  begins  The  praise 
...  .  ,  .of  departed 

with  the  most  ancient,  and  recounts  the  successes  and  heroes. 

achievements  of  each.    By  this  means  the  glorious  memory  p0iybius  vi. 

of  brave  men  is  continually  renewed;  the  fame  of  those  who  54- 

have  performed  any  noble  deed  is  never  allowed  to  die; 

and  the  renown  of  those  who  have  done  good  service  to 

their  country  becomes  a  matter  of  common  knowledge  to 

the  multitude  and  a  part  of  the  heritage  of  posterity.    But 

the  chief  benefit  of  the  ceremony  is  that  it  inspires  young 

men  to  shrink  from  no  exertion  for  the  general  welfare,  in 

the  hope  of  obtaining  the  glory  that  awaits  the  brave. 

And  what  I  say  is  confirmed  by  this  fact.  Many  Romans 
have  volunteered  to  decide  a  whole  battle  by  a  single  com- 
bat; not  a  few  have  deliberately  accepted  certain  death, 
some  in  time  of  war  to  secure  the  safety  of  the  rest,  some  in 
time  of  peace  to  preserve  the  safety  of  the  commonwealth. 
There  have  also  been  instances  of  men  in  office  putting 
theit  own  sons  to  death,  in  defiance  of  every  custom  and 
law,  because  they  rated  the  interests  of  their  country 
higher  than  those  of  natural  ties  even  with  their  nearest 
and  dearest.  There  are  many  stories  of  this  kind,  related 
by  many  men  in  Roman  history. 

What  in  other  nations  is  looked  upon  as  a  reproach — I   Value  of 

,  .  religion, 

mean  a  scrupulous  fear  of  the  gods — is,  I  believe,  the  very 

thing  which  keeps  the  Roman  commonwealth  together. 

To  such  an  unusual  height  is  this  carried  among  them  in    (For  the  be- 

.  ginmngs  ot 

both  private  and  public  business  that  nothing  could  ex-   sceptici 

ceed  it.    Many  persons  might  think  this  unaccountable;   yaUed  among 

but  in  my  opinion  their  object  is  to  use  it  as  a  check  upon   ^^^f 

the  common  people.     If  it  were  possible  to  form  a  state 

wholly  of  philosophers,  such  a  custom  would  perhaps  be 

unnecessary.     Bui   seeing  thai   every  multitude  is  fickle 

and  full  of  lawless  desires,  unreasoning  anger,  and  violenl 


404 


Growth  of  Plutocracy 


Honesty. 


Farmer's 
Calendar. 


From  an 
inscription. 


passion,  the  only  resource  is  to  keep  them  in  check  by 
mysterious  terrors  and  scenic  effects  of  this  sort.  There- 
fore, to  my  mind,  the  ancients  were  not  acting  without  pur- 
pose or  at  random  when  they  brought  in  among  the  vulgar 
those  notions  about  the  gods  and  the  belief  in  the  punish- 
ment in  Hades;  much  rather  do  I  think  that  men  in  these 
times  are  acting  rashly  and  foolishly  in  rejecting  them. 

This  is  the  reason  why,  apart  from  anything  else,  Greek 
statesmen,  if  intrusted  with  a  single  talent,  though  pro- 
tected by  ten  checking  clerks,  as  many  seals,  and  twice 
as  many  witnesses,  yet  cannot  be  induced  to  keep  faith; 
whereas  among  the  Romans  in  their  magistracies  and  em- 
bassies, men  have  the  handling  of  a  great  amount  of 
money,  and  yet  from  pure  respect  to  their  oath  keep  their 
faith  intact.  And  again,  in  other  nations  it  is  a  rare  thing 
to  find  a  man  who  keeps  his  hands  out  of  the  public  purse 
and  is  entirely  pure  in  such  matters;  but  among  the  Ro- 
mans it  is  a  rare  thing  to  detect  a  man  in  the  act  of  com- 
mitting a  crime. 

III.  Agriculture 

Sign  of  the  Twins. 
The  Month  is  June. 
It  contains  thirty  days. 
The  Nones  are  on  the  fifth. 
The  day  has  fifteen  hours. 
The  night  has  nine  hours. 

The  solstice  is  on  the  eighth  day  before  the  Calends  of 
June  (May  25). 

The  month  is  under  the  care  of  Mercury. 

Hay-mowing. 

The  vineyards  are  harrowed. 

Sacrifice  is  offered  to  Hercules  and  to  Fors  Fortuna. 


Agriculture 


405 


To  obtain  wealth  by  trade  has  various  advantages,  were 
it  not  so  precarious;  and  likewise  lending  money  at  inter- 
est, were  it  more  consistent  with  honor.  Such  was  the 
opinion  entertained  by  our  ancestors,  and  such  are  the 
regulations  prescribed  in  their  statutes  that  the  fine  of  the 
thief  should  be  twofold,  but  fourfold  that  of  the  usurer. 
How  much  less  excellent  a  citizen  they  deemed  the  money- 
lender than  the  thief  can  be  estimated  from  this  considera- 
tion. And  when  they  paid  their  eulogies  to  a  good  man, 
they  praised  him  as  a  good  agriculturist,  a  good  husband- 
man. He  was  considered  to  receive  the  highest  meed  of 
praise  who  thus  was  praised.  Now  a  trader  I  consider  to 
be  energetic  and  zealous  in  making  gain,  but  as  I  have 
before  stated,  his  occupation  is  not  exempt  from  risk  and 
misfortune.  But  it  is  from  the  agriculturists  that  are 
produced  both  the  most  stalwart  men  and  the  most  un- 
flinching soldiers;  from  their  toil  results  gain  the  most 
consistent  with  religion,  the  least  susceptible  to  shock,  and 
the  least  likely  to  excite  prejudice;  and  those  engaged  in 
this  pursuit  are  least  given  to  entertaining  thoughts  of  ill. 
Now  to  return  to  the  subject  in  hand,  this  beginning  which 
I  have  promised  will  be  made. 

When  you  think  to  provide  an  estate,  be  determined  not 
to  buy  rashly,  nor  through  any  fault  of  yours,  to  grudge 
inspection,  nor  to  rest  satisfied  with  merely  walking  around 
it  once.  With  each  succeeding  visit  a  good  farm  will 
cause  increased  satisfaction.  Note  this  well,  the  prosper- 
ity of  the  neighbors;  if  the  locality  be  good,  their  welfare 
of  necessity  will  be  well  marked.  And  see  that  you  enter 
into  the  farm  and  examine  thoroughly  how  you  may  have 
some  exit  therefrom.  See  that  the  climate  it  possesses  is 
a  good  one,  that  this  may  not  prove  your  bane.  Lei  its 
soil  be  good  with  a  value  of  its  own.     If  it  is  within  your 


Scientific 
farming. 

Cato,  On 

Agriculture. 
Translated 
by  Dr.  K.  II. 
Oliver. 


Agriculture 
more 
honorable 
than  money- 
lending. 

76.  preface. 


The  choice 
of  an  estate. 


lb. 


406 


Growth  of  Plutocracy 


Other 
important 
considera- 
tions. 


Inspection 
by  the 
owner. 

lb.  2. 


power  let  it  be  situated  at  the  foot  of  a  mountain,  face  the 
south,  and  lie  in  a  wholesome  district.  Have  a  supply  of 
workmen  on  hand,  a  good  watering  place,  and  near  by  a 
thriving  town  or  sea  or  river,  where  ships  ply,  or  else  a 
road  well  constructed  and  much  travelled. 

Let  it  lie  surrounded  by  farms  which  suffer  but  seldom 
from  a  change  of  ownership.  May  those  who  in  this  region 
have  sold  their  farms  repent  their  having  done  so.  Have 
it  well  furnished  with  buildings.  Beware  of  rashly  despis- 
ing the  instruction  of  another.  You  will  buy  to  better 
advantage  from  a  good  owner,  a  good  husbandman.  On 
coming  to  the  farmhouse,  observe  whether  there  be  a  good 
supply  of  vessels  for  the  press  and  jars ;  where  there  is  not, 
know  that  the  produce  of  the  farm  is  proportionately 
small.  That  it  may  not  demand  an  immense  equipment, 
let  it  be  situated  in  a  convenient  locality.  See  that  your 
farm  demands  as  small  an  equipment  as  possible,  and  re- 
quires no  extravagant  outlay.  Know  that  a  farm  differs 
not  from  a  person;  however  productive  it  is,  yet  if  the  ex- 
penditure is  excessive,  the  profits  are  trifling.  If  you  ask 
me  what  is  the  best  farm,  this  will  be  my  opinion:  for  all 
farmers  and  for  the  highest  order  of  merit,  for  a  farm  ioo 
jugera  in  extent:  first  in  order  of  excellence  is  a  vineyard, 
if  the  land  will  produce  wine  of  good  quality,  or  even  in 
great  quantities;  in  the  second  place,  a  kitchen  plot  (gar- 
den) ;  thirdly,  a  plantation  of  willows ;  in  the  fourth  place, 
an  olive  garden;  fifthly,  a  meadow;  sixthly,  a  clump  of 
trees  for  cutting;  in  the  seventh  place,  an  orchard;  eighthly 
an  acorn  grove. 

When  the  owner  has  come  to  the  farmhouse,  and  has 
saluted  his  domestic  deity,  let  him  on  the  same  day,  if  pos- 
sible, make  a  tour  around  his  farm ;  if  not  on  the  same  day, 
then  on  the  following  day.    When  he  has  ascertained  in  what 


Supervision  of  the  Farm  407 

way  his  farm  has  been  tilled,  and  what  tasks  have  been 
completed,  and  what  left  undone,  on  the  day  following  this 
let  him  summon  his  steward,  and  inquire  what  work  has 
been  accomplished,  what  still  remains;  whether  the  tasks 
were  performed  quite  at  the  appropriate  time;  whether  he 
can  complete  what  is  still  left;  what  wine  has  been  made, 
what  corn  harvested,  and  thus  with  all  other  products. 
When  he  has  ascertained  this  he  must  inspect  the  account 
of  the  various  workmen  and  the  number  of  days  they  have 
worked.  If  their  work  is  not  evident  to  him  and  the  stew- 
ard claims  that  he  has  worked  faithfully,  the  slaves  have 
been  sick,  the  weather  has  been  bad,  the  slaves  have  es- 
caped, have  completed  some  public  work;  when  he  has 
urged  these  reasons  and  many  others  besides,  recall  the 
steward  to  an  examination  of  the  account  of  tasks  per- 
formed and  the  work  of  the  laborers. 

The  duties  which  could  be  performed  when  it  rains  are  Work  on 
the  washing  and  pitching  of  jars,  cleaning  of  the  farm- 
house, moving  the  corn,  carrying  out  the  manure,  making 
a  manure-pit,  cleaning  the  seed,  repairing  the  ropes,  mak- 
ing new  ones;  the  slaves  ought  to  patch  together  their 
rag-garments  and  caps  for  themselves.  Qn  holidays  old 
benches  should  be  cleaned,  the  public  way  paved,  brambles 
cut  out,  the  garden  dug,  the  meadow  cleared,  twigs  bound, 
thorns  rooted  up,  spelt  ground,  everything  made  clean. 
When  the  slaves  have  been  sick,  they  ought  not  to  be  given 
so  much  provisions.  .  .  . 

These  will  be  the  duties  of  the  steward:  Let  him  main-  Duties  of 

thf  stt* w- 

tain  good  discipline.    Let  holidays  be  observed.    Let  him  ard. 
restrain  his  hands  from  other.-,'  goods  and  faithfully  pre-    Ib  5 
serve  his  own  wealth.     Let  him  preside  at   the  disputes 
among  the  slaves;  if  any  one-  has  been  guilty  of  a  delin- 
quency, let  him  with  discretion  punish  him  according  to 


408  Growth  of  Plutocracy 

his  guilt.  Let  him  provide  against  ill  befalling  the  house- 
hold, against  sickness,  against  hunger;  let  him  ply  them 
well  with  work,  he  will  more  readily  restrain  them  from 
evil  and  others'  possessions.  If  the  steward  is  unwilling 
to  do  wrong,  he  will  not  do  it.  If  he  has  tolerated  evil,  let 
not  his  master  suffer  him  to  go  unpunished.  Let  him  grant 
a  recompense  for  good  service,  that  others  may  be  pleased 
to  act  rightly.  Let  the  steward  be  not  a  gad-about,  always 
be  sober,  go  abroad  nowhere  to  feast.  Let  him  keep  the 
household  busy  and  give  thought  to  having  his  master's 
orders  obeyed.  Let  him  not  fancy  that  he  is  wiser  than 
his  master.  The  friends  of  his  master  let  him  hold  as 
friends  to  himself.  Let  him  pay  attention  to  the  com- 
mands that  have  been  given  him.  Let  him  perform  no 
sacred  rites  except  at  the  cross-road  or  on  the  hearth  at 
the  feast  of  the  cross-roads.  Without  the  order  of  his 
master,  let  him  extend  a  loan  to  no  one.  Let  him  exact 
the  payment  of  loans  extended  by  his  master.  Let  him 
grant  to  no  one  a  loan  of  seed  for  sowing,  provisions, 
spelt,  wine,  oil.  Let  him  have  two  or  three  households, 
to  whom  he  may  make  requests,  and  grant  articles  to  be 
used;  but  let  this  be  the  limit.  .  .  . 
A  cure  for  If  anything  is  dislocated,  it  will  become  sound  by  this 

spell.  Take  a  green  reed  three  or  four  feet  long,  split  it 
down  the  middle  and  let  two  men  hold  it  to  the  hip  bones. 
Then  begin  to  sing  in  different  measures,  "  The  Healing  o] 
the  Fractured  Hip:" 

"Hip,  Hip,  Hurrah! 
Though  you're  broken  sore,  I  trow, 
You  will  come  together  now. 
Hip,  Hip,  Hurrah! 
Bones  are  crushed  and  far  apart — 
Come  together  by  our  art." 


lb.  160. 


Hostility  to  Advanced  Studies        409 

IV.  Philosophers  and  Rhetoricians  Banished  from 
Rome 

In  the  consulate  of  Caius  Fannius  Strabo,  and  Marcus  A  decree  of 

the  sen s t(? 

Valerius  Messala,  a  decree  of  the  senate  was  adopted  con-   161  B.C. 

cerning  the  Latin  philosophers  and  teachers  of  rhetoric :   Gellius  xv. 

"Marcus  Pomponius  the  praetor  called  for  the  opinion  of   "" 

the  Senate,  to  wit:  Since  remark  has  been  made  concerning 

philosophers  and  rhetoricians,  it  was  therefore  decreed 

that  Marcus  Pomponius  the  pra?tor  should  take  steps 

against  them,  and  take  care  that,  if  it  seemed  in  the  public 

interest  and  in  consonance  with  his  own  duty,  they  should 

not  be  in  Rome." 

A  few  years  after   this  decree  of  the  senate,  Cnaeus 

Domitianus  Ahenobarbus  and  Lucius  Licinius  Crassus,  the 

censors,  issued  this  edict  for  restraining  Latin  rhetoricians: 

"Whereas  we  have  been  informed  that  there  are  men   An  edict  of 

the  censors 
who  have  instituted  a  new  form  of  instruction  and  that  to 

the  classes  of  these  men  our  youth  flock,  while  they  call 

themselves  Latin  rhetoricians,  and  that  there  the  young 

men  pass  whole  days  in  idleness;  now  our  ancestors  have 

fixed  what  instruction  their  sons  should  imbibe,  and  what 

schools  they  should  frequent.     These  new  institutions, 

therefore,  which  accord  not  with  the  customs  and  manner 

of  our  ancestors,  are  neither  agreeable  nor  proper.    Where 

fore  to  those  who  conduct  as  well  as  those  who  frequent  •  ■ 

such  seminaries,  we  have  thought  proper  to  express  our 

disapprobation  of  their  proceedings." 

V.  Roman  Musical  Taste 

Lucius  Anicius,  who  had  been  praetor  and  had  gained  a 
victory  over  the  Dlyrians,  returned  to  Rome  with  their 


4io 


Growth  of  Plutocracy 


The  celebra- 
tion of  a 
triumph. 

Polybius 
xxx.  14. 


Let  the 
orchestra  be 
more  lively! 


Pandemo- 

nfum. 


king  Genthius  and  his  children  as  prisoners.  While  cele- 
brating his  triumph,  Anicius  did  a  very  ridiculous  thing. 
He  sent  for  the  most  famous  artists  from  Greece,  and 
after  building  an  immense  theatre  in  the  Circus,  he  brought 
all  the  flute-players  on  the  stage  together  .  .  .  the  most 
celebrated  of  the  day.  He  placed  them  on  the  stage  with 
the  chorus,  and  bade  them  all  play  at  once. 

But  when  they  struck  up  the  tune  accompanied  by  ap- 
propriate movements,  he  sent  to  them  to  say  that  they 
were  not  playing  well,  and  must  put  more  excitement  into 
it.  At  first  they  did  not  know  what  to  make  of  this  order, 
until  one  of  the  lictors  showed  them  that  they  must  form 
themselves  into  two  companies  and  facing  round,  advance 
against  each  other  as  though  in  battle.  The  flute-players 
caught  the  idea  at  once,  and  adopting  a  motion  suitable 
to  their  own  wild  strains,  produced  a  scene  of  utter  con- 
fusion. 

They  made  the  middle  group  of  the  chorus  face  round 
upon  the  two  extreme  groups ;  and  blowing  with  inconceiv- 
able violence  and  discordance,  the  flute-players  led  these 
groups  against  each  other.  Meanwhile  with  violent  stamp- 
ing that  shook  the  stage,  the  members  of  the  chorus  rushed 
against  those  who  were  opposite,  and  then  faced  round 
and  retired.  But  when  one  of  the  chorus,  with  dress  girt 
up,  turned  round  on  the  spur  of  the  moment  and  raised 
his  hands,  like  a  boxer,  in  the  face  of  the  flute-player  who 
was  approaching,  then  the  spectators  clapped  their  hands 
and  cheered  loudly. 

While  this  sort  of  sham  fight  was  going  on,  two  dancers 
were  brought  into  the  orchestra  to  the  sound  of  music; 
and  four  boxers,  accompanied  by  trumpeters  and  clarion 
players,  mounted  the  stage.  The  effect  of  these  various 
contests  all  going  on  together  was  indescribable.    But  if  I 


Character  and  Habits  of  Cato        411 

should  speak  about  their  tragic  actors,  some  would  think 
I  was  merely  jesting. 

VI.  Cato  the  Censor 

Marcus  Porcius  Cato  (another  eminent  man  of  the  age)  Marcus 

was  born  at  Tusculum  and  brought  up  on  a  farm  belonging  cato. 

to  his  father  in  the  Sabine  country.     There  he  lived  till  piutarch 

he  began  to  take  part  in  war  and  politics.    In  appearance  Cal0' I- 

he   was —  Ancient 

World,  405  f. 

Red-haired,  gray-eyed,  and  savage-tusked  as  well. 

The  estate  adjoining  that  of  Cato  belonged  to  one  of  His  life  in 
the  most  powerful  and  highly  born  patricians  of  Rome, — 
Valerius  Flaccus,  a  man  who  had  a  keen  eye  for  rising  c«to,  3!  ' 
merit,  and  generously  fostered  it  till  it  received  public 
recognition.  This  man  heard  of  Cato's  life  from  his  serv- 
ants, who  told  how  their  master  would  go  to  the  court 
early  in  the  morning  and  plead  the  causes  of  all  who  re- 
quired his  services,  and  then  on  returning  to  his  farm  would 
work  with  his  servants,  in  winter  wearing  a  coarse  coat 
without  sleeves,  in  summer  nothing  but  his  tunic.  They 
added  that  he  used  to  sit  at  meals  with  them  and  eat  the 
same  loaf  and  drink  the  same  wine. 

Many  other  stories  of  his  goodness,  simplicity,  and  sen- 
tentious remarks  were  told  Valerius,  who  became  inter- 
ested in  his  neighbor,  and  invited  him  to  dinner.  They 
grew  intimate;  and  Valerius,  noticing  his  quiet  and  frank 
disposition,  and  thinking  him  like  a  plant  that  requires 
careful  treatment  and  an  extensive  space  in  which  to 
develop, encouraged  and  urged  him  to  take  part  in  political 
life  at  Rome. 

On  going  to  Rome,  he  at  once  gained  admirers  by  his  Cato  at 

.  .  ,  Rome. 

able  pleadings  in  the  law  courts,  while  he  was  advanced  CO 


412 


Growth  of  Plutocracy 


Rome,  no; 
A  ncicnt 
World,  383  f- 


Clothing  and 
food. 

Plutarch, 
Cato,  4. 


Plutarch, 
Cato,  5. 


His  maxims. 

Plutarch, 
Cato,  8. 


important  positions  through  Valerius.  He  was  first  ap- 
pointed military  tribune  and  then  quaestor.  Afterward  he 
became  so  distinguished  as  to  be  able  to  compete  with  Va- 
lerius himself  for  the  highest  offices  in  the  state.  They 
were  together  elected  consuls,  and  still  later  censors.  Of 
the  older  Romans,  Cato  attached  himself  especially  to 
Fabius  Maximus,  a  man  of  the  greatest  renown  and  in- 
fluence, although  it  was  his  disposition  and  mode  of  life 
which  Cato  desired  most  to  imitate.  He  did  not  hesitate, 
therefore,  to  oppose  Scipio  the  Great,  who  was  then  a 
young  man  but  a  rival  and  opponent  of  Fabius. 

He  himself  tells  us  that  he  never  wore  a  garment  worth 
more  than  a  hundred  drachmas;  that  when  he  was  gen- 
eral and  consul  he  still  drank  the  same  wine  as  his  servants ; 
that  his  dinner  never  cost  him  more  than  thirty  asses  in 
the  market;  and  that  he  indulged  himself  to  this  extent 
solely  for  the  good  of  the  state,  that  he  might  be  strong 
and  able  to  serve  his  country  in  the  field. 

These  habits  some  ascribed  to  narrowness  of  mind,  while 
some  thought  he  carried  parsimony  to  excess  in  order  by 
his  example  to  reform  and  restrain  others.  Be  this  as  it 
may,  I  for  my  part  consider  that  his  conduct  in  treating 
his  slaves  like  beasts  of  burden,  and  selling  them  when 
old  and  worn  out,  was  the  mark  of  an  excessively  harsh 
disposition,  which  disregards  the  claims  of  our  common 
human  nature,  and  merely  considers  the  question  of  profit 
and  loss. 

(Cato  was  famous  for  his  pithy  sayings.)  Once  when 
he  wished  to  restrain  the  Romans  from  distributing  a  large 
quantity  of  corn  as  a  largess  to  the  people,  he  thus  began 
his  speech: 

"It  is  difficult,  fellow-citizens,  to  make  the  stomach 
hear  reason,  because  it  has  no  ears." 


Cato's  Proverbs  413 

He  said,  too, 

"The  Romans  are  like  sheep,  who  never  form  opinions 
of  their  own,  but  follow  where  others  lead  them." 

With  regard  to  female  influence,  he  once  said, 

"All  mankind  rule  their  wives,  we  rule  all  mankind,  and 
our  wives  rule  us." 

When  a  certain  man  sold  his  ancestral  estate,  which 
was  situated  by  the  seashore,  Cato  pretended  to  admire 
him  as  more  powerful  than  the  sea  itself,  "for  this  man," 
he  said,  "has  drunk  up  the  fields  which  the  sea  itself  could 
not  swallow.'' 

When  King  Eumenes  came  to  Rome,  the  senate  received   (Eumenes 

,  r  King  of  Per- 

him  with  special  honors,  and  he  was  courted  and  run  alter.    gamum,  Asia 
Cato,  however,  held  himself  aloof  and  would  not  go  near   Minor-) 
him  and  when  some  one  said,  "But  he  is  an  excellent  man 
and  a  good  friend  to  Rome,"  he  answered: 

"It  may  be  so,  but  a  king  is  by  nature  an  animal  that 
lives  on  human  flesh." 

"Wise  men,"  he  said,  "gain  more  advantage  from  fools   Plutarch, 

.  -ii  Cato,  9. 

than  fools  from  wise  men;  for  wise  men  avoid  the  errors 
of  fools,  but  fools  cannot  imitate  the  example  of  wise 
men." 

"I  like  young  men  to  have  red  cheeks  rather  than  pale 
ones.  I  care  not  for  a  soldier  who  uses  his  hands  while 
marching  and  his  feet  while  lighting,  or  for  one  who  snores 
louder  in  bed  than  he  shouts  in  battle." 

"  I  cannot  live  with  a  man  whose  palate  is  more  sensitive 
than  his  heart."  This  he  said  when  an  epicure  wished  to 
become  his  friend. 

"The  soul  of  a  lover  inhabits  the  body  of  his  beloved." 

"In  my  whole  life  I  repent  of  three  things  only:  first, 
lhat  I  have  trusted  a  woman  with  a  secret ;  secondly,  that 
I  have  gone  by  water  when  1  might  have  gone  by  land; 


414  Growth  of  Plutocracy 

thirdly,  that  I  have  passed  one  day  without  having  made 
my  will." 

To  an  old  man  who  was  acting  wrongly  he  said: 
"My  good  sir,  old  age  is  ugly  enough  without  your 
adding  to  it  the  deformity  of  wickedness." 

When  a  certain  tribune,  who  was  suspected  of  being  a 
poisoner,  was  trying  to  carry  a  bad  law,  Cato  remarked : 

"Young  man,  I  do  not  know  which  is  the  worse  for  us, 
to  drink  what  you  mix  or  to  enact  what  you  propose." 

Once  when  he  was  abused  by  a  man  of  vicious  life,  he 
answered : 

"We  are  not  contending  on  equal  terms;  you  are  accus- 
tomed to  hearing  and  using  bad  language,  whereas  I  am 
unused  to  hearing  it  and  unwilling  to  use  it." 
His  political        In  his  political  life  he  seems  to  have  thought  one  of  his 
most  important  duties  to  be  the  impeachment  of  bad  citi- 
Co^isl'         zens-  •  •  •  He  himself  is  said  to  have  been  defendant  in 
nearly  fifty  cases,  the  last  of  which  was  tried  when  he  was 
eighty-six  years  old.    On  this  occasion  he  uttered  that  well 
known  saying,  "It  is  hard  for  a  man  who  has  lived  in  one 
generation  to  be  obliged  to  defend  himself  before  another." 
And  this  was  not  the  end  of  his  litigations;  for  four  years 
later,  at  the  age  of  ninety,  he  impeached  Servius  Galba. 
In  fact  his  life,  like  that  of  Nestor,  reached  through  three 
generations. 
His  censor-       But  what  caused  the  greatest  dissatisfaction  were  the 
ip'  restrictions  which  he  as  censor  imposed  on  luxury.    This 

Co/oariC8.'  vice  ne  could  not  attack  openly,  because  it  had  taken  such 
deep  root  among  the  people;  but  he  caused  all  clothes, 
carriages,  women's  ornaments,  and  furniture  which  ex- 
ceeded fifteen  hundred  drachmas  in  value  to  be  rated  at 
ten  times  their  value  and  taxed  accordingly;  for  he  thought 
that   those   who  possessed   the   most  valuable  property 


Cato  as  Censor  415 

ought  to  contribute  most  largely  to  the  revenues  of  the 
state.  A  tax  of  but  three  copper  asses  for  every  thousand,  P.  376. 
on  the  other  hand,  he  imposed  upon  all  the  citizens,  that 
those  who  were  burdened  with  an  excessive  taxation  on 
luxuries,  when  they  saw  persons  of  frugal  and  simple 
habits  paying  so  small  a  tax  on  the  same  income,  might 
cease  from  their  extravagance.  This  measure  gained  him 
the  hatred  of  those  who  were  taxed  so  heavily  for  their 
luxuries. 

Far  from  paying  attention  to  those  who  blamed  his  Plutarch, 
policy,  he  proceeded  to  still  severer  measures.  He  cut  off 
the  water-pipes,  by  which  water  was  conveyed  from  the 
public  fountains  into  private  houses  and  gardens,  and  de- 
stroyed all  houses  which  encroached  upon  public  streets, 
lowered  the  price  of  contracts  for  public  works,  and  farmed 
out  the  public  revenues  for  the  highest  possible  sums. 

STUDIES 

1.  In  the  time  of  the  Punic  Wars  what  kind  of  government  had 
Rome?  What  feature  of  the  government  was  monarchical  (or  des- 
potic)? What  feature  was  aristocratic?  What  feature  was  demo- 
cratic? What  were  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  consul?  of  the 
senate?     Describe  the  harmony  of  the  constitution. 

2.  Describe  the  masks  and  the  funeral  oration.  What  was  the 
effect  of  these  customs  on  character?  What  was  the  practical  value 
of  religion  to  the  Romans?  Compare  the  Romans  with  the  Greeks 
in  honesty. 

3.  What  was  the  value  of  this  calendar  to  the  farmer?  How  did 
farming  compare  in  honor  with  other  occupations?  What  rules  does 
Cato  lay  down  for  purchasing  a  country  estate?  Who  were  the  labor- 
ers on  a  farm?  What  work  was  reserved  for  rainy  days?  What  were 
the  duties  of  a  steward?  Whai  remedy  was  prescribed  for  dislocation? 
What  other  informal  ion  as  to  life  and  character  may  we  derive  from 
this  selection  from  Cato?    To  whai  time  docs  ii  refer? 

4.  What  attitude  did  the  Roman  government  take  toward  higher 


416  Growth  of  Plutocracy 

education  (rhetoric  and  philosophy)?    When  were  these  two  docu- 
ments issued  and  what  is  their  object? 

5.  What  example  does  Polybius  give  us  to  illustrate  the  Roman 
feeling  for  good  music?  What  impression  of  Roman  character  is 
made  by  this  selection? 

6.  Give  an  account  of  the  early  life  of  Cato;  of  his  censorship. 
What  arc  some  of  his  pithy  sayings?  Enumerate  the  prominent 
traits  of  his  character.  From  this  entire  chapter,  with  the  corre- 
sponding chapter  in  the  Ancient  World,  write  a  paper  on  "Roman 
Character  and  Intelligence  in  the  Second  Century  B.C." 


CHAPTER  XXXVI 

THE  REVOLUTION:    (I)   FROM  PLUTOCRACY  TO 
MILITARY  RULE 


I.  Tiberius  Gracchus 

While  Scipio  (TEmilianus,  his  brother-in-law),  was 
warring  against  Numantia,  Tiberius  began  his  legislation, 
to  which  he  was  led  by  the  following  motives. 

Of  the  land  acquired  by  war  the  Romans  (i)  assigned 
the  cultivated  part  forthwith  to  settlers  or  (2)  leased  or 
(3)  sold  it.  Since  they  had  no  leisure  immediately  to  allot 
the  part  which  then  lay  desolated  by  war, — generally  the 
greater  part, — (4)  they  made  proclamation  that  in  the 
meantime  those  who  were  willing  to  work  it  might  do  so 
on  condition  of  rendering  to  the  government  a  share  of 
the  yearly  crops — a  tenth  of  the  grain  and  a  fifth  of  the 
fruit.  From  those  who  kept  flocks  was  required  a  share 
of  the  animals,  both  oxen  and  small  cattle.  They  did 
these  things  in  order  to  multiply  the  Italian  race,  which 
they  considered  the  most  laborious  of  peoples,  that  they 
might  have  plenty  of  allies  at  home. 

The  result,  however,  was  the  very  opposite  of  their  de- 
sire. For  the  rich,  getting  possession  of  the  greater  part 
of  the  undistributed  lands,  and  emboldened  by  the  lapse 
of  time  to  believe  that  they  should  never  be  dispossessed, 
added  to  their  holdings  the  small  farms  of  their  poor 
neighbors  partly  by  purchase  and  partly  by  force.  In  this 
way  they  came  to  cultivate  vast  tracts  instead  of  single 
estates,    using  for  the   purpose  slaves  as   laborers  and 

4'7 


The  legisla- 
tion of  Tibe- 
rius. 

Plutarch, 
Tiberius 

Gracchus,  7. 

How  the 
Romans 
disposed  of 
acquired 
land. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wan, 
i.  7. 


4i8 


The  Revolution 


How  Tibe- 
rius became 
a  reformer. 

Plutarch, 
Tiberius 
Gracchus,  8. 


His  agrarian 
law,  133  B.C. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
i.  9 

Rome,  152; 
Ancient 
World,  410. 


Opposition. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 


herdsmen,  lest  free  laborers  should  be  drawn  from  their 
employment  into  the  army. 

The  ownership  of  slaves  itself  brought  great  gain  from 
the  large  number  of  children,  who  multiplied  because 
slaves  were  exempt  from  military  service.  Thus  the 
powerful  men  became  enormously  rich,  and  the  race  of 
slaves  increased  throughout  the  country,  while  the  Italian 
people  dwindled  in  numbers  and  strength,  oppressed  by 
penury,  taxes,  and  military  service.  If  they  had  any  res- 
pite from  these  evils,  they  passed  their  time  in  idleness, 
because  the  land  was  held  by  the  rich,  who  employed 
slaves  instead  of  freemen  as  cultivators. 

In  a  certain  book  Gaius  recorded  that  as  Tiberius,  his 
brother,  was  passing  through  Etruria  on  his  way  to 
Numantia,  he  saw  that  the  country  was  depopulated,  and 
that  the  laborers  and  shepherds  were  foreign  slaves  and 
barbarians;  then  for  the  first  time  Tiberius  thought  out 
those  political  measures  which  to  the  two  brothers  were  the 
beginning  of  infinite  calamities.  But  the  energy  and  am- 
bition of  Tiberius  were  roused  mainly  by  the  people,  who 
by  writing  on  the  porticos,  walls,  and  tombs,  urged  him 
to  recover  the  public  land  for  the  poor. 

He  brought  forward  a  law  which  provided  (i)  that  no 
one  should  hold  more  than  five  hundred  jugera  of  the 
public  land.  But  he  added  a  provision  to  the  former  law, 
(2)  that  the  sons  of  the  present  occupiers  might  each 
hold  one-half  that  amount,  and  (3)  that  the  remainder 
should  be  divided  among  the  poor  by  triumvirs,  who 
should  be  changed  annually. 

This  greatly  disturbed  the  rich  because,  on  account 
of  the  triumvirs,  they  could  no  longer  disregard  the  law 
as  they  had  done  before;  nor  could  they  buy  the  allot- 
ments of  others,  for  Gracchus  had  provided  against  this 


support  him, 


The  Agrarian  Law  419 

by  forbidding  sales.  Collecting  in  groups,  they  lamented, 
and  accused  the  poor  of  appropriating  the  results  of  their 
tillage,  their  vineyards,  and  their  dwellings.  Some  said 
they  had  paid  the  price  of  the  land  to  their  neighbors. 
Were  they  to  lose  the  money  with  the  land?  Others  said 
that  the  graves  of  their  ancestors  were  in  the  ground  which 
had  been  allotted  to  them  in  the  division  of  their  fathers' 
estates.  Others  declared  that  their  wives'  dowries  had 
been  expended  on  the  estates,  or  that  the  land  had  been 
given  to  their  own  daughters  as  dowry.  Money-lenders 
could  show  loans  made  on  this  security.  All  kinds  of 
wailing  and  expressions  of  indignation  were  heard  at  once. 

On  the  other  side  were  heard  the  lamentations  of  the  The  poor 
poor, — that  they  had  been  reduced  from  competence  to 
extreme  penury,  and  from  that  to  childlessness  because 
they  were  unable  to  rear  their  offspring.  They  recounted 
the  military  services  they  had  rendered,  by  which  this 
very  land  had  been  acquired,  and  were  angry  that  they 
were  robbed  of  their  share  of  the  common  property.  They 
reproached  the  rich  for  employing  instead  of  citizens,  mere 
slaves,  who  were  always  faithless  and  ill-tempered  and 
for  that  reason  unserviceable  in  war. 

While  these  classes  were  lamenting,  and  accusing  each 
other,  many  from  the  colonies  and  municipia,  and  all  in 
fact  who  were  interested  in  the  lands  and  who  were  under 
similar  fears,  flocked  in  and  took  sides  with  the  respec- 
tive factions.  Emboldened  by  numbers  and  exasperated 
against  each  other,  they  formed  turbulent  crowds,  and 
waited  for  the  voting  on  the  new  Law.  Some  tried  by  all 
means  to  prevent  its  enactment  and  others  supported  it 
in  every  possible  way.  Jn  addition  to  personal  inter.  1. 
the  spirit  of  rivalry  spurred  both  sides  in  the  preparations 
they  were  making  for  the  day  of  the  assembly. 


420 


The   Revolution 


The  object 
of  the  law. 

Appian, 
( 'ivil  Wars, 
i.  ii. 


lb.  12. 


On  the  le- 
gality of  such 
depositions; 
Ancient 
World,  411; 
Roman  As- 
semblies,  367. 


Deposition 
of  Octavius. 


What  Gracchus  had  in  his  mind  in  proposing  the  measure 
was  not  wealth  but  an  increase  in  the  number  of  useful 
citizens.  Thoroughly  inspired  by  the  value  of  his  plan, 
and  believing  that  nothing  more  advantageous  or  more 
admirable  could  ever  happen  to  Italy,  he  took  no  account 
of  the  difficulties  in  his  way.  .  .  . 

Marcus  Octavius,  another  tribune,  who  had  been  in- 
duced by  the  holders  of  these  lands  to  interpose  his  veto, 
ordered  the  scribe  to  keep  silence.  Now  among  the  Ro- 
mans the  tribune's  veto  always  prevailed.  Gracchus 
therefore  reproached  him  severely  and  adjourned  the 
meeting  to  the  following  day.  Then  he  stationed  a  suffi- 
cient guard  as  if  to  force  Octavius  against  his  will,  and 
with  threats  ordered  the  scribe  to  read  the  proposed  law 
to  the  multitude.  He  began  to  read  but  when  Octavius 
again  vetoed,  he  stopped. 

Then  the  tribunes  fell  to  wrangling  with  each  other,  and 
a  considerable  tumult  arose  among  the  people.  The  lead- 
ing citizens  besought  the  tribunes  to  submit  their  con- 
troversy to  the  senate  for  a  decision.  Gracchus  seized  on 
the  suggestion, — for  he  believed  that  the  law  was  ac- 
ceptable to  all  well-disposed  persons, — and  hastened  to 
the  senate-house.  As  he  had  there  only  a  few  followers 
and  was  upbraided  by  the  rich,  he  ran  back  to  the  Forum, 
and  said  he  would  take  the  vote  of  the  assembly  on  the 
following  day;  the  question  would  be  not  only  on  the  law 
but  on  the  magistracy  of  Octavius,  to  determine  whether 
a  tribune  who  was  acting  contrary  to  the  people's  interest 
could  continue  to  hold  his  office. 

And  so  he  did;  for  when  Octavius,  nothing  daunted, 
again  interposed,  Gracchus  distributed  the  pebbles  to 
take  a  vote  on  him  first.  When  the  first  tribe  voted  to 
depose  Octavius  from  his  magistracy,  Gracchus  turned 


Deposition  of  a  Tribune  421 

to  him  and  begged  him  to  desist  from  his  veto.  As  he 
would  not  yield,  the  votes  of  the  other  tribes  were  taken. 
There  were  thirty-five  tribes  at  this  time.  The  seventeen 
which  first  voted,  angrily  sustained  this  motion.  If  the 
eighteenth  should  do  the  same,  it  would  make  a  majority. 
Again  did  Gracchus,  in  the  sight  of  the  people,  urgently 
importune  Octavius  in  his  present  extreme  danger  not  to 
prevent  this  most  pious  work,  so  useful  to  Italy,  and  not 
to  frustrate  the  wishes  so  earnestly  entertained  by  the 
people,  whose  desires  he  ought  rather  to  share  in  his 
character  of  tribune,  and  not  risk  the  loss  of  his  office  by 
public  condemnation.  After  speaking  thus,  he  called  the 
gods  to  witness  that  he  did  not  willingly  do  any  despite 
to  his  colleague.  But  as  Octavius  was  still  unyielding,  he 
went  on  to  take  the  votes.  Octavius  was  forthwith  re- 
duced to  the  rank  of  a  private  citizen  and  slunk  away  un- 
observed. 

The  law  concerning  the  land  was  immediately  afterward   £ktarch, 

Carried.    .    .    .  Gracchus,  13. 

II.  Gaius  Gracchus 

The  common  opinion  is  that  Gaius  was  a  pure  dema-  Gaius 

.  •         r  ir  .1         rw      Gracchus, 

gogue  and  much  more  greedy  of  popular  favor  than  11- 

berius.     But  in  fact  the  younger  brother  took  part  in  GaiusGrao- 
public  affairs  through  necessity  rather  than  choice.    Cicero  chus<  «• 
the  orator  says  that  Gaius  declined  all  offices  and  had    Ancimi 
determined  to  live  in  retirement,  but  that  his  brother  ap- 
peared to  him  in  a  dream  and  said,  "Gaius,  why  do  you 
hesitate?    There  is  no  escape— it  is  our  fate  to  live  and  die 
for  the  people." 

On  entering  office  (the  tribunate)  he  soon  made  him-    iaj  B.C. 
self  first  on  the  hoard,  for  he-  surpassed  every   Roman 
in  eloquence,  and   his  misfortunes   gave  him   a   license 


422 


The   Revolution 


Plut.  ib.  3. 


His  laws. 

Plutarch, 
Gaius  Grac- 
chus, 5. 


His 

monarchical 
power. 

Plutarch, 
Gaius  Grac- 
chus, 6. 


Rome 
n.  1. 


130, 


An  adminis- 
trator of 
marvelous 
energy. 


for  speaking  freely  when  lamenting  the  fate  of  his 
brother. 

Of  the  laws  which  he  proposed  with  a  view  to  gaining 
the  popular  favor  and  to  weakening  the  senate,  one  was 
for  the  establishment  of  colonies  and  for  the  distribution 
of  public  land  among  the  poor.  Another  provided  for 
supplying  the  soldiers  with  clothing  at  the  public  expense, 
without  any  deduction  from  their  pay  on  this  account; 
the  same  law  exempted  youths  under  seventeen  from  being 
drafted  for  the  army.  A  third  favored  the  allies,  and  put 
the  Italians  on  the  same  footing  as  the  citizens  with  re- 
spect to  the  suffrage.  Another,  relating  to  grain,  had  for 
its  object  the  lowering  of  the  price  for  the  poor.  The  last 
referred  to  the  jurors, — a  measure  which  most  of  all  en- 
croached on  the  privileges  of  the  senate. 

The  people  not  only  passed  the  last-named  measure, 
but  empowered  Gracchus  to  select  from  the  knights  those 
who  were  to  act  as  jurors — a  right  which  conferred  on  him 
a  kind  of  monarchical  authority,  and  even  the  senate  now 
assented  to  the  measures  which  he  proposed  in  that  body. 
All  his  plans,  however,  were  honorable  to  the  senate. 
Such,  for  instance,  was  the  reasonable  and  just  decree 
about  the  grain  which  Fabius  the  propraetor  sent  from 
Iberia.  Gracchus  induced  the  senate  to  sell  the  grain  and 
return  the  money  to  the  Iberian  cities,  and  further  to 
censure  Fabius  for  making  the  Roman  dominion  heavy 
and  intolerable  to  the  subject  nations.  This  decree  brought 
Gaius  great  reputation  and  popularity  in  the  provinces. 

He  also  introduced  measures  for  sending  out  colonies, 
for  the  construction  of  roads,  and  for  the  building  of  public 
granaries;  and  he  made  himself  director  and  superin- 
tendent for  carrying  all  these  plans  into  effect.  Though 
engaged  in  so  many  great  undertakings,  he  was  never 


Gaius  Gracchus  as  Administrator     423 

wearied,  but  with  wonderful  activity  and  labor  he  effected 
every  single  object  as  if  he  had  for  the  time  no  other  occu- 
pation; so  that  even  those  who  thoroughly  feared  and 
hated  him  were  amazed  at  the  rapidity  and  perfect  exe- 
cution of  all  that  he  undertook.  But  the  people  looked 
with  admiration  on  the  man  himself,  as  they  saw  him 
attended  by  crowds  of  building  contractors,  artificers, 
ambassadors,  soldiers,  and  learned  men,  to  all  of  whom  he 
was  easy  of  access.  And  while  he  maintained  his  dignity, 
he  was  affable  to  all,  and  adapted  his  behavior  to  the  con- 
dition of  every  individual,  and  so  proved  the  falsehood 
of  those  who  called  him  tyrannical  or  arrogant  or  violent. 
In  this  way  he  showed  himself  more  skilful  as  a  popular 
leader  in  his  dealings  with  men  than  even  in  his  speeches 
from  the  rostra. 

But  Gaius  busied  himself  most  about  the  building  of  His  public 
....  ...  .  roads. 

roads  with  a  view  to  utility,  convenience,  and  ornament. 

The  roads  were  made  in  a  straight  line  through  the  coun-   (;aim<Grac- 

try,  partly  of  quarried  stone  and  partly  with  tight-rammed   chus<  7- 

masses  of  earth.     By  filling  up  the  depressions,  and  by 

throwing  bridges  across  those  parts  which  were  traversed 

by  winter  torrents  or  deep  ravines,  and  by  raising  the  road 

on  both  sides  to  the  same  uniform  height,  the  whole  line 

was  made  level,  and  presented  a  pleasing  appearance.    He 

also  measured  all  the  roads  by  miles—the  Roman  mile  is 

not  quite  eight  stadia — and  he  fixed  stone  blocks  to  mark 

the  distances.    He  placed  other  stones  at  shorter  distances 

from  one  another  on  each  side  of  the  road,  that   people 

might  easily  mount  their  horses  from  these  blocks  without 

other  assistance. 

Gaius  Gracchus  is  held  to  have  been  a  powerful  and 
strenuous  orator.  No  one  disputes  it.  Hut  howisil  to  ln- 
borne,  that  in  the  eyes  of  some  he  appears  more  Stern, 


424 


The  Revolution 


Mistreat- 
ment  of 
Italians  by 
the  Romans. 

Speeches  of 
Gaius  Grac- 
chus, quoted 
by  Gellius 
x.  3. 


Comment  of 
Gellius. 


The  body  in 
the  litter. 

Speech  of 
Gracchus;  ib. 


more  spirited,  more  copious  than  Marcus  Tullius?  Now  I 
was  reading  lately  a  speech  of  Gracchus  upon  the  statutes 
published,  in  which  with  all  the  odium  possible  he  com- 
plains that  Marcus  Marius,  and  other  persons  of  distinc- 
tion from  the  municipal  towns  of  Italy,  were  injuriously 
whipped  with  rods  by  the  magistrates  of  the  Roman  peo- 
ple. His  words  upon  this  subject  are  as  follows:  "The 
consul  lately  came  to  Theanum  Sidicinum;  he  said  his 
wife  wished  to  bathe  in  the  men's  bath.  To  Marcus 
Marius,  the  quaestor  of  Sidicinum,  the  task  was  assigned 
that  they  who  were  bathing  should  be  driven  forth.  The 
wife  reports  to  her  husband  that  the  baths  were  not  given 
up  to  her  soon  enough  nor  were  they  sufficiently  clean. 
A  post  was  accordingly  fixed  down  in  the  market-place, 
and  Marcus  Marius,  the  most  illustrious  man  of  his  city, 
was  led  to  it;  his  garments  were  stripped  off,  and  he  was 
beaten  with  rods.  When  the  inhabitants  of  Cales  heard 
this,  they  passed  a  decree  that  no  one  should  presume  to 
bathe  when  Roman  magistrates  were  there.  At  Feren- 
tinum,  also,  our  praetor  for  a  reason  of  the  same  sort  or- 
dered the  quaestors  to  be  seized.  One  threw  himself  from 
the  wall,  the  other  was  taken  and  scourged." 

In  a  matter  so  atrocious,  in  so  lamentable  and  distress- 
ing a  proof  of  public  injustice,  what  has  he  said,  either  in 
a  full  or  an  incisive  way,  or  so  as  to  excite  tears  or  com- 
miseration? What  has  he  spoken  expressive  of  exuberant 
indignation,  or  in  a  spirit  of  solemn  and  striking  remon- 
strance? There  is  indeed  a  brevity  and  terseness  and  a 
telling  simplicity  in  his  speech,  such  as  we  usually  find  in 
the  cleverness  of  the  comic  stage. 

In  another  place  likewise  Gracchus  speaks  thus:  "One 
example  I  will  show  you  of  the  licentiousness  and  intem- 
perance of  our  young  men.    A  few  years  ago  a  young  man 


Proposal  to  Extend  the  Citizenship    425 

was  sent  from  Asia  as  an  ambassador,  who  had  not  yet 

been  in  any  magistracy.    He  was  carried  in  a  litter,  when 

a  herdsman  from  the  peasantry  of  Venusium  met  him, 

and  not  knowing  what  they  were  carrying,  asked  in  joke 

whether  they  were  bearing  a  dead  body?    Having  heard 

this,  he  ordered  the  litter  to  be  set  down  and  the  man  to 

be  beaten  with  the  ropes  by  which  the  litter  was  fastened, 

till  he  gave  up  the  ghost."    Now  this  speech  of  his,  upon   Furth^rnt 

so  violent  and  cruel  an  outrage,  differs  nothing  at  all  from 

the  style  of  common  conversation. 

He  called  the  Latin  allies  to  demand  the  full  rights  of  The  Latins 

...  and  the 

Roman  citizenship,  for  the  senate  could  not  with  decency  Italians. 

refuse  this  privilege  to  kinsmen  by  blood.    To  the  other  Appian,  Civil 
allies,  who  were  not  allowed  to  vote  in  Roman  assemblies,  Wars<  »■  23- 
he  sought  to  give  the  right  of  suffrage,  in  order  to  have  ^or^ol-^ 
their  help  in  the  enactment  of  laws  which  he  had  in  mind,   etc.,  see 
Greatly  alarmed  at  this,  the  senate  ordered  the  consuls  to  ^AnOmi 
give  public  notice:  "Nobody  who  does  not  possess  the   Warid, 361-5. 
right  of  suffrage  shall  stay  in  the  city  or  approach  within 
forty  stadia  of  it  while  the  voting  is  going  on  concerning 
these  laws."      The  senate  also  persuaded  Livius  Drusus, 
another  tribune,  to  interpose  his  veto  against  the  laws  pro- 
posed by  Gracchus,  but  not  to  tell  the  people  his  reasons 
for  doing  so;  for  a  tribune  was  not  required  to  give  reasons 
for  his  veto.    In  order  to  win  the  people  they  gave  Drusus 
the  privilege  of  founding  twelve  colonics,  and  the  plebeians 
were  so  much  pleased  with  this  that  they  began  to  scoff  at 
the  laws  proposed  by  Gracchus. 

III.  Gars  Marius 
He  took  all  who  were  willing  to  join  him,  the  greater  His  amy. 

number  from  the  lowest  ranks.     Some  said  this  was  dime 


426 


The   Revolution 


Sallust, 
Jugurtkine 

War,  86. 

Ancient 

World,  416- 


Plutarch, 
Marias,  9. 


Sallust, 
Jugurtkine 
War,  84. 


End  of  the 
war,  106  B.C. 

Sallust, 
Jugurtkine 

War,  86. 


Strife 
between 
Marius  and 
Sulla. 

Plutarch, 
Marius,  32. 


from  a  scarcity  of  better  men,  and  others  from  the  consul's 
desire  to  pay  court  to  the  poorer  class,  by  whom  he  had 
been  honored  and  promoted.  In  fact  to  a  man  grasping  at 
power  the  most  needy  are  the  most  serviceable. 

Former  generals  had  never  admitted  men  of  this  kind 
into  the  army,  but  had  given  arms,  as  a  badge  of  honor,  to 
those  only  who  had  the  due  qualification  (of  property);  for 
they  considered  that  every  soldier  pledged  his  property  to 
the  state. 

Marius  sent  for  auxiliaries  from  foreign  states,  kings,  and 
allies;  he  enlisted,  too,  all  the  bravest  men  from  Latium, 
most  of  whom  he  knew  by  actual  service,  a  few  only  by 
report;  and  by  earnest  invitation  he  induced  even  the  dis- 
charged veterans  to  accompany  him.  Though  opposed  to 
him,  the  senate  dared  refuse  him  nothing.  The  additions 
to  the  legions  it  voted  with  eagerness  because  it  knew  that 
military  service  was  unpopular,  and  thought  that  Marius 
would  lose  either  the  means  of  warfare  or  the  favor  of  the 
people.  But  it  entertained  such  expectations  in  vain,  so 
ardent  a  desire  of  going  with  Marius  came  upon  almost  all. 
Every  one  cherished  the  fancy  that  he  would  return  home 
laden  with  spoil,  crowned  with  victory,  or  attended  with 
some  similar  good  fortune. 

Setting  out. accordingly  to  Africa  with  a  somewhat  larger 
force  than  had  been  decreed,  he  arrived  in  a  few  days  at 
Utica.  There  he  received  the  command  of  the  army  from 
Publius  Rutilius,  the  lieutenant  of  Metellus;  for  Metellus 
himself  avoided  the  sight  of  his  successor,  that  he  might  not 
see  what  he  could  not  endure  even  to  hear  mentioned. 

(For  some  time  Marius  and  Sulla,  his  quasstor  in  the 
Jugurthine  War,  had  been  growing  jealous  of  each  other's 
influence.)  Strife  between  them  was  delayed  by  the  Social 
War  which  suddenly  burst  upon  the  state. 


Marius  and  Sulla 


427 


This  war,  diversified  by  many  defeats  and  by  great 
changes  of  fortune,  took  from  Marius  as  much  reputation 
and  influence  as  it  gave  to  Sulla. 

At  length  the  Italians  yielded,  and  many  persons  at 
Rome  were  intriguing  for  the  command  in  the  war  with 
Mithridates.  .  .  .  Marius,  moved  by  boyish  emulation, 
threw  off  his  old  age  and  infirmities,  and  went  daily  to  the 
Campus  Martius,  where  he  took  his  exercises  with  the 
young  men,  and  showed  that  he  was  still  active  in  arms 
and  sat  firm  in  all  the  movements  of  horsemanship,  though 
he  was  not  well-built  in  his  old  age,  but  very  fat  and 
heavy. 

The  assembly  voted  the  command  to  Marius,  who  when 
ready  to  set  out,  sent  two  tribunes  to  receive  the  army  from 
Sulla.  But  Sulla,  after  encouraging  his  soldiers,  who  num- 
bered thirty-five  thousand  well  armed  men,  led  them  to- 
ward Rome.  These  troops  fell  upon  the  tribunes  whom 
Marius  had  sent,  and  murdered  them.  Marius,  on  his 
part,  put  to  death  many  of  the  friends  of  Sulla  in  Rome, 
and  proclaimed  freedom  to  the  slaves  if  they  would  join 
him ;  but  it  is  said  that  three  only  accepted  the  offer.  As 
Sulla  entered  the  city,  Marius  made  a  feeble  resistance, 
and  was  soon  compelled  to  flee. 

Instructions  had  already  been  sent  to  every  city,  re- 
quiring the  authorities  to  search  for  the  fugitive  and  put 
him  to  death  when  he  should  be  found. 

Marius  escaped,  however,  and  without,  a  companion  or 
servant  fled  to  Minturnae.  While  he  was  resting  there  in  a 
secluded  house,  the  magistrates  of  the  city,  whose  fears 
were  excited  by  the  proclamation  of  the  Roman  people,  but 
who  hesitated  to  be  the  murderers  of  a  man  who  had  been 
six  times  consul' and  had  performed  so  many  brillianl  ex- 
ploits, sent  a  Gaul  to  kill  him  with  a  sword.    The  Stoi 


Plutarch, 
Marius,  33. 
90-88  B.C. 

lb.  34- 

(For  causes 
of  Social 
War,  see 
Rome,  166; 
Ancient   His- 
tory, 357.) 


Flight  of 
Marius, 
88  B.C. 

(The  senate 
had  already 
given  the 
command  to 
Sulla.) 

Plutarch, 

Mdrius,  35. 


lb.  38. 


"I  cannot 
kill  Gaius 
Marius! " 

Appian 
Wars,  i.  61. 


428 


The   Revolution 


that  as  the  Gaul  was  approaching  the  pallet  of  Marius  in 
the  dusk,  he  thought  he  saw  the  gleam  and  flash  of  fire 
darting  from  the  eyes  of  a  hidden  man,  and  that  Marius 
rose  from  his  bed  and  in  a  thundering  voice  shouted  to  him, 
"Dare  you  kill  Gaius  Marius?" 

The  Gaul  turned  and  fled  out  of  doors  like  a  madman, 
exclaiming,  "I  cannot  kill  Gaius  Marius!"  As  the  magis- 
trates had  come  to  their  previous  decision  with  reluctance, 
so  now  a  kind  of  religious  awe  came  over  them,  for  they 
remembered  the  prophecy  given  him  while  he  was  a  boy, 
that  he  should  be  consul  seven  times. 

At  this  time  the  governor  of  Libya  was  Sextilius,  a 
Roman  who  had  received  neither  favor  nor  injury  from 
Marius.  It  was  expected  therefore  that  the  governor  would 
help  him,  at  least  as  far  as  feelings  of  pity  move  a  man. 
But  no  sooner  had  Marius  landed  with  a  few  of  his  party 
than  an  officer  met  him,  and  standing  right  in  front  of  him 
said: 

"The  governor  Sextilius  forbids  you,  Marius,  to  set  foot 
on  Libya,  and  he  says  that  if  you  do,  he  will  support  the 
decree  of  the  senate  by  treating  you  as  an  enemy." 

When  Marius  heard  this  command,  grief  and  indigna- 
tion deprived  him  of  the  power  of  speech.  He  remained 
silent  a  long  time,  looking  fixedly  at  the  officer.  As  the 
latter  asked  him  what  he  had  to  say — what  reply  he  had 
for  the  governor — he  answered  with  a  deep  groan: 

"Tell  him  you  have  seen  Gaius  Marius,  a  fugitive,  sitting 
on  the  ruins  of  Carthage." 


IV.  Sulla 

After  speedily  finishing  all  his  business  with  Mithridates, 
Sulla  hastened  his  return  to  meet  his  enemies.  .  .  .  He 
came  home  with  a  large,  well  disciplined  army,  devoted  to 


Sulla's  Proscriptions  429 

him  and  elated  by  his  exploits.     He  had  abundance  of  Appian, 

J  *  L  r,:l  II  an 

ships,  money,  and  apparatus  suitable  for  all  emergencies,  i.  76. 
and  was  an  object  of  terror  to  his  enemies.     Carbo  and 

Cinna  were  in  such  fear  of  him  that  they  despatched  emis-  Rome,  171. 

saries  to  all  parts  of  Italy  to  collect  money,  soldiers,  and  Ancient 

World,  421-6. 

supplies. 

(In  two  years  of  civil  war  Sulla  destroyed  the  armies  of  Sulla's 
v  J  111    proscnp- 

the  democratic  leaders  who  opposed  him,  and  then  entered  tions,82  B.C. 

Rome  all-powerful.)     Now  he  began  to  make  blood  flow,   piutarch, 

and  he  filled  the  city  with  countless  deaths.     For  private  Sulla<  31, 

enmity   many   persons   were    murdered  who    never  had 

anything  to  do  with  Sulla,  but  he  consented  to  their  death 

to  please  his  partisans. 

At  last  a  young  man,  Gaius  Metellus,  had  the  boldness 
to  ask  Sulla  in  the  senate-house  when  there  would  be  an 
end  to  their  miseries,  and  how  far  he  would  proceed  before 
they  could  hope  to  see  their  misfortunes  cease. 

"  We  are  not  deprecating  your  vengeance  against  those 
whom  you  have  determined  to  put  out  of  the  way,"  he 
said,  "but  we  entreat  you  to  relieve  of  uncertainty  those 
whom  you  have  determined  to  spare." 

Sulla  replied, 

"I  have  not  yet  determined  whom  I  will  spare." 

"Tell  us  then,"  Metellus  said,  "whom  you  intend  to 
punish." 

Sulla  promised  to  do  so.  Some  say  it  was  not  Metellus 
but  Afidius,  one  of  Sulla's  flatterers,  who  made  use  of  the 
last  expression.  Without  communicating  with  any  magis- 
trate, Sulla  immediately  proscribed  eighty  persons.  As 
this  act  caused  a  general  murmur,  he  le1  one  day  pass,  and 
then  proscribed  two  hundred  and  twenty  more,  and  again 
on  the  third  day  as  many.  In  an  address  to  the  people  he 
said,  with  reference  to  these  measures,  that  he  had  pro- 


430  The   Revolution 

scribed  all  he  could  think  of,  and  as  to  those  who  now  es- 
caped his  memory,  he  would  proscribe  them  at  some  future 
time. 

It  was  a  part  of  the  proscription  that  every  man  who  re- 
ceived and  protected  a  proscribed  person  should  be  put  to 
death  for  his  humanity,  and  there  was  no  exception  for 
brothers,  children,  or  parents.  The  reward  for  killing  a 
proscribed  person  was  two  talents,  whether  it  was  a  slave 
who  killed  his  master  or  a  son  who  killed  his  father.  But 
what  was  considered  most  unjust  of  all,  he  affixed  infamy 
on  the  sons  and  grandsons  of  all  the  proscribed,  and  con- 
fiscated their  property. 
Greed  the  The  proscriptions  were  not  confined  to  Rome  but  ex- 

mot?ve.  tended  to  every  city  in  Italy.      Neither  temple  nor  hospi- 

table hearth  nor  father's  house  was  free  from  murder;  but 
husbands  were  butchered  in  the  arms  of  their  wives,  and 
children  in  the  embrace  of  their  mothers.  The  number  of 
those  who  were  massacred  through  revenge  and  hatred  was 
nothing  compared  with  those  who  were  murdered  for  their 
property.  It  occurred  even  to  the  assassins  to  notice  that 
the  ruin  of  such  a  one  was  due  to  his  large  house,  another 
man  owed  his  death  to  his  orchard,  and  another  again  to 
his  warm  baths.  Quintus  Aurelius,  who  never  meddled 
with  public  affairs,  and  who  was  no  further  concerned  about 
all  these  calamities  except  so  far  as  he  sympathized  with 
the  sufferings  of  others,  happened  to  come  to  the  Forum, 
and  there  he  read  the  names  of  the  proscribed.  Finding 
his  own  name  among  them,  he  exclaimed,  "Alas,  wretch 
that  I  am:  my  farm  at  Alba  is  my  persecutor!"  He  had 
not  gone  far  before  he  was  murdered  by  some  one  who 
was  in  search  of  him. 

Meanwhile  Marius  (adopted  son  of  the  great  Marius, 
and  a  democratic  general  in  the  civil  war)  killed  himself  to 


Dictatorship  of  Sulla  431 

avoid  being  taken.  Sulla  then  went  to  Praeneste  (which  Sulla  at 
Marius  had  held)  and  there  began  to  examine  the  case  of 
each  individual  before  punishing  him;  but  lacking  time  Sulla,  32. 
for  this  inquiry,  he  had  all  the  people  brought  to  one  spot 
to  the  number  of  twelve  thousand,  and  ordered  them  to  be 
massacred,  with  the  exception  of  one  man,  an  old  friend 
of  his,  whom  he  offered  to  pardon.  But  the  man  nobly- 
declared  he  would  never  owe  his  safety  to  the  destroyer 
of  his  country;  and  mingling  with  the  rest  of  the  citizens, 
he  was  cut  down  together  with  them. 

Besides  the  massacres,  other  things  caused  dissatisfac-  His  dictator- 

.  ,i  ship,  S2-7g 

tion.     Sulla  had  himself  proclaimed  dictator,  and  thus  B.C. 

revived  this  office  after  an  interval  of  a  hundred  and  piutarch, 

twenty  years.  Sulla'  ^ 

Twentv-four  axes  were  carried  in  front  of  him,  as  was  His  legisla- 

....  tion. 

customary  with  dictators — the  same  number  which  was 
borne  before  the  ancient  kings;  and  he  had  besides  a  large  CnUWars, 
body-guard.  He  repealed  laws  and  enacted  others.  He 
forbade  any  one  to  hold  the  office  of  praetor  till  after  he 
had  held  that  of  quaestor,  or  to  be  consul  before  he  had  been 
praetor,  and  he  prohibited  any  man  from  holding  the  same 
office  a  second  time  till  after  the  lapse  of  ten  years.  He 
reduced  the  tribunician  power  to  such  an  extent  that  it 
seemed  to  be  destroyed.  He  curtailed  it  by  a  law  which 
provided  that  one  holding  the  office  of  tribune  should  never 
afterward  hold  any  other  office. 

STUDIES 

1.  How  did  the  Romans  dispose  of  acquired  land?  What  resulted 
from  these  arrangements?  What  wen-  the  provisions  ol  the  agrarian 
law  of  Tiberius?  What  was  his  aim?  Who  opposed  and  who  sup- 
ported him,  and  why?  Discuss  the  legality  of  the  deposition  of 
Octavius. 


1.  100. 


432  The  Revolution 

2.  What  were  the  principal  laws  of  Gaius  Gracchus?  What  was 
the  object  of  each?  Describe  a  Roman  road.  What  are  the  con- 
tents of  these  quotations  from  his  speeches,  and  what  conditions  do 
they  show?  Is  the  comment  of  Gellius  favorable  or  the  opposite? 
What  was  the  aim  of  these  speeches?  What  was  the  general  aim 
of  Gaius? 

3.  Of  what  elements  did  Marius  make  up  his  army?  Describe  his 
conflict  with  Sulla.  Narrate  his  wanderings.  Who  are  the  authors 
of  the  selections  relating  to  the  Gracchi  and  Marius?  When  did 
each  live,  and  what  is  his  historical  value? 

4.  What  are  proscriptions?  Describe  those  of  Sulla.  What  were 
the  motives  of  the  men  engaged  in  it?  What  was  the  character 
of  Sulla? 


CHAPTER  XXXVII 

THE  REVOLUTION:   (II)  THE  MILITARY  POWER 
IN  CONFLICT  WITH  THE  REPUBLIC 

I.    POMPEY 

(Among  the  rising  officers  of  the  army  Gnaeus  Pompey  Gnaeus 
was  most  fitted  to  be  the  heir  of  Sulla's  policy.)    Never  did 
the  Roman  people  give  to  any  other  man  so  strong  tokens  p£^p^t'lm 
of  affection  as  to  Pompey,  or  at  so  early  an  age,  or  which    Amicnt 
grew  so  rapidly  with  the  good  fortune  of  the  receiver,  or   World,  428- 
remained  so  firm  in  his  misfortunes.    The  causes  of  their 
affection  were  many:  his  temperate  life,  his  skill  in  arms, 
the  persuasiveness  of  his  speech,  the  integrity  of  his  char- 
acter, and  his  affability  to  every  man  who  came  in  his  way, 
so  that  there  was  no  person  from  whom  one  could  ask  a 
favor  with  so  little  pain,  whose  requests  one  would  more 
willingly  strive  to  satisfy.     In  addition  to  his  other  en- 
dearing qualities,  Pompey  could  do  a  kindness  without 
seeming  to  do  it,  and  could  receive  a  favor  with  dignity. 

At  first  his  face,  too,  contributed  greatly  to  win  the  good  His  appear- 
will  of  the  people,  and  to  secure  a  favorable  reception  be- 

\  .  ^  r  1  •  Plutarch. 

fore  he  opened  his  mouth.  For  the  sweetness  of  his  e.xpres-  pompey,  2. 
sion  was  mingled  with  dignity  and  kindness;  and  while  he 
was  yet  in  the  very  bloom  of  youth,  his  noble  and  kingly 
nature  clearly  showed  itself.  The  slight  falling  back  of  the 
hair  and  the  expression  of  the  eyes  caused  people  to  noti<  e 
a  resemblance  to  the  portraits  of  Alexander,  though  in  fact 
the  likeness  was  more  talked  of  than  real. 

433 


434 


The   Revolution 


Sertorius. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
i.  108. 


76  B.C. 


72  B.C. 


The  Servile 
War 

(or  Gladia- 
torial War), 
73-71  B.C. 

Plutarch, 
Pompey,  21. 


Of  the  Sullan  troubles  there  remained  the  war  with  Ser- 
torius, which  had  been  going  on  for  eight  years,  and  which 
was  no  easy  war  for  Rome,  as  it  was  waged  not  merely 
against  Spaniards  but  against  the  Romans  and  Sertorius. 
He  had  been  chosen  governor  of  Spain  while  he  was  cooper- 
ating with  Carbo  against  Sulla,  and  after  taking  the  city 
of  Suessa  under  an  armistice,  he  fled  and  assumed  his 
governorship.  With  an  army  from  Italy  itself  and  another 
raised  from  the  Celtiberians,  he  drove  from  Spain  the 
former  governors,  who  to  favor  Sulla  refused  to  surrender 
the  government  to  him.  He  fought  nobly,  too,  against 
Metellus,  whom  Sulla  had  sent  to  oppose  him.  After  ac- 
quiring a  reputation  for  bravery,  he  enrolled  a  council  of 
three  hundred  members  from  the  friends  who  were  with 
him,  and  called  it  the  Roman  senate  in  derision  of  the 
real  one. 

After  the  death  of  Sulla,  and  later  of  Lepidus  (a  demo- 
cratic leader),  Sertorius  obtained  another  Italian  army 
which  Perpenna,  the  lieutenant  of  Lepidus,  brought  him. 
It  was  now  supposed  that  he  intended  to  march  against 
Italy  itself,  and  he  would  have  done  so,  had  not  the  senate 
become  alarmed  and  sent  another  army  and  general  into 
Spain  in  addition  to  the  former  forces.  This  general  was 
Pompey,  who  was  still  a  young  man,  but  renowned  for 
his  exploits  under  Sulla.  (Sertorius  was  himself  uncon- 
querable; but  when  at  length  he  was  assassinated,  Per- 
penna, his  faithless  lieutenant,  easily  fell  a  prey  to 
Pompey.) 

After  staying  long  enough  to  end  the  chief  disturbances, 
and  to  quiet  and  settle  the  most  dangerous  troubles, 
Pompey  led  his  army  back  to  Italy,  where  he  chanced  to 
arrive  at  the  time  the  Servile  War  was  at  its  height. 

Spartacus,  by  birth  a  Thracian,  who  had  once  served 


Spartacus  435 

as  soldier  with  the  Romans,  had  since  become  a  prisoner,   Appiao, 

.  Ctvil  II  ars, 

and  had  been  sold  for  a  gladiator.  While  he  was  in  the  i.  116. 
gladiatorial  training-school  at  Capua,  he  persuaded  about 
seventy  of  his  comrades  to  strike  for  their  own  freedom, 
rather  than  for  the  amusement  of  spectators.  They  over- 
came the  guards  and  ran  away.  Arming  themselves  with 
clubs  and  daggers,  which  they  took  from  people  on  the 
roads,  they  sought  refuge  on  Mount  Vesuvius.  .  .  .  After- 
ward still  greater  throngs  flocked  to  Spartacus,  till  his 
army  numbered  seventy  thousand  men.  For  them  he 
manufactured  weapons  and  collected  apparatus. 

This  war,  so  formidable  to  the  Romans,  had  now  lasted  lb.  i.  118. 
three  years.  When  the  election  of  praetors  came  on,  fear 
fell-  upon  all,  and  nobody  offered  himself  as  a  candidate 
until  Licinius  Crassus,  a  man  distinguished  among  the 
Romans  for  birth  and  wealth,  assumed  the  praaetorship, 
and  marched  with  six  legions  against  Spartacus.  .  .  . 
Presently  he  overcame  ten  thousand  insurgents,  who  were 
encamped  in  a  detached  position,  and  killed  two-thirds 
of  them. 

Believing  that  the  work  still  to  be  done  against  Spar-   Appian.  t  r.n 

fe  II  ars,  1.  119. 

tacus  was  great  and  severe,  the  government  ordered  up 

as  a  reenforcement  the  army  of  Pompey,  which  had  just 

arrived  from  Spain. 

This   was   the  reason   why   Crassus,   the  commander, 

risked  a  battle,  which  he  gained  with  the  slaughter  of   Plutarch, 

.  Pompey,  21. 

twelve  thousand  three  hundred  of  the  enemy.     But  tor- 

tune,  as  we  may  say,  adopted  Pompey  into  this  sua  < 

also,  for  five  thousand  men  who  escaped  from  the  battle 

fell  in  his  way.    After  destroying  all  of  them,  he  took  the 

opportunity   of   writing   6rst   to   the  senate  that   whereas 

Crassus  had  conquered  the  gladiators  in  a  pitched  battle, 

he  had  himself  pulled  up  the  war  by  the  roots.    And  this 


436 


The   Revolution 


was  agreeable  for  the  Romans  to  hear,  because  of  their 
good  will  to  Pompey. 

Meantime,  while  the  Romans  were  engaged  in  different 
parts  of  the  world,  the  Cilicians  had  spread  themselves 
over  the  sea,  and  by  obstructing  commerce  and  by  break- 
ing the  bonds  of  human  society,  had  made  the  sea  as  im- 
passable through  piracy  as  it  would  have  been  rendered 
by  a  tempest. 

And  now  men  who  were  powerful  in  wealth  and  of  dis- 
tinguished birth,  and  who  claimed  superior  education,  be- 
gan to  embark  on  piratical  vessels  and  to  share  in  their 
undertakings,  as  if  the  occupation  were  reputable  and  an 
object  of  ambition.  In  many  places  were  piratical  posts 
and  fortified  beacons,  at  which  armaments  put  in.  For 
this  peculiar  occupation  swift  light  fleets  were  fitted  out 
with  bold  vigorous  crews  and  skilful  helmsmen.  More 
annoying  than  their  formidable  appearance  was  their 
arrogant  and  pompous  equipment  with  golden  streamers 
and  purple  sails  and  silvered  oars,  as  if  they  rioted  in  their 
evil  practices  and  prided  themselves  on  them.  Their 
playing  on  flutes  and  stringed  instruments  and  their  drink- 
ing along  the  whole  coast,  their  seizure  of  persons  high  in 
office,  and  their  holding  captured  cities  for  ransom,  dis- 
graced the  Roman  supremacy.  The  piratical  ships  had 
now  increased  to  above  a  thousand,  and  the  cities  seized 
by  them  were  four  hundred. 

But  their  most  insulting  conduct  was  of  the  following 
nature.  Whenever  a  captive  called  out  that  he  was  a 
Roman  and  mentioned  his  name,  they  would  pretend  te 
be  terrified,  and  would  strike  their  thighs  and  fall  dowo 
at  his  knees  praying  him  to  pardon  them;  and  their  can- 
tive  would  believe  all  this  to  be  real,  seeing  that  they  were 
humble  and  suppliant.    Then  some  would  put  Roman  shoes 


War  with  the  Pirates  437 

t,n  his  feet,  and  others  would  throw  over  him  a  toga,  pre- 
tending it  was  done  that  there  might  be  no  mistake  about 
him  again.  When  they  had  for  some  time  mocked  the 
man  in  this  way,  and  had  their  fill  of  amusement,  they 
would  put  a  ladder  down  into  the  sea,  and  bid  him  step 
out  and  go  away  with  their  best  wishes  for  a  good  journey; 
and  if  the  man  would  not  go,  they  pushed  him  into  the 
water. 

Pompey  directed  his  efforts  against  Cilicia,  the  source  Pompey 

conquers 
and  origin  of  the  war.    Neither  did  the  enemy  shrink  from  them, 

an   engagement   with  him   nor  lose   confidence  in   their     7    ' 

strength ;  hard  pressed,  they  were  willing  to  dare.    They  Florus  1U- 6- 

did  no  more  than  meet  the  first  onset,  however,  for  im-   Rome,  178; 

Ancient 

mediately  afterward  when  they  saw  the  beaks  of  our  ships   World,  430  f. 
encircling  them,  they  threw  down  their  weapons  and  oars, 
and  with  a  great  clapping  of  hands,  which  with  them  was 
a  sign  of  supplication,  begged  for  quarter. 

Never  did  we  obtain  a  victory  with  so  little  bloodshed. 
Nor  was  any  nation  afterward  found  so  faithful  to  us, — a 
state  of  things  secured  by  the  remarkable  prudence  of  the 
general,  who  removed  this  maritime  people  far  from  the 
sight  of  the  sea,  and  tied  them  down,  as  it  were,  to  the  in- 
land parts  of  the  country.  Thus  he  recovered  the  free  use 
of  the  sea  for  ships,  and  at  the  same  time  restored  to  the 
land  its  own  inhabitants. 

In  this  victory  what  shall  we  most  admire?  Its  speed, 
as  it  was  gained  in  forty  days?  Its  good  fortune,  as  not  a 
single  ship  was  lost?  Or  its  durable  effect,  as  the  Cilicians 
in  consequence  were  never  afterward  pirates? 

II.  Cicero  and  Catii.im: 

At  this  time  Lucius  Catiline  was  a  person  of  importance, 

of  great  celebrity,  and  high  birth,  but  a  madman.     It  was 


438 


The  Revolution 


The 

Conspiracy 
of  Catiline, 
63  B.C. 

Appian.  ( 'nil 
Wars,  ii.  2. 

Ancient 
World,  432  f. 


His  methods. 


believed  that  he  had  killed  his  own  son  because  of  his  own 
love  for  Aurelia  Orestilla,  who  was  not  willing  to  marry 
a  man  who  had  a  son.  He  had  been  a  friend  and  zealous 
partisan  of  Sulla.  He  had  reduced  himself  to  poverty  in 
order  to  gratify  his  ambition,  but  still  he  was  courted  by 
the  powerful,  both  men  and  women,  and  he  became  a 
candidate  for  the  consulship  as  a  step  leading  to  absolute 
power. 

He  confidently  expected  to  be  elected,  but  the  suspicion 
of  his  ulterior  designs  defeated  him;  and  Cicero,  the  most 
eloquent  orator  and  rhetorician  of  the  period,  was  chosen 
instead.  Catiline,  by  way  of  raillery  and  contempt  for 
those  who  voted  for  Cicero,  called  him  a  "New  Man"  on 
account  of  his  obscure  birth — for  so  they  called  those  who 
achieved  distinction  by  their  own  merits  and  not  by  those 
of  their  ancestors;  and  because  he  was  not  born  in  the 
city,  Catiline  called  him  a  lodger,  by  which  term  they 
designate  those  who  occupy  houses  belonging  to  others. 

From  this  time  Catiline  abstained  wholly  from  politics 
as  not  leading  quickly  and  surely  to  absolute  power,  but 
as  full  of  the  spirit  of  contention  and  malice.  He  procured 
much  money  from  many  women,  who  hoped  that  their 
husbands  would  be  killed  in  the  uprising;  and  he  formed  a 
conspiracy  with  a  number  of  senators  and  knights,  and 
collected  together  a  body  of  plebeians,  foreign  residents, 
and  slaves.  His  leading  fellow-conspirators  were  Cornelius 
Lentulus  and  Cethegus,  who  were  then  the  city  praetors. 
He  sent  agents  throughout  Italy  to  those  of  Sulla's  soldiers 
who  had  squandered  the  gains  of  their  former  life  of 
plunder,  and  who  longed  for  a  renewal  of  violence.  For 
this  purpose  he  sent  Gaius  Manlius  to  Fassula  in  Etruria, 
and  others  to  Picenum  and  Apulia,  who  enlisted  soldiers 
for  him  secretly. 


Cicero  Denounces  Catiline  439 

All  these  facts,  while  they  were  still  secret,  were  com-  The 

conspiracy 
municated  to  Cicero  by  Fulvia,  a  woman  of  quality.    Her  divulged. 

lover,  Quintus  Curius,  who  had  been  expelled  from  the  Appian, 
senate  for  immorality,  and  was  one  of  the  conspirators,  9"f  ]]  ars> 
told  her  in  a  vain  and  boastful  way  that  he  would  soon 
be  in  a  position  of  great  power.  And  now  a  rumor  of 
what  was  transpiring  in  Italy  was  noised  about.  Accord- 
ingly Cicero  stationed  guards  at  intervals  throughout  the 
city,  and  sent  many  of  the  nobility  to  the  suspected  places 
to  watch  what  was  going  on. 

(Catiline  had  the  boldness  to  take  his  usual  place  in  the   Cicero 
v  .      denounces 

senate,  whereupon  Cicero  delivered  against  him  a  terrible   catuine. 

invective.    Some  extracts  from  this  speech  are  given  be-  cicero, 

1         \  Against  Cati- 

low.)  ,4(  i. 

How  long,  Catiline,  will  you  abuse  our  patience?  How 
long  will  your  frantic  rage  baffle  the  efforts  oi  justice?  To 
what  Height  do  you  mean  to  carry  your  daring  insolence? 
Are  you  not  daunted  by  the  nightly  watch  posted  to  secure 
the  Palatine  Hill?  or  by  the  city  guards?  or  by  the  fear  of 
the  people?  or  by  the  union  of  all  the  wise  and  worthy 
citizens?  or  by  the  senate's  assembling  in  this  place  of 
strength?  or  by  the  looks  and  faces  of  all  here  present? 
Do  you  not  see  that  all  your  designs  are  brought  to  light? 
that  the  senators  are  thoroughly  informed  of  your  con- 
spiracy? that  they  are  acquainted  with  what  you  did  last 
night  and  the  night  before,  your  place  of  meeting,  the 
company  you  summoned,  and  the  measures  you  concerted? 
Alas  for  our  degeneracy!  alas  for  the  depravity  of  the 
times;  the  senate  is  informed  of  this  whole  plot,  the  consul 
sees  it,  yet  the  traitor  lives.  Lives,  did  I  say?  He  even 
comes  into  the  senate;  he  shares  in  the  public  delibera- 
tions; he  marks  usoul  with  his  eye  Eor  destruction.  We, 
bold   in   our  country's  cause,   think   we   have  sufficiently 


440 


The  Revolution 


All  hate 
Catiline. 


His  country 
pleads  with 
him. 


done  our  duty  to  the  state,  if  we  can  but  escape  his  rage 
and  deadly  darts.  Long  ago,  Catiline,  ought  the  consul  to 
have  ordered  your  execution,  and  to  have  directed  upon 
your  own  head  the  ruin  you  have  long  been  meditating 
against  us  all.  .  .  . 

For  my  part,  were  my  slaves  to  discover  such  a  dread  of 
me  as  your  fellow-citizens  express  of  you,  I  should  think 
it  necessary  to  abandon  my  own  house;  and  do  you  hesitate 
to  leave  the  city?  Were  I  even  wrongfully  suspected,  and 
thereby  rendered  obnoxious  to  my  countrymen,  I  would 
sooner  withdraw  myself  from  public  view  than  be  beheld 
with  looks  full  of  reproach  and  indignation.  And  do  you, 
whose  conscience  tells  you  that  you  are  the  object  of  a 
universal,  just,  and  long-merited  hatred,  delay  a  moment 
to  escape  from  the  looks  and  presence  of  a  people  whose 
eyes  and  senses  can  no  longer  endure  you  among  them? 
Should  your  parents  dread  and  hate  you,  and  resist  all 
your  efforts  to  appease  them,  you  would  doubtless  with- 
draw from  their  sight. 

But  now  your  country,  the  common  parent  of  us  all, 
hates  and  dreads  you,  and  has  long  regarded  you  as  a 
parricide,  intent  on  the  purpose  of  destroying  her.  And 
will  you  neither  respect  her  authority,  submit  to  her  ad- 
vice, nor  stand  in  awe  of  her  power?  Thus  does  she  reason 
with  you,  Catiline;  thus  does  she,  though  silent,  in  some 
manner  address  you:  "Not  an  enormity  has  happened 
these  many  years  but  has  had  you  for  its  author;  not  a 
crime  has  been  perpetrated  without  you.  The  murder  of 
so  many  of  our  citizens,  the  oppression  and  the  plunder  of 
our  allies  has  through  you  alone  escaped  punishment, 
though  carried  on  with  unrestrained  violence.  You  have 
found  means  not  only  to  trample  on  law  and  justice  but 
even  to  subvert  and  destroy  them.     Though  this  past 


Cicero  against  Catiline  441 

behavior  of  yours  was  beyond  all  patience,  yet  I  have 
borne  with  it  as  I  could;  but  now  to  be  in  continual  fear 
of  you  alone,  on  every  alarm  to  tremble  at  the  name  of 
Catiline,  to  see  no  plots  formed  against  me  which  speak 
not  of  you  as  their  author,  is  altogether  insupportable. 
Begone,  then,  and  rid  me  of  my  present  terror;  that  if 
just,  I  may  avoid  ruin;  if  groundless,  I  may  at  length 
cease  to  fear!  .  .  . 

It  is  now  a  long  time,  senators,  that  we  have  trod  amid  All  traitors 
the  dangers  and  machinations  of  this  conspiracy;  but  I  the  city, 
know  not  how  it  comes  to  pass,  that  the  full  maturity  of  all 
those  crimes,  and  of  this  long-ripening  rage  and  insolence, 
has  now  broken  out  in  the  period  of  my  consulship.  Should 
he  alone  be  removed  from  this  powerful  band  of  traitors, 
it  may  abate  perhaps  our  fears  and  anxieties  for  a  while, 
but  the  danger  will  still  remain,  and  continue  lurking 
in  the  veins  and  vitals  of  the  republic.  .  .  .  Wherefore, 
senators,  let  the  wicked  retire;  let  them  separate  them- 
selves from  the  honest;  let  them  gather  in  one  place.  As  I 
have  often  said,  let  a  wall  be  between  them  and  us.  Let 
them  cease  to  lay  snares  for  the  consul  in  his  own  house,  to 
beset  the  tribunal  of  the  city  praetor,  to  invest  the  senate- 
house  with  armed  ruffians,  and  prepare  fire-balls  and 
torches  for  burning  the  city.  In  brief,  let  every  man's 
sentiments  regarding  the  republic  be  inscribed  on  his  fore- 
head. 

This  I  engage  for  and  promise,  senators,  that  by  the  May  Jupiter 

...         SQ.VC  trie 

diligence  of  the  consuls,  the  weight  of  your  authority,  the  state  and 
courage  and  firmness  of  the  Roman  knights,  and  the  una-  enemies*! S 
nimity  of  all  who  are  honest,  Catiline  shall  be  driven  forth 
from  the  city,  and  you  shall  behold  all  his  treasons  de- 
tected,  exposed,    crushed,   and    punished.     With    these 
omens  of  all  prosperity  to  the  republi<  bul  of  de  tru<  tion 


442 


The  Revolution 


to  yourself,  Catiline,  and  to  those  who  have  joined  them- 
selves with  you  in  all  kinds  of  parricide,  go  your  way  to  this 
impious  and  abominable  war.  And  do  thou,  Jupiter, 
whose  religion  was  established  with  the  foundation  of  this 
city — thou  whom  we  truly  call  the  Stayer,  the  support  and 
prop  of  this  empire — drive  this  man  and  his  associates 
from  thy  altars  and  temples,  from  the  houses  and  walls 
of  the  city,  from  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  us  all ;  and  de- 
stroy with  eternal  punishments,  in  life  and  death,  all  the 
haters  of  good  men,  all  the  enemies  of  their  country,  all 
the  plunderers  of  Italy,  now  joined  in  this  detestable 
league  and  partnership  of  villainy! 

(The  traitor  fled  from  Rome,  and  was  soon  afterward 
defeated  and  killed  in  battle.  Meantime  Cicero  had  ar- 
rested and  put  to  death  some  chiefs  of  the  conspiracy  who 
remained  in  the  city.) 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  uprising  of  Catiline,  which 
brought  the  city  into  extreme  peril.  Cicero,  who  had 
hitherto  been  distinguished  only  for  eloquence,  was  now 
in  everybody's  mouth  as  a  man  of  action,  and  was  con- 
sidered unquestionably  the  saviour  of  his  country  on  the 
eve  of  its  destruction.  For  this  reason  the  thanks  of  the 
assembly  were  bestowed  upon  him  amid  general  acclama- 
tions. At  the  instance  of  Cato  the  people  saluted  him 
Father  of  his  Country. 

III.  Cesar's  Consulship;  his  Campaigns  in  Gaul 

After  entering  upon  his  consulship,  he  introduced  a  new 
ship,  59  B.C.  rcc,ujatjon)  that  the  daily  acts  of  the  senate  and  of  the 
assemblies  should  be  committed  to  writing  and  pub- 
lished. .  .  . 

When  he  presented  to  the  people  a  bill  for  the  division  of 
some  public  lands,  the  other  consul  opposed  him.    There- 


The 

"  Father 
of  his 
Country." 


Appian,  Civil 
Wars,  ii.  7. 


His  consul- 


Suetonius, 
Julius 
Ctesar,  20. 


Caesar  443 

upon  Caesar  violently  drove  his  colleague  from  the  Forum.   Ancient 

.  World,  434-7, 

Next  day  in  the  senate  the  insulted  consul  complained  of 
his  ill  treatment;  but  no  one  had  the  courage  to  bring  the 
matter  forward  or  move  a  censure,  which  had  often  been 
done  in  the  case  of  less  important  outrages.  Caesar's  col- 
league was  so  much  dispirited,  therefore,  that  till  the  expi- 
ration of  his  office  he  never  stirred  from  home,  and  did 
nothing  but  issue  edicts  to  obstruct  the  other  consul's  pro- 
ceedings. 

From  that  time,  therefore,  Caesar  had  the  sole  manage- 
ment of  public  affairs;  so  that  some  wags,  when  they  signed 
any  document  as  witnesses,  did  not  add  "in  the  consulship 
of  Caesar  and  Bibulus,"  but  "of  Julius  and  Caesar,"  putting 
the  same  person  down  twice  under  his  name  and  surname. 
The  following  verses,  too,  were  repeated  with  reference 
to  this  matter: 

Nothing  was  done  in  Bibulus'  year; 
No,  Caesar  only  was  consul  here. 

Such  was  the  course  of  Caesar's  life  before  his  Gallic  His  cam- 

....  paigns  in 

campaigns.    But  the  period  of  the  wars  which  he  now  car-   Gaul,  58-50 

ried  on,  and  of  the  expedition  by  which  he  subdued  Gaul, 
is  a  new  beginning  in  his  career  and  the  opening  of  a  new  ^sar^i 
course  of  life  and  action,  in  which  he  showed  himself  a  sol- 
dier and  a  general  inferior  to  none  who  have  gained  admira- 
tion as  leaders  of  men.  For  whether  we  compare  Caesar's 
exploits  with  thoseof  the  Fabii,  the  Scipios,and  the  Metelli, 
or  with  those  of  his  contemporaries  or  immediate  prede- 
cessors,—Sulla  and  Marius  and  both  the  Luculli  or  even 
Pompey  himself,  whose  fame,  high  as  the  heavens,  was 
blossoming  at  that  time  in  every  kind  of  military  excel- 
lence,— Caesar  will  be  found  to  surpass  them  all. 
His  superiority  over  one  appears  in  the  difficulties  of  the 


444  The  Revolution 

country  in  which  he  carried  on  his  campaigns,  over  another 
in  the  extent  of  country  subdued,  over  a  third  in  the  num- 
ber and  courage  of  the  enemy  whom  he  defeated,  over 
another  again  in  the  savage  manners  and  treacherous  char- 
acter of  the  nations  which  he  civilized,  over  a  fourth  in 
clemency  and  mildness  to  the  conquered,  over  another 
again  in  his  donations  and  liberality  to  his  soldiers;  and  in 
a  word,  his  superiority  over  all  other  generals  appears  in 
the  number  of  battles  which  he  fought  and  of  enemies 
whom  he  slew. 

For  in  somewhat  less  than  ten  years,  during  which  he 

carried  on  his  campaigns  in  Gaul,  he  took  by  storm  eight 

hundred  cities,  and  subdued  three  hundred  nations,  and 

fought  at  different  times  against  three  millions  of  men,  of 

whom  he  destroyed  one  million  in  battle  and  took  as  many 

prisoners. 

The  druids.         Throughout  Gaul  are  two  orders  of  men  who  have  rank 

C<esar,  and  dignity;  for  the  common  people  are  held  almost  in  the 

Gallic  War,      condition  of  slaves;  they  dare  do  nothing  of  themselves, 

vi.  13.  '  J  ° 

and  take  no  part  in  deliberation.  The  greater  number, 
when  pressed  by  debt  or  by  heavy  taxes  or  oppressed  by 
the  more  powerful,  give  themselves  up  in  vassalage  to  the 
nobles,  who  possess  over  them  the  same  rights  without  ex- 
ception as  masters  exercise  over  their  slaves.  Of  these  two 
orders  of  nobles  one  is  that  of  the  druids,  the  other  that 
of  the  knights.  The  former  are  engaged  in  religious  duties; 
they  conduct  the  public  and  private  sacrifices  and  interpret 
all  matters  of  religion. 
They  are  To  this  class  a  large  number  of  young  men  resort  for 

the  judges.  jnstruction  an(j  au  j^u  tn.e  druids  in  high  honor.  For 
these  priests  decide  almost  all  controversies,  public  and 
private;  and  if  any  crime  has  been  perpetrated,  if  murder 
has  been  committed,  or  if  there  is  any  dispute  about  in- 


Gallic  Society  445 

heritance  or  about  boundaries,  these  same  persons  decide 
it.  They  decree  regards  and  punishments;  and  if  any  one 
either  publicly  or  privately  refuses  to  submit  to  their  de- 
cision, they  interdict  him  from  the  sacrifices.  This  among 
them  is  the  heaviest  punishment.  Those  who  have  been 
thus  interdicted  are  esteemed  impious  and  criminal:  all 
shun  them  and  avoid  their  society  and  conversation,  lest 
they  receive  some  evil  from  the  contact;  neither  is  justire 
administered  to  them  when  they  seek  it,  nor  is  any  dignity 
bestowed  on  them. 

Over  all  these  druids  one  presides,  who  possesses  supreme  Their  organ- 
authority  among  them.  On  his  death  any  individual  who 
is  preeminent  in  dignity  succeeds;  but  if  many  are  equal, 
the  election  is  made  by  the  votes  of  the  druids;  sometimes 
they  even  contend  in  arms  for  the  presidency.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  class  gather  at  a  fixed  period  of  the  year  in  a 
consecrated  place  in  the  territory  of  the  Carnutes,  which 
is  considered  the  central  region  of  the  whole  of  Gaul. 
Hither  all  who  have  disputes  assemble  from  every  quarter, 
and  submit  to  their  decrees  and  decisions.  This  institution 
is  supposed  to  have  been  devised  in  Britain,  and  to  have 
been  brought  over  from  there  to  Gaul ;  and  now  those  who 
wish  to  gain  a  more  accurate  knowledge  of  that  system  go 
thither  for  the  purpose  of  studying  it. 

Whatever  sums  of  money  the  husbands  have  received  as  The  family, 
dowry  with  their  wives,  they  estimate,  and  add  the  same   Caesar, 
amount  from  their  own  estates.    An  account  is  kept  oi  this   vi.  19. 
whole  sum  and  the  profits  are  laid  by;  so  that  the  one  who 
survives  the  other  may  receive  the  portion  of  both,  to- 
gether with  the  profits.    Husbands  have  power  of  life  and 
death  over  their  wives  as  well  as  over  their  children.    Winn 
the  father  of  a  family  of  uncommonly  high  rani,  has  died, 
his  kinsmen  assemble;  and  if  the  circumstances  of  his  death 


446 


The  Revolution 


Funerals. 


Honors  to 
Caesar. 

Appian,  Civil 
Wars,  ii.  106. 

Ancient 

World,  439- 


are  suspicious,  they  investigate  the  conduct  of  the  wives 
in  the  same  way  as  that  of  slaves;  and  if  proof  is  obtained, 
they  put  the  wives  to  severe  torture  and  kill  them. 

In  view  of  the  state  of  civilization  among  the  Gauls,  their 
funerals  are  magnificent  and  costly.  As  one  of  the  funeral 
rites  they  cast  into  the  fire  all  those  possessions  of  the  de- 
ceased, including  living  creatures,  which  they  suppose  to 
have  been  dear  to  him  in  his  life.  Until  lately  slaves  and 
clients  who  were  known  to  have  been  beloved  by  the  de- 
ceased were  burned  with  his  body  at  the  close  of  the  funeral 
rites. 

IV.  Cesar  as  Dictator 

After  ending  the  civil  wars  Caesar  hastened  to  Rome, 
honored  and  feared  as  no  one  had  ever  been  before.  All 
kinds  of  honors  were  devised  for  his  gratification  without 
stint,  even  such  as  were  more  than  human, — sacrifices, 
games,  statues  in  all  the  temples  and  public  places,  by 
every  tribe,  by  all  the  provinces,  and  by  the  kings  in  al- 
liance with  Rome.  His  portrait  was  painted  in  various 
forms,  and  in  some  cases  crowned  with  oak  as  that  of  the 
saviour  of  his  country.  .  .  .  He  was  proclaimed  the 
Father  of  his  Country  and  chosen  dictator  for  life,  and  his 
person  was  declared  sacred  and  inviolable.  It  was  decreed 
that  he  should  transact  business  on  a  throne  of  ivory  and 
gold;  that  he  should  always  perform  his  sacerdotal  func- 
tions in  triumphal  dress;  that  each  year  the  city  should 
celebrate  the  days  on  which  he  had  won  his  victories; 
that  every  five  years  the  priests  and  Vestal  virgins  should 
offer  up  public  prayers  for  his  safety;  and  that  the  magis- 
trates immediately  after  their  inauguration  should  take 
an  oath  not  to  oppose  any  of  Caesar's  decrees.  In  honor  of 
his  gens  the  name  of  the  month  Quintilis  was  changed  to 


Dictatorship  of  Caesar 


447 


July.  Many  temples  were  decreed  to  him  as  to  a  god,  and 
one  was  dedicated  in  common  to  him  and  the  goddess 
Clemency,  who  were  represented  as  clasping  hands. 

Thus  while  they  feared  his  power  they  besought  his 
mercy.  Some  proposed  to  give  him  the  title  of  king,  but 
when  he  learned  of  their  purpose  he  forbade  it  with  threats, 
for  he  said  it  was  an  inauspicious  name  by  reason  of  the 
curse  of  their  ancestors.  He  dismissed  the  pretorian  co- 
horts which  had  served  as  his  bodyguard  during  the  wars, 
and  he  showed  himself  with  the  ordinary  public  attendants 
only.  .  .  . 

He  received  all  the  honors  conferred  upon  him  excepting 
the  ten-year  consulship.  As  consuls  for  the  ensuing  year 
he  designated  himself  and  Antony,  his  master  of  horse,  and 
he  appointed  Lepidus  master  of  horse  in  place  of  Antony. 
Lepidus  at  this  time  was  governor  of  Spain,  but  was  admin- 
istering his  province  through  friends.  Caesar  recalled  all 
exiles  excepting  those  who  had  been  banished  for  some 
grave  offence.  He  pardoned  his  enemies,  and  many  of 
those  who  had  fought  against  him  he  forthwith  advanced 
to  the  yearly  magistracies  or  to  the  command  of  provinces 
and  of  armies.  The  wearied  people  therefore  especially 
hoped  he  would  restore  the  republic  to  them,  as  Sulla  did 
after  he  had  grasped  the  same  power.  But  in  this  respect 
they  were  disappointed. 

While  the  talk  about  the  kingship  was  going  on,  and  just 
before  a  session  of  the  senate,  Cassius  met  Brutus,  and  seiz- 
ing him  by  the  hand,  said,  "What  shall  we  do  in  the  senate- 
house  if  Caesar's  flatterers  propose  a  decree  to  make  him 
king?"  "I  shall  not  be  there,"  Brutus  replied.  Then 
Cassius  asked  him  further,  "Wha1  if  we  are  summoned 
there  as  praetors,  what  shall  we  do  then,  my  good  Brutu  '." 
"1  will  defend  my  country  to  the  death,"  lie  answered. 


His 
clemency. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
ii.  107. 

(Pretorian 
cohorts,  com- 
panies of 
soldiers  who 
guarded  the 
pratoriutn, 
or  general's 
tent.) 


The 
conspiracy. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
ii.  113. 


(They  w«re 

as 
well  a 

<:nl 


448 


The  Revolution 


as  magis- 
trates might 
be  needed  at 
the  meeting.) 


lb.  114. 


The  conspir- 
ators kill 
Cassar,  44 
B.C. 

Appian,  Civil 
Wars,  ii.  117. 


Cassius  embraced  him,  saying,  "Which  of  the  nobility  will 
you  allow  to  share  your  thoughts?"  .  .  .  Thus  did  they 
disclose  to  each  other  what  they  had  been  privately  think- 
ing about  for  a  long  time.  Each  of  them  tested  those  of 
their  own  and  of  Caesar's  friends  whom  they  considered  the 
most  courageous  of  either  faction. 

When  they  thought  they  had  a  sufficient  number,  and 
that  it  would  not  be  wise  to  divulge  the  plot  to  any  more, 
they  pledged  each  other  without  oaths  or  sacrifices,  yet  no 
one  changed  his  mind  or  betrayed  the  secret.  They  sought 
a  time  and  place.  Time  was  pressing  because  Caesar  was 
to  depart  on  his  campaign  four  days  hence  and  would  then 
have  a  bodyguard  of  soldiers.  They  chose  the  senate  as 
the  place,  believing  that  though  all  the  senators  did  not 
know  of  it  beforehand,  they  would  join  heartily  when  they 
saw  the  deed. 

The  conspirators  had  left  Trebonius,  one  of  their  num- 
ber, to  engage  Antony  in  conversation  at  the  door.  The 
others  with  concealed  daggers  stood  like  friends  around 
Caesar  as  he  sat  in  his  chair.  Then  one  of  them,  Tullius 
Cimber,  came  up  in  front  of  him  and  petitioned  him  for 
the  recall  of  his  brother,  who  had  been  banished.  When 
Caesar  answered  that  the  matter  must  be  deferred,  Cimber 
seized  hold  of  his  purple  robe  as  though  still  urging  the 
petition,  and  pulled  it  away  so  as  to  expose  his  neck;  at 
the  same  time  he  exclaimed,  "Friends,  what  are  you  wait- 
ing for?"  Then  Casca,  who  was  standing  over  Caesar's 
head,  first  drove  a  dagger  at  his  throat,  but  missed  the 
aim  and  wounded  him  in  the  breast.  Caesar  snatched  his 
toga  from  Cimber,  seized  Casca's  hand,  sprang  from  his 
chair,  turned  round  and  hurled  Casca  with  great  violence. 
While  Caesar  was  in  this  position,  another  one  stabbed 
him  with  a  dagger  in  the  side  .  .  .  Cassius  wounded  him 


Cassar's  Death;  Character  449 

in  the  face,  Brutus  smote  him  in  the  thigh,  and  Bucolianus 
between  the  shoulder-blades. 

With  rage  and  outcries  Cagsar  turned  now  upon  one  and 
now  upon  another  like  a  wild  animal,  but  after  receiving 
the  wound  from  Brutus  he  despaired,  and  veiling  himself 
with  his  robe,  he  fell  prostrate  at  the  foot  of  Pompey's 
statue.  After  he  had  fallen  they  continued  their  attack 
till  he  received  twenty-three  wounds. 

When  the  will  of  Caesar  was  opened,  and  the  people  The  funeral, 
learned  that  he  had  given  a  handsome  present  to  every   Plutarch, 
Roman,  and  they  saw  the  body  as  it  was  carried  through   c<Bsar'  68- 
the  Forum,   disfigured  with  wounds,   the  multitude  no 
longer  kept  within  the  bounds  of  propriety  and  order,  but 
taking  from  the  Forum  benches,  lattices,  and  tables,  they 
heaped  them  about  the  corpse,  and  set  fire  to  the  pile  and 
burned  the  body  on  the  spot.     Then  seizing  the  flaming 
pieces  of  wood,  they  ran  to  the  houses  of  the  conspirators 
to  fire  them,  and  others  hurried  about  the  city  in  all  direc- 
tions in  search  of  the  murderers  to  seize  and  tear  them  to 
pieces. 

He  died  in  the  fifty-sixth  year  of  his  age,  and  was  ranked  His  spirit, 
among  the  gods,  not  only  by  a  formal  decree  but  also  in    Suetonius, 
the  belief  of  the  people.    For  during  the  first  games  which   {^'''^  88. 
Augustus,  his  heir,  consecrated  to  his  memory,  a  comet 
blazed  seven  days  together,  rising  always  about  eleven 
o'clock;  and  the  people  thought  it  was  the  soul  of  Crcsar 
now  received  into  heaven. 

That  mighty  superhuman  spirit,  which  had  accompanied 

him  through  life,  followed  him  even  in  death;  the  avenger 

of  his  murder,  it  ran  through  every  land  and  sea,  to  limit     Plutarch, 

v,  69 
and  track  down  his  assassins  till  not  one  ol  them  was  left 

it  pursued  even  those  who  in  any  way  whatever  had  put 

their  hand  to  the  deed  or  had  shared  in  tin  plot. 


45° 


The  Revolution 


Care  of  the 
streets. 

J ul i cm  Munic. 
Law,  7- 

This  law  was 
probably 
passed  in  46 
B.C.    It  is 
preserved  in 
an  inscrip- 
tion .    The 
translation 
is  by  Dr. 
R.  R.  Blews. 


Division  of 
the  city 
among 
the  aediles. 

lb  8. 


Contracts  for 
maintaining 
the  streets. 

lb.  n. 


V.  The  Municipal  Law  of  Julius  Cesar 

With  regard  to  those  streets  which  are  or  shall  be  in  the 
city  of  Rome  or  within  a  radius  of  one  mile  from  the  city 
of  Rome, — wherever  this  zone  shall  be  continually  built 
up, — the  owner  of  any  building  before  which  any  such 
street  shall  run,  shall  maintain  the  same  to  the  satisfaction 
of  the  aedile,  to  whom  this  part  of  the  city  shall  have  been 
assigned  in  accordance  with  this  law;  and  that  aedile  shall 
see  to  it  that  all  persons,  before  whose  buildings  any 
streets  run,  which  they  shall  be  obliged  by  this  law  sever- 
ally to  maintain,  shall  severally  maintain  the  same  to  his 
satisfaction;  and  he  shall  see  to  it  that  no  water  remains 
standing  in  any  such  place  which  would  hinder  the  public 
from  the  convenient  use  of  the  street. 

The  curule  aediles  and  the  plebeian  aediles  who  are  now 
in  office,  and  whoever  after  the  passing  of  this  law  shall 
have  been  made  or  created  aediles  or  shall  have  entered 
upon  this  office,  shall,  within  the  next  five  days  after  they 
shall  have  been  elected  or  shall  have  entered  upon  this 
office,  decide  either  by  agreement  or  by  lot  in  what  part 
of  the  city  each  one  of  them  shall  have  charge  of  the  re- 
pairing and  paving  of  the  streets  in  the  city  of  Rome  or 
within  a  mile  of  the  city  of  Rome,  and  shall  have  super- 
vision of  that  work.  In  those  places  which  shall  be  in  the 
district  thus  assigned  to  each  one  of  the  aediles  in  ac- 
cordance with  this  law,  he  shall  have  supervision  of  the 
repairing  and  maintenance  of  the  streets,  as  shall  be  re- 
quired in  accordance  with  this  law. 

In  the  case  of  a  street  for  the  maintenance  of  which  a 
contract  in  conformity  with  this  law  must  be  let,  the  aedile 
whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  let  the  contract  for  the  main- 
tenance of  this  street  shall  let  out  the  same  through  the 


Supervision  of  Streets  451 

urban  quaestor  or  whoever  shall  be  in  charge  of  the  treas- 
ury: the  contractor  shall  agree  to  maintain  the  street  to  the 
satisfaction  of 'him  who  shall  have  caused  the  contract  for 
the  street  to  have  been  let  out.  The  urban  quaestor  or 
■whoever  shall  be  in  charge  of  the  treasury  shall  cause  the 
amount  of  money  for  which  each  street  shall  have  been 
let  out  to  be  given  or  assigned  to  the  contractor,  to  whom 
under  the  terms  of  the  lease  it  should  have  been  given, 
or  to  his  heir. 

Any  one  before  whose  building  a  sidewalk  shall  run,   Sidewalks. 
shall  keep  the  same  properly  paved  with  unworn  stones   ib.  13. 
over  the  whole  space  in  front  of  the  building,  to  the  satis- 
faction of  that  aedile  who  under  this  law,  shall  have  charge 
of  the  streets  in  that  district. 

After  the  next  Calends  of  January  no  one  shall  lead  or  The  use  of 
guide  a  vehicle  during  the  day,  between  sunrise  and  the  the  streets, 
twelfth  hour  of  the  day,  in  any  streets  which  are  or  shall  ji  M 
be  within  the  city  of  Rome,  or  within  those  outlying  dis- 
tricts which  shall  be  built  up  continuously  with  the  city, 
except  in  the  case  of  anything  which  ought  to  be  brought 
or  conveyed  for  use  in  building  temples  of  the  immortal 
gods  or  for  use  in  carrying  on  public  works,  or  unless  any 
of  those  things,  for  the  demolition  of  which  a  contract 
has  been  let  at  public  expense,  ought  to  be  removed  at  the 
public  expense  from  the  city  or  from  the  districts  aforesaid ; 
and  in  these  cases  permission  to  lead  or  drive  vehicles 
shall  be  given  under  this  law  to  specified  persons  for  speci- 
fied reasons. 

Nothing  is  enacted  by  this  law  by  virtue  of  which   Exceptions 

"  J  ."..,.  to  the  rule 

vehicles  may  not  be  led  or  driven  in  the  city  in  the  day-  above  given, 

time  for  the  following  reasons  and  on  the  following  days:  //,.  ,5. 

the  days  on  which  the  Vestal  virgins, the  rex  sa<  rorum,and  i„,,-,,(/ 

the  flamens  shall   be  obliged  to  ride  in  carriages   within  Worid,33$L 


452  The  Revolution 

the  city  on  account  of  public  religious  rites  of  the  Roman 

people;  whatever  vehicles  must  be  driven  because  of  a 

triumph  on  the  da}-  on  which  any  one  shall  celebrate  a 

triumph;  whatever  vehicles  it  shall  be  necessary  to  lead 

or  drive  either  because  of  games  which  shall  be  held  at 

public  expense  in  Rome  or  within  one  mile  of  the  city  of 

Rome,  or  in  the  processions  at  the  Circensian  games. 

Municipal  Upon  the  expiration  of  one  year  after  the  next  Calends 

magistrates.  . 

of  January  no  one  who  is  or  shall  be  less  than  thirty  years 

Mimic.  Law,    of  age  shall  seek,  accept,  or  hold  the  office  of  duovir  or 

23-  quattuorvir  or  any  other  magistracy  in  a  municipium, 

Qualifications  a  colony,  or  a  prefecture,  unless  he  shall  have  served  three 

for  office.  ,  * . 

years  in  the  legionary  cavalry  or  six  years  in  the  legionary 

The  chief  .  ....  .  . 

magistrates      infantry, — such  military  sen-ice  to  have  been  performed 

ofe[wo"— °ar    m  camP  or  in  a  province  during  the  greater  part  of  each 

dwniri— like    year  or  during  half  years,  two  of  which  may  be  properly 

or  less  com-     credited  to  him  as  equal  to  a  whole  year,  with  whatever 

*^Doard.a  of       time  shall  properly  be  credited  to  him  in  accordance  with 

four"—  iaws  or  resolutions  of  the  plebs, — or  unless  he  shall  be 

exempt  from  military  service  in  accordance  with  laws 

or  resolutions  of  the  plebs  or  in  execution  of  a  treaty  by 

reason  of  which  he  cannot  properly  be  required  to  serve 

against  his  will.     Nor  shall  any  one  whose  occupation 

shall  be  that  of  a  public  crier  or  that  of  an  undertaker's 

assistant  or  that  of  an  undertaker, — so  long  as  he  shall 

be  engaged  in  any  of  these  occupations, — seek,  accept, 

hold,  or  have  the  office  of  duovir,  or  quattuorvir,  or  any 

Councillor,       other  magistracy  in  a  municipium,  a  colony,  or  a  prefec- 

conscriptus—  ture;  nor  shall  he  serve  or  give  his  vote  as  a  councillor  or 

all  applied  to  ,       .   .  .  .        ,  . 

members  of  a  decunon  or  a  conscnptus  in  that  place.  If  any  one 
pal  council—  °^  those  wh°  are  mentioned  above,  shall  have  acted  in 
"alderman."    contravention  of  these  provisions,  he  shall  be  liable  to 

Sesterce, 

about  scents,  pav  to  the  people  a  fine  of  50,000  sesterces;  and  who- 


Municipal  Census  453 

ever  wishes  shall  have  the  right  to  enter  suit  for  this 
money. 

Whoever  in  the  municipia,  colonies,  or  prefectures  of  Census-tak- 
Roman  citizens, — whatever  municipia,  colonies,  or  pre-  municipia. 
lectures,  there  are  or  shall  be  in  Italy, — shall  hold  the  /&.  28. 
highest  magistracy  or  the  highest  office  there  at  the  time 
when  the  censor  or  any  other  magistrate  is  about  to  take 
the  census  of  the  people  at  Rome,  he,  within  the  next 
sixty  days  after  he  shall  know  that  the  census  of  the  people 
is  to  be  taken  at  Rome,  shall  take  the  census  of  all  the 
members  of  his  municipium,  colony,  or  prefecture  who 
shall  be  Roman  citizens;  and  he  shall  cause  them  to  declare 
under  oath  their  gentile  names,  personal  names,  fathers 
or  patrons,  tribes,  family  names,  how-  old  each  one  of 
them  is  and  the  amount  of  his  wealth,  in  accordance  with 
the  formula  of  the  census  which  shall  have  been  set  forth 
at  Rome  by  him  who  at  that  time  shall  be  about  to  take 
the  census  of  the  people. 

He  shall  see  that  all  these  data  are  entered  in  the  public  Records  of 

the  census, 
records  of  his  municipality;  and  he  shall  send  these  re- 
ports to  those  who  shall  take  the  census  at  Rome,  through 
delegates  whom  the  majority  of  the  decurions  or  con- 
scripti  shall  have  elected  by  vote  to  be  delegates  and 
envoys  for  this  purpose  at  the  time  when  the  matter  was 
taken  into  consideration;  and  not  less  than  sixty  days 
before  the  day  when  those  who  take  the  census  at  Rome 
(whoever  they  may  be)  have  completed  the  census  of  the 
people,  he  shall  see  to  it  that  the  delegates  appear  before 
them  and  present  the  reports  of  that  municipium,  colony, 
or  prefecture;  and  the  censor  or  whatever  other  magis- 
trate shall  take  the  census  of  the  people,  within  the  next 
five  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  delegates  from  that 
municipium,  colony,  or  prefecture,  shall  receive  in  good 


lb. 


454 


The  Revolution 


His  birth. 

Suetonius, 

Augustus,  5. 

(Augustus  is 
a  title  given 
Octavius  by 
the  senate.) 

Ancient 

World,  442  ff. 


lb.  6. 


His  early 
life. 

Suetonius, 
Augustus,   8. 


faith  those  reports  of  the  census  which  shall  be  given  by 
those  delegates,  and  he  shall  see  that  their  contents  are 
copied  in  the  public  records  and  that  these  records  are 
stored  in  the  same  place  as  the  other  public  records  in 
which  the  census  of  the  people  shall  have  been  registered. 

VI.  Octavius 

(Octavius,  afterward  named)  Augustus,  was  born  in 
the  consulship  of  Marcus  Tullius  Cicero  and  Gaius  An- 
tonius,  a  little  before  sunrise  on  the  ninth  day  before  the 
Calends  of  October,  on  Oxhead  Street,  Palatine  Hill,  in 
the  place  where  now  stands  a  chapel  built  a  little  after  his 
death  and  dedicated  to  him. 

To  this  day  his  nursery  may  be  seen  in  a  villa  belonging 
to  the  family,  in  the  suburbs  of  Velitrae.  It  is  a  very  small 
room,  much  like  a  pantry.  Into  this  place  no  person  dares 
intrude  unless  necessary,  and  then  one  enters  with  great 
devotion,  for  a  belief  has  long  prevailed  that  those  who 
rashly  intrude  are  seized  with  great  horror  and  fear.  This 
belief  has  recently  been  confirmed  by  a  remarkable  inci- 
dent. A  new  inhabitant  of  the  house  took  up  his  lodging 
in  that  apartment,  either  by  chance  or  to  try  the  truth 
of  the  report.  In  the  course  of  the  night,  however,  a  few 
hours  after  retiring,  he  was  thrown  out  by  some  sudden 
violence,  he  knew  not  what,  and  was  found  stupefied, 
lying  in  his  coverlet  in  front  of  the  chamber  door. 

When  only  four  years  old,  Octavius  lost  his  father;  and 
in  his  twelfth  year  he  pronounced  a  funeral  oration  in 
praise  of  his  grandmother  Julia.  Four  years  later,  when 
Octavius  put  on  the  dress  of  manhood,  Caesar  in  his  tri- 
umph over  Africa  honored  him  with  several  military  re- 
wards, though  on  account  of  his  youth  he  had  taken  no 
part  in  the  war. 


Octavius 


455 


Octavius  was  the  son  of  the  daughter  of  Caesar's  sister.   Appian ,  Civil 

II  ars,  in.  o. 

He  was  appointed  master  of  Caesar's  horse  for  one  year, 
for  Caesar  at  times  made  this  a  yearly  office,  passing  it 
round  among  his  friends.  While  still  a  young  man,  he  was 
sent  by  Caesar  to  Apollonia  on  the  Adriatic  coast  to  be 
educated  and  trained  in  the  art  of  war,  that  he  might  ac- 
company Caesar  on  his  expeditions.  .  .  . 

At  the  end  of  a  six  months'  sojourn  in  Apollonia,  he  re- 
ceived news  one  evening  that  Caesar  had  been  killed  in  the 
senate-house  by  those  who  were  dearest  to  the  dictator, 
and  who  were  at  the  time  the  most  powerful  persons  under 
him. 

After  the  death  of  Cassius  and  Brutus,  Octavius  returned  Antony  and 

Cleopatra, 
to  Italy.    Antony  proceeded  to  Asia,  where  he  met  Cleo- 

j;  Appian,  Civil 

patra,  queen  of  Egypt.  .  .  .  Wars,  v.  i. 

After  his  expedition  against  the  Parthians,  he  was  dis-  Florus  iv  IX 
gusted  with  war  and  lived  at  ease.    In  this  period  he  fell  in 
love  with  Cleopatra,  and  as  if  his  affairs  were  quite  prosper- 
ous, he  enjoyed  himself  in  the  queen's  company. 

The  Egyptian  woman  demanded  of  the  drunken  general, 
as  the  price  of  her  love,  nothing  less  than  '.he  Roman  em- 
pire. This  gift  Antony  promised  her,  as  though  the  Ro- 
mans were  easier  to  conquer  than  the  Parthians.  He  there- 
fore aspired  to  the  sovereignty,  not  secretly,  but  forgetting 
his  country,  his  name,  toga,  and  fasces,  and  degenerating 
wholly  in  thought,  feeling,  and  dress,  into  a  monster.    In 

his  hand  was  a  golden  sceptre,  and  a  simitar  by  his  side.    (Or  scimitar, 

01  an  <  mental 

His  robe  was  of  purple  clasped  with  enormous  jewels;  and   sword.) 

he  wore  a  diadem  that  he  might  dally  with  the  queen  as 

a  king. 

At  the  first  report  of  these  proceedings,  Caesar  (Octa-   JJeAJtaitut^> 

vianus)  had  crossed  the  sea  from  Brundisium  to  meet  the  31  B.C. 

approaching  war.  .  .  .    We  had  more  than  four  hundred 


456  The  Revolution 

vessels,  the  enemy  about  two  hundred,  but  the  size  of  the 
enemy's  ships  made  up  for  their  inferiority  in  number. 
With  from  six  to  nine  banks  of  oars,  mounted  with  towers 
and  high  decks,  they  moved  along  like  castles  and  cities 
the  seas  groaned  under  them  and  the  wind  was  fatigued. 

Their  great  size,  however,  was  their  destruction.  Caesar's 
vessels  had  from  three  to  six  banks  of  oars  but  no  more. 
Ready  for  all  that  necessity  required,  whether  for  charging, 
retreating,  or  wheeling  round,  they  attacked  several  of 
those  heavy  vessels  at  a  time.  In  these  encounters  Caesar's 
men  hurled  missiles  and  rammed  with  the  beaks  of  their 
ships;  they  threw  fire-brands  into  the  enemy's  vessels  and 
dispersed  them  at  pleasure.  The  greatness  of  the  enemy's 
force  was  shown  by  nothing  so  much  as  by  what  happened 
after  the  victory.  Shattered  in  the  engagement,  the  vast 
fleet  spread  the  spoils  of  Arabs,  Sabaeans,  and  a  thousand 
other  Asiatic  nations  over  the  whole  face  of  the  deep.  The 
waves,  driven  onward  by  the  winds,  continually  threw  up 
purple  and  gold  on  the  shore. 

The  queen  began  the  flight;  she  made  off  into  the  open 
sea  with  her  gilded  vessel  and  sails  of  purple.  Antony 
immediately  followed. 
The  end  of  But  Caesar  pursued  hard  on  their  track.  .  .  .  First  An- 
C^eopatra!  tony  raised  his  sword  against  himself.  The  queen,  falling 
at  Caesar's  feet,  tempted  his  eyes  in  vain,  for  her  charms 
were  too  weak  to  overcome  the  prince's  self-restraint.  Her 
suit  was  not  for  life,  which  he  offered  her,  but  for  a  portion 
of  the  kingdom.  As  she  despaired  of  obtaining  this  from 
Caesar,  and  saw  that  she  was  reserved  for  his  triumph,  she 
took  advantage  of  the  negligence  of  her  guard,  and  with- 
drew into  a  mausoleum,  as  the  sepulchre  of  a  king  is  called. 
There  after  putting  on  her  best  apparel  .  .  .  she  placed 
herself  by  her  dear  Antony  in  a  coffin  filled  with  rich  per- 


Propertius ;   Lucretius 


457 


fumes,  and  applying  serpents  to  her  veins,  she  died  a 
death-like  sleep. 


VII.  The  Poetry  of  the  Age 

Tell  My  Sister 

Soldier,  that  fliest  from  thy  comrade's  fall, 

Though  weak  and  wounded  'neath  Perusia's  wall; 

Heed  not  my  dying  groan,  nor  weep  for  me, 

For  I  am  but  a  soldier  like  to  thee. 

But  to  my  sister  the  sad  tale  deplore — 

So  mayst  thou  glad  thy  parent's  heart  once  more — 

How  Gallus  'scaped  from  Caesar's  armed  bands, 

To  fall  unhonored  here  by  felon's  hands. 

If  o'er  the  Tuscan  wold  she  haply  see 

Some  scattered  bones,  'tis  all  she'll  find  of  me. 


"I  wish  I 
had  died  in 
battle." 

Propertius  i. 


(Perusia, 
Etruria.  was 
besieged  by 
Cssar 
Octavianus, 
41-40  B.C.) 


The  Origin  of  Belief  in  the  Gods 

And  now  what  cause  has  spread  over  great  nations  the 
worship  of  the  divinities  of  the  gods,  and  filled  towns  with 
altars,  and  led  to  the  performance  of  stated  rites, — rites 
now  in  fashion  on  solemn  occasions  and  in  solemn  places, 
from  which  even  now  is  implanted  in  mortals  a  shuddering 
awe  which  raises  new  temples  of  the  gods  over  the  whole 
earth,  and  prompts  men  to  crowd  them  on  festive  days,  all 
this  is  not  so  difficult  to  explain  in  words. 

In  sooth  the  races  of  mortal  men  would  see  in  waking 
mind  glorious  forms,  would  see  them  in  sleep  of  yet  more 
marvellous  size  of  body.  To  these  forms  they  would  at- 
tribute sense,  because  they  seemed  to  move  their  limbs  and 
to  utter  lofty  words  suitable  to  their  glorious  aspect  and 
surpassing  powers.  And  men  would  attribute  to  them  life 
everlasting,  because  their  face  would  ever  appear  and  their 
form  abide;  yes,  and  yet  without  all  thi  -  r<  asoning,  because 
men  would  not  believe  that  bein|  edof  SU<  h  1  lowers 


"Why  build 
altars  and 
temples?" 

Lucretius, 
On  the  \  a 
turf  of  the 
World,  5. 


"Our 
religion 
rests  (i)  on 
dreams, 


458 


The  Revolution 


(2)  on 
observing 
the  activi- 
ties of 
nature." 


"Why 
do  we  wor- 
ship? " 


"Doubts 
that  trouble 
us." 


could  lightly  be  overcome  by  any  force.  They  would  be- 
lieve such  beings  to  be  preeminent  in  bliss,  because  none  of 
them  was  ever  troubled  with  fear  of  death,  and  because  at 
the  same  time  in  sleep  persons  would  see  them  perform 
many  miracles,  without  feeling  fatigue  from  the  effort. 

Again  men  would  see  the  system  of  heaven  and  the  dif- 
ferent seasons  of  the  year  come  round  in  regular  succession, 
and  could  not  find  out  by  what  causes  this  was  done;  there- 
fore they  would  seek  a  refuge  in  handing  over  all  things  to 
the  gods,  and  in  supposing  all  things  to  be  guided  by  their 
nod.  And  they  placed  in  heaven  the  abodes  and  realms  of 
the  gods,  because  night  and  moon  are  seen  to  roll  through 
heaven,— moon,  day,  and  night,  and  night's  austere  con- 
stellations, and  night-wandering  meteors  of  the  sky,  and 
flying  bodies  of  flame,  clouds,  sun,  rains,  snow,  winds, 
lightnings,  hail,  and  rapid  rumblings,  and  loud  threatful 
thunder-claps. 

O  hapless  race  of  men,  when  they  charged  the  gods  with 
such  acts  and  coupled  with  them  bitter  wrath!  what  groan- 
ings  did  they  then  beget  for  themselves,  what  wounds  for 
us,  what  tears  for  their  children's  children!  No  act  is  it  of 
piety  to  be  often  seen,  with  veiled  head,  to  look  to  a  stone 
and  approach  every  altar  and  fall  prostrate  on  the  ground 
and  spread  out  the  palms  before  the  statues  of  the  gods  and 
sprinkle  the  altars  with  much  blood  of  beasts  and  link  vow 
on  vow,  but  rather  to  be  able  to  view  all  things  with  mind 
at  peace. 

For  when  we  turn  our  gaze  on  the  heavenly  quarters  of 
the  great  upper  world  and  ether,  fast  above  the  glittering 
stars,  and  direct  our  thoughts  to  the  courses  of  the  sun  and 
moon,  then  into  our  breasts  burdened  with  other  ills,  that 
fear  a.s  well  begins  to  exalt  its  reawakened  head,  the  fear 
that  we  may  haply  find  the  power  of  the  gods  to  be  un- 


Origin  of  Religion  459 

limited,  able  to  wheel  the  bright  stars  in  their  unvaried 
motion;  for  lack  of  power  to  solve  the  question  troubles  the 
mind  with  doubts,  whether  there  was  ever  a  birth-time  of 
the  world,  and  whether  likewise  there  is  to  be  any  end;  how 
far  the  walls  of  the  world  can  endure  this  strain  of  restless 
motion;  or  whether  gifted  by  the  grace  of  the  gods  with  an 
everlasting  existence,  they  may  glide  on  through  a  never- 
ending  tract  of  time  and  defy  the  strong  powers  of  im- 
measurable ages. 

Again  who  is  there  whose  mind  does  not  shrink  into  itself  Religious 
G  .  fear, 

with  fear  of  the  gods,  whose  limbs  do  not  cower  with  terror, 

when  the  parched  earth  rocks  with  the  appalling  thunder- 
stroke and  rattlings  run  through  the  great  heaven?  Do  not 
peoples  and  nations  quake,  and  proud  monarchs  shrink  into 
themselves,  smitten  with  fear  of  the  gods,  lest  for  any  foul 
transgression  or  overweening  word  the  heavy  time  of  reck- 
oning has  arrived  at  its  fulness?  When  too  the  utmost  fury 
of  the  headstrong  wind  passes  over  the  sea,  and  sweeps 
over  its  waters  does  not  the  commander  of  the  fleet,  to- 
gether with  his  mighty  legions  and  elephants,  draw  near 
with  vows,  to  seek  the  mercy  of  the  gods  and  ask  in  prayer 
with  fear  and  trembling  a  lull  in  the  winds,  and  propitious 
gales?  But  all  in  vain,  for  often  caught  up  in  the  furious 
hurricane,  he  is  borne  none  the  less  to  the  shoals  of  death; 
so  constantly  does  some  hidden  power  trample  on  human 
grandeur,  and  is  seen  to  tread  under  its  heel,  and  make 
sport  for  itself,  the  renowned  rods  and  cruel  axes. 

Again  when  the  whole  earth  rocks  undei  their  feet,  and 
towns  tumble  with  the  shock,  or  doubtfully  threaten  to 
fall,  what  wonder  that  mortal  n  !  Ives  and 

make  over  to  the  gods,  in  things  here  on  earth,  high  pre- 
rogatives and  marvellous  powers,  sufficient  to  govern  all 
things? 


460 


The   Revolution 


An  imitation 
of  nature. 


Mankind's   First  Music 

Imitating  with  the  mouth  the  clear  notes  of  birds  was  in 
use,  and  gave  pleasure  to  the  ear,  long  before  men  were 
able  to  sing  in  tune  smooth-running  verses.  And  the  whis- 
tlings of  the  zephyr  through  the  hollow  reeds  first  taught 
peasants  to  blow  into  hollow  stalks.  Then  step  by  step 
they  learned  sweet  plaintive  ditties,  which  the  pipe  pours 
forth  when  pressed  by  the  fingers  of  the  players — heard 
through  pathless  woods  and  forests  and  lawns,  through  the 
unfrequented  haunts  of  shepherds  and  abodes  of  unearthly 
calm.  These  things  would  soothe  and  gratify  their  minds 
when  they  were  sated  with  food;  for  then  all  things  of  this 
kind  are  welcome. 

Often  therefore  stretched  in  groups  on  the  soft  grass  be- 
side a  stream  of  water,  under  the  boughs  of  a  high  tree,  they 
at  no  great  cost  would  pleasantly  refresh  their  bodies, — ■ 
above  all  when  the  weather  smiled  and  the  seasons  of  the 
year  painted  the  green  grass  with  flowers.  Then  went 
round  the  jest,  the  tale,  the  peals  of  merry  laughter;  for  the 
peasant  muse  wras  then  in  its  glory;  then  frolic  mirth  would 
prompt  to  entwine  head  and  shoulders  with  garlands 
plaited  with  flowers  and  leaves,  and  to  advance  in  the 
dance  out  of  step,  and  move  the  limbs  clumsily  and  with 
clumsy  foot  beat  mother  earth;  this  would  cause  smiles 
and  peals  of  merry  laughter,  because  all  these  things  then, 
from  their  greater  novelty,  were  in  high  repute. 


The  Man  with  White  Teeth 

Because  Egnatius'  teeth  are  nicely  white, 
To  grin  and  show  them  is  his  sole  delight. 
If  haply  at  some  trial  he  appear, 
Where  eloquence  commands  the  gushing  tear, 


A  Refuge  from  Care 


461 


Re  grins.— If,  at  a  pile,  the  duteous  son, 
The  childless  mother  weeps,  for  ever  gone, 
He  grins. — In  short,  whate'er  the  time  or  place, 
Do  as  he  may,  the  grin  still  marks  his  face: 
Tis  his  disease;  and  speaking  as  I  feel, 
I  cannot  call  it  decent  or  genteel. 


Catullus,  39. 
(A  funeral 
pile.) 


To  My  Farm 

(Complaining  of  Sextius'  Trashy  Oration) 

Whether,  my  farm,  the  Sabine  bounds 
Or  Tibur  hold  thy  peaceful  grounds; 

— For  those  who  love  me  like  a  friend 
Call  thee  of  Tibur;  those  who  come 
To  vex  my  pride,  with  any  sum 

That  thou  art  Sabine  will  contend. — 


"Is  my 
farm  at 
Tibur  or  in 
Sabina?" 

Catullus,  44. 


But  whether  that,  or  truly  classed 

'Mong  Tibur's  lands,  well  pleased  I've  passed 

Some  days  in  thy  sequestered  seat. 
Thou  from  my  loaded  breast  hast  driven 
A  cough  my  stomach's  sins  had  given, 

Deserved  by  many  a  costly  treat. 

And  when  I  plainly  hoped  to  feed 
As  Sextius'  guest,  my  host  would  read 

His  speech  'gainst  Attius,  made  of  old. 
'Twas  full  of  poison  and  disease; 
It  made  me  shiver,  made  me  sneeze, 

And  gave  me  a  bad  cough  and  cold. 

At  length  I  fled  into  thy  breast; 
And  there  with  medicine  and  rest 

Have  cured  myself  in  little  time: 
So  now  in  health  and  spirit 
My  warmest  thanks  to  thee  I  pay, 

Who  thus  hast  done  away  in ..   I  time. 


"His  speecb 
gave  me  a 
cold." 


462  The  Revolution 


And  when  I  e'er  again  shall  go 

To  hear  his  works,  may  they  bestow 

Their  cough  and  cold,  not  on  my  head, 
But  upon  Sextius'  self,  who  ne'er 
Asks  me  to  sup,  but  when  the  fare 

Is  hearing  his  own  nonsense  read! 


STUDIES 

1.  Why  were  the  Romans  fond  of  Pompey?  To  what  political 
party  did  he  belong?  Was  he  or  Sertorius  the  greater  general?  What 
light  do  the  wars  with  Spartacus  and  the  pirates  throw  on  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Roman  government? 

2.  Give  an  account  of  Catiline's  conspiracy.  Describe  his  char- 
acter. What  are  the  points  made  by  Cicero  in  the  speech 
partly  quoted?  What  reward  did  he  receive  for  his  patriotic 
energy? 

3.  Who  are  the  authors  of  these  selections  on  Caesar,  and  what  is 
the  value  of  each  for  history?  What  was  the  policy  of  Caesar  as 
consul?  Give  an  account  of  the  Gallic  druids;  the  Gallic  family  and 
funeral  customs. 

4.  What  honors  were  voted  Caesar  as  dictator?  What  was  his 
policy  in  this  office?  Give  an  account  of  the  conspiracy.  What  esti- 
mate of  his  character  do  we  gain  from  these  selections? 

5.  What  provisions  were  made  for  the  care  of  the  streets  by  the 
Julian  municipal  law?  What  magistrates  had  charge  of  such  matters? 
What  restriction  was  placed  on  the  use  of  vehicles?  What  were  the 
qualifications  of  the  higher  municipal  magistrates?  What  regulations 
were  made  concerning  the  census?  What  was  done  with  the  census 
records? 

6.  Give  an  account  of  the  family  and  early  life  of  Octavius  (Augus- 
tus).   How  did  he  win  the  battle  off  Actium? 

7.  Explain  the  poem,  "Tell  my  Sister."  Who  was  the  author  (cf. 
ch.  xxviii)? 

8.  Who  was  Lucretius  (cf.  ch.  xxviii)?  What  in  his  opinion  was 
the  origin  of  the  religion  of  his  countrymen?  Does  he  consider 
their  religion  good  or  bad?  What  doubts  troubled  his  countrymen? 
What  caused  religious  fear?  What  in  his  opinion  was  the  first  music 
of  mankind? 


Review  463 


9.  Who  was  Catullus  (cf.  ch.  xxviii)?  What  was  wrong  about  the 
smile  of  Egnatius?  Why  did  the  poet  prefer  Tibur  to  the  Sabine 
country?  What  quality  of  his  friends'  oration  gave  the  poet  a  cold? 
How  did  he  recover  from  it? 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII 

THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  PRINCIPATE;  AUGUSTUS 
AND  TIBERIUS' 


Suetonius, 
Augustus,  76 


Ancient 
World,  45 1  ff 


I.  Personal  Traits  of  Augustus 

His  diet.  He  ate  sparingly  (for  I  must  not  omit  even  this),  and 

commonly  used  a  plain  diet.  He  was  particularly  fond  of 
coarse  bread,  small  fishes,  new  cheese  made  of  cow's  milk, 
and  green  figs  of  the  sort  which  bear  fruit  twice  a  year.  He 
did  not  wait  for  supper,  but  took  food  at  any  time  and  in 
any  place  when  he  had  an  appetite.  The  following  pas- 
sages relative  to  this  subject,  I  have  transcribed  from  his 
letters.  "I  ate  a  little  bread  and  some  small  dates  in  my 
carriage."  Again:  " On  returning  home  from  the  pontifical 
palace  in  my  litter,  I  ate  an  ounce  of  bread  and  a  few 
raisins."  Again:  " Not  even  a  Jew,  my  dear  Tiberius,  ever 
keeps  such  strict  fast  on  the  Sabbath  as  I  have  to-day;  for 
while  in  the  bath,  and  after  the  first  hour  of  the  night,  I 
only  ate  two  biscuits  before  I  began  to  be  rubbed  with 
oil."  From  this  great  indifference  about  his  diet,  he  some- 
times supped  by  himself,  before  the  banquet  began  or  after 
it  had  finished,  and  would  not  touch  a  morsel  at  table 
with  his  guests. 

Use  of  wine.       He  was  by  nature  extremely  sparing  in  the  use  of  wine. 

Suet.  Aug.  77.  Cornelius  Nepos  says  that  he  used  to  drink  only  three 
times  at  supper  in  the  camp  at  Mutina;  and  when  he  in- 
dulged himself  the  most,  he  never  exceeded  a  pint.  .  .  . 

During  the  whole  course  of  his  life,  he  suffered  at  times 
dangerous  fits  of  sickness,  especially  after  the  conquest  of 

464 


Personal  Character;  Government     465 

Cantabria,  when  he  was  reduced  to  such  a  condition  that  Nearly  al- 
ways ill. 
he  was  obliged  to  undergo  a  desperate  and  doubtful  method 

of  cure;  for  warm  applications  having  no  effect,  Antonius 
Musa  directed  the  use  of  those  which  were  cold.  He  was 
likewise  subject  to  fits  of  sickness  at  stated  times  every 
year;  for  about  his  birthday  he  was  commonly  a  little  in- 
disposed. In  the  beginning  of  spring  he  was  attacked  by 
an  inflation  of  the  midriff;  and  when  the  wind  was 
southerly,  with  a  cold  in  his  head.  By  all  these  com- 
plaints, his  constitution  was  so  shattered  that  he  could 
not  easily  bear  either  heat  or  cold. 

The  eyes  of  Augustus  were  bright  and  piercing;  and  he  His  fea- 
was  willing  to  have  people  think  there  was  divine  vigor  in 
them.  His  teeth  were  thin  set,  small  and  scaly,  his  hair  a 
little  curly,  and  inclined  to  a  yellow  color.  His  eyebrows 
met;  his  ears  were  small  and  he  had  an  aquiline  nose.  His 
complexion  was  between  brown  and  fair;  his  stature  was 
low,  though  Julius  Marathus,  his  freedman,  says  he  was 
five  feet  nine  inches  in  height. 

II.  His  Government 

In  my  sixth  and  seventh  consulships,  when  I  had  put  The  repub- 
•'  ,  lie  restored, 

an  end  to  the  civil  wars,  after  having  obtained  complete 

control  of  affairs  by  universal  consent,  I  transferred  the  Deeds,  34. 
commonwealth  from  my  own  dominion  to  the  authority  of 
the  senate  and  Roman  people.  In  return  for  this  favor  on 
my  part,  I  received  by  decree  of  the  senate  the  title  Au- 
gustus; the  door-posts  of  my  house  were  publicly  decked 
with  laurels,  a  civic  crown  was  fixed  above  my  door,  and 
in  the  Julian  curia  was  placed  a  golden  shield,  which  by  its  (Julian  scn- 
inscription-  b<  >rc  witness  that  it  was  given  me  by  the  senate 
and  the  Roman  people  on  accounl  of  my  valor,  clemency, 
justice,  and  piety.    Alter  that  time  I  excelled  all  others  in 


The  found- 
ing of  the 
principate. 

Dio  Cassius, 
liii.  12. 

The  begin- 
ning of  this 
selection  evi- 
dently refers 
to  the  pass- 
ing of  a  law 
which  gave 
him  consular 
power  over 
certain  prov- 
inces for  ten 
years. 

Ancient 
World,  451  f. 


Provincial 
arrange- 
ments. 


466     The   Founding  of  the  Principate 

dignity,  but  of  power  I  held  no  more  than  those  also  held 
who  were  my  colleagues  in  any  magistracy. 

In  this  way  he  had  his  headship  ratified  by  the  senate 
and  the  people.  As  he  wished  even  so  to  appear  to  be 
democratic  in  principle,  he  accepted  all  the  care  and  super- 
intendence of  public  business  on  the  ground  that  it  re- 
quired expert  attention,  but  said  that  he  should  not  per- 
sonally govern  all  the  provinces  and  those  that  he  did 
govern  he  should  not  keep  in  his  charge  perpetually.  The 
weaker  ones,  because  (as  he  said)  they  were  peaceful  and 
free  from  war,  he  gave  over  to  the  senate.  But  the  more 
powerful  he  held  in  possession  because  they  were  slippery 
and  dangerous  and  either  had  enemies  in  adjoining  terri- 
tory, or  on  their  own  account  were  able  to  cause  a  great 
uprising.  His  pretext  was  that  the  senate  should  fear- 
lessly gather  the  fruits  of  the  finest  portion  of  the  empire 
while  he  himself  had  the  labors  and  the  dangers:  the  real 
purpose  of  this  plan  was  that  the  senators  be  unarmed 
and  unprepared  for  battle,  while  he  alone  had  arms  and 
kept  soldiers. 

Africa  and  Numidia,  Asia  and  Greece  with  Epirus,  the 
Dalmatian  and  Macedonian  territories,  Sicily,  Crete,  and 
Libya  adjacent  to  Crete,  Bithynia  with  the  adjoining 
Pontus,  Sardinia  and  Bsetica,  were  consequently  held  to 
belong  to  the  people  and  senate.  Caesar's  were  the  re- 
mainder of  Spain,  the  neighborhood  of  Tarraco  and  Lusi- 
tania,  all  Gauls  (Narbonensis,  the  Lugdunensis,  Aquitania, 
and  Belgica).  .  .  .  These  provinces,  then,  and  the  so- 
called  Hollow  Syria,  Phoenicia  and  Cilicia,  Cyprus  and 
the  Egyptians,  fell  at  that  time  to  Caesar's  share.  Later 
he  gave  Cyprus  and  Gaul  adjacent  to  Narbo  back  to  the 
people,  and  he  himself  took  Dalmatia  instead.  This  was 
also  done  subsequently  in  the  case  of  other  provinces  as 


Oath  of  Loyalty  467 

the  progress  of  my  narrative  will  show.  I  have  enumer- 
ated these  in  such  detail  because  now  each  one  of  them  is 
ruled  separately  whereas  in  old  times  and  for  a  long  period 
the  provinces  were  governed  two  and  three  together. 

The  others  I  have  not  mentioned  because  some  of  them  Dependent 
were  acquired  later,  and  the  rest,  even  if  they  had  been  al- 
ready subdued,  were  not  being  governed  by  the  Romans, 
but  either  were  left  to  enjoy  their  own  laws,  or  had  been 
turned  over  to  some  kingdom.  All  of  them  that  after  this 
came  into  the  Roman  empire  were  attached  to  the  posses- 
sions of  the  man  temporarily  in  power.  This,  then,  was 
the  division  of  the  provinces. 

III.  Oath  of  Loyalty  to  Augustus  and  to  ms 
Family 

Sworn  by  the  Paphlagonians 

This  document,  in  the  Greek  language,  is  preserved  in  an  inscrip- 
tion. It  belongs  to  the  year  3  B.C.  The  occasion  which  called  for 
this  warm  expression  of  allegiance  may  have  been  the  unsettled  con- 
dition of  Rome's  relations  with  Parthia  and  Armenia;  it  preceded  by 
two  years  the  diplomatic  mission  of  Gaius,  adopted  son  (born  grand- 
son) of  Augustus,  to  the  Orient.  The  act,  purely  voluntary,  testifies 
to  the  zealous  affection  for  the  ruling  family  cherished  by  the  easterly 
provinces.  The  Romans  who  were  engaged  in  business  in  Paphla- 
gonia  joined  in  the  oath.    Translated  by  the  editors. 

I  swear  by  Zeus,  Earth,  and  Sun,  and  all  the  gods  and  By  all  the 
goddesses,  and  by  Augustus  himself  that  I  will  be  well- 
minded  to  Caesar  Augustus  and  to  his  children  throughout 
the  whole  time  of  life  in  word  and  deed  and  heart,  regard- 
ing as  friends  whomsoever  they  so  regard,  and  considering 
enemies  whomsoever  they  so  consider,  that  I  will  spare 
neither  body  nor  soul  nor  life  nor  children  in  their  inter. 
but  in  every  way  will  endure  every  danger  in  their  behalf. 


46S     The  Founding  of  the  Principate 

And  whatever  I  see  or  hear  against  them,  cither  said  or 
plotted  or  done,  that  I  will  report,  and  will  be  an  enemy  to 
the  one  who  says  or  plots  or  does  any  such  thing.  And 
whomsoever  they  judge  to  be  enemies,  such  persons  I  will 
pursue  and  ward  off  by  sea  and  land.  But  if  I  do  anything 
in  violation  of  this  oath,  and  fail  to  fulfill  it  to  the  letter, 
I  invoke  upon  myself  and  my  body  and  soul  and  life,  and 
upon  my  children  and  all  my  race,  destruction  and  ruin 
even  to  the  uttermost  generation;  and  may  neither  earth 
nor  sea  receive  the  bodies  of  me  and  mine  or  of  my  chil- 
dren, and  may  not  earth  bear  fruit  for  us. 

IV.  The  Centenary  Festival  (Ludi  S^eculares)  of  the 
Year  17  B.C. 

In  the  upper  classes  of  Rome  at  this  time  there  seems  to  have  been 
a  widespread  belief  that  the  social  legislation  of  Augustus,  18  B.C., 
marked  the  close  of  the  reign  of  vice  and  the  dawn  of  an  age  of  purity. 
The  "board  of  fifteen  for  performing  sacred  rites,"  among  whom  was 
Augustus,  consulted  the  Sibylline  Books,  and  found  in  them  direc- 
tions to  make  ready,  by  the  celebration  of  the  Secular  Games,  for 
the  pure  reign  of  Apollo.  Tradition  declared  that  this  festival  was 
first  celebrated  in  the  early  years  of  the  Republic  for  the  purpose  of 
expelling  a  pestilence,  and  that  it  was  repeated  every  century — or 
rather,  every  hundred  and  ten  years.  The  latter  was  an  era  estab- 
lished by  the  Etruscans  with  the  idea  that  it  was  the  longest  possible 
limit  of  human  life.  In  addition  to  this  Etruscan  element,  there  were 
also  Greek  and  Roman  elements  in  the  institution  as  it  existed  in  the 
Augustan  age.  The  following  epigraphic  account  of  the  Augustan 
celebration  of  the  festival  is  from  the  minutes  of  the  "board  of  fif- 
teen," translated  by  the  editors. 

Prayer  of  In  the  following  night  in  the  Campus  Martius,  on  the 

Augustus 

bank  of  the  Tiber,  Imperator  Caesar  Augustus  sacrificed 
according  to  Greek  rite  nine  female  lambs,  and  nine  she- 
goats,  and  prayed:  ...  "I  pray  and  beseech  you  that 
ye  augment  the  power  and  majesty  of  the  Roman  people 


Ludi  Sasculares  469 

the  quirites  in  war  and  peace,  and  that  ye  guard  forever  Quirites,  a 

1  j  primitive 

the  Latin  name,  and  grant  eternal  safety  and  health  to   term  for 
the  Roman  people  the  quirites,  and  be  propitious  to  the   PosSjbJyS' 
Roman  people  the  quirites,  and  to  the  legions  of  the  Ro-  meaning     ^ 
man  people  the  quirites,  and  keep  safe  the  state  of  the 
Roman  people  the  quirites;  that  ye  may  show  yourselves   Notice  the 
well-minded   and   favorable   to   the   Roman   people   the   ism  of  the 
quirites,  to  the  college  of  fifteen,  to  me  and  my  house  and   characteris- 
family,  and  that  ye  accept  this  sacrifice  of  nine  female   |}c  of  earJy 
lambs  and  nine  she-goats  offered  unblemished;  because   ligion. 
of  these  matters,  on  account  of  this  female  lamb,  offered 
without  blemish,  be  and  become  ye  favorable  and  propi- 
tious to  the  Roman  people  the  quirites,  to  the  college  of 
fifteen,  to  me,  to  my  house,  and  to  my  family." 

After  the  completion  of  these  sacrifices,  games  were  The  hun- 
1  1  dred  anc* 

celebrated  in  the  night  on  a  stage  with  no  theatre  ad-  ten  ma- 
joined  or  seats  placed;  and  a  nundred  and  ten  matrons, 
according  to  instructions  issued  by  the  fifteen,  held  a 
sellisternia  (women's  banquet)  to  Juno  and  Diana,  with 
two  seats  placed  (for  the  goddesses). 

Then  were  celebrated  the  Latin  games  in  the  wooden  The  Latin 

games, 
theatre  which  had  been  erected  in  the  Campus  next  to 

the  Tiber,  and  in  the  same  form  the  matrons  held  the 

sellisternia,  nor  were  interrupted  those  games  which  had 

been  begun  in  the  night.  .  .  . 

Then  to  the  hundred  and  ten  married  matrons,  to  whom 
the  order  had  been  issued,  M.  Agrippa  dictated  a  prayer 
in  the  following  words: 

"Juno  queen— and  may  it  be  well  to  the  Roman  people   **y££fmi 
the  quirites — the  married  matrons  on  their  knees  beseech 
thee  to  augment  in  war  and  peace  the  majesty  d   the 
Roman  people  the. quirites,  always  to  proteel   the  Latin 
name,  to  bestow  eternal  safety,  victory  and  strength  on 


470     The  Founding  of  the  Principate 

the  Roman  people  the  quirites,  grant  thy  favor  to  the 
Roman  people  the  quirites  and  to  the  legions  of  the  Roman 
people  the  quirites,  keep  safe  the  republic  of  the  Roman 
people  the  quirites,  be  good-willed  and  propitious  to  the 
Roman  people  the  quirites,  to  the  '  fifteen  for  performing 
the  sacred  rites'  and  to  us.  .  .  .  These  things  we,  the  hun- 
dred and  ten  married  matrons  of  the  Roman  people  the 
quirites  on  our  bended  knees  beg  and  beseech  of  thee." 

[Reference  is  then  made  to  further  rites  including  a 
sacrifice  and  prayer  to  Terra  Mater  and  to  Apollo  and 
Diana  on  the  Palatine  Mount.] 

After  the  completion  of  this  sacrifice  twenty-seven  boys 
to  whom  it  had  been  ordered,  whose  fathers  and  mothers 
were  both  alive,  and  the  same  number  of  girls  (of  the  same 
description)  sang  a  hymn  (on  the  Palatine)  and  in  the 
same  way  on  the  Capitoline. 

Q.  Horatius  Flaccus  composed  the  hymn. 

[The  festival  closed  with  various  other  ceremonies]. 


(Composed 
by  Horace 
for  the  Secu- 
lar games, 
with  which 
Augustus,  in 
17  B.C.,  cele- 
brated the 
opening  of 
a  new  Sacu- 
lum,  or  age. 
In  the  plan 
of  Augustus 
the  sasculum 
was  to  con- 
sist of  a  hun- 
dred and  ten 
years,  but 


V.   From  the  Secular  Hymn 

To  Apollo  and  Diana 

Ye  powers  divine, 
Unto  our  docile  youth  give  morals  pure! 

Ye  powers  divine, 
To  placid  age  give  peace, 
And  to  the  stock  of  Romulus  ensure 
Dominion  vast,  a  never-failing  line, 
And  in  all  noble  things  still  make  them  to  increase  I 

And  oh!  may  he  who  now 
To  you  with  milk-white  steers  uplifts  his  prayer, 

Within  whose  veins  doth  flow 

Renowned  Anchises'  blood,  and  Venus'  ever  fair, 

Be  still  in  war  supreme,  yet  still  the  foe 

His  sword  hath  humbled  spare! 


The  Secular  Hymn 


471 


Now,  even  now  the  Mede 
Our  hosts  omnipotent  by  land  and  sea, 

And  Alban  axes  fears;  the  Scythians,  late 
So  vaunting,  and  the  hordes  of  lnd  await, 
On  low  expectant  knee, 
What  terms  soe'er  we  may  be  minded  to  concede. 
Now  Faith,  and  Peace,  and  Honor,  and  the  old 

Primeval  Shame,  and  Worth  long  held  in  scorn, 

To  reappear  make  bold, 
And  blissful  Plenty,  with  her  teeming  horn, 
Doth  all  her  smiles  unfold. 

And  oh!  may  he,  the  Seer  Divine, 
God  of  the  fulgent  bow, 
Phoebus,  beloved  of  the  Muses  nine, 

Who,  for  the  body  racked  and  worn  with  woe 
By  arts  remedial  finds  an  anodyne, 
If  he  with  no  unloving  eye  doth  view 

The  crested  heights  and  halls  of  Palatine, 

On  to  a  lustre  new 
Prolong  the  weal  of  Rome,  the  blest  estate 
Of  Latium,  and  on  them,  long  ages  through, 
Still  growing  honors,  still  new  joys  accumulate! 


other  emper- 
ors, as 
Claudius, 
insisted  on 
making  it  an 
even  hun- 
dred years.) 

(The  axes 
were  an  em- 
blem of 
Roman 
power.    Hor- 
ace calls 
them  Alban 
after  Alba 
Longa,  the 
mother-city 
of  Rome  and 
the  early 
home  of  the 
Julian  gens, 
to  which 
Augustus  be- 
longed by 
adoption.) 


And  may  She,  too,  who  makes  her  haunt 
On  Aventine  and  Algidus  alway, 
May  She,  Diana,  grant 
The  prayers,  which  duly  here 
The  Fifteen  Men  upon  this  festal  day 

To  her  devoutly  send, 
And  to  the  youth's  pure  adjurations  lend 
No  unpropitious  ear! 

Now  homeward  we  repair, 

Full  of  the  blessfid  hope,  that  will  not  fail, 
That  Jove  and  all  the 

And  with  approving  smiles  our  homage  hail, — 
We,  skilled  in  i  bora!  barmonii     to  raise 
The  hymn  to  Phcebu    and  I  liana'    praise. 


(The  Fifteen 
Men  who  had 
charge  of  the 
Sibylline 
Books,  which 
ordained  this 
celebration. 
The  number 
of  men  in 

origi 

nally  two, 
i  ■  in- 
to ten 
li\    I    .  mius 
and  Sextiu  •, 
and  >till 


472     The  Founding  of  the  Principate 

VI.  City  Improvements 
Public  (In  his  public  works  Augustus  showed  the  true  Roman 

works. 

spirit.)    The  Greek  cities  are  thought  to  have  flourished 
mainly  on  account  of  the  happy  choice  made  by  their 
\YoriT Asy-     f°un(lers,  the  beauty  or  strength  of  their  sites,  their  near- 
t>°-  ness  to  some  port,  and  the  excellence  of  the  country.    But 

Roman  prudence  was  more  particularly  employed  on  mat- 
ters which  had  received  but  little  attention  from  the 
Greeks,  such  as  paving  their  roads,  building  aqueducts, 
and  sewers  to  convey  the  sewage  of  the  city  into  the  Tiber. 
In  fact  they  have  paved  the  roads,  cut  through  hills,  and 
filled  up  valleys,  that  merchandise  may  be  conveyed  by 
wagon  from  the  ports.  The  sewers,  arched  over  with  hewn 
stones,  are  large  enough  in  some  parts  for  wagons  loaded 
with  hay  to  pass  through;  while  so  plentiful  is  the  supply 
of  water  from  the  aqueducts  that  rivers  may  be  said  to 
flow  through  the  city  and  the  sewers,  and  almost  every 
house  is  furnished  with  water-pipes  and  copious  fountains. 
This  water-supply  is  largely  the  work  of  Marcus  Agrippa. 
Many  ornaments,  too,  he  bestowed  on  the  city. 

It  may  be  well  to  say  that  the  ancients,  occupied  with 
greater  and  more  pressing  affairs,  paid  little  attention  to 
beautifying  Rome.  But  their  successors,  and  especially 
those  of  our  day,  without  neglecting  necessary  matters, 
have  at  the  same  time  embellished  the  city  with  many 
splendid  objects.  Pompey,  divine  Caesar,  and  Augustus, 
with  his  children,  friends,  wife,  and  sister,  have  zealously 
surpassed  all  others  in  the  munificence  of  these  decorations. 
The  greater  number  of  improvements  may  be  seen  in  the 
Campus  Martius,  whicb  to  the  beauties  of  nature  adds 
those  of  art.  The  remarkable  size  of  the  plain  permits 
chariot-races  and   other  feats  ot   horsemanship  without. 


The  Campus  Martius  473 

hindrance,  and  allows  multitudes  to  exercise  themselves 
at  ball,  in  the  circus,  and  in  the  palestra.  The  buildings 
which  surround  it,  the  turf  covered  with  herbage  all  the 
year  round,  the  hilltops  beyond  the  Tiber,  extending  from 
its  banks  like  a  panorama,  present  a  view  which  the  eye 
abandons  with  regret. 

Near  this  plain  is  another  surrounded  with  columns, 
sacred  groves,  three  theatres,  an  amphitheatre,  and  superb 
temples  close  to  one  another.  So  magnificent  is  the  place 
that  it  would  :eem  idle  to  describe  the  rest  of  the  city  after 
it.  For  this  reason  the  Romans,  esteeming  it  the  most 
sacred  place,  have  there  erected  funeral  monuments  to 
the  most  illustrious  persons  of  both  sexes.  The  most  re- 
markable of  these  monuments  is  the  Mausoleum,  which 
consists  of  a  mound  of  earth  raised  on  a  high  foundation 
of  white  marble,  situated  near  the  river  and  covered  to  the 
top  with  evergreen  shrubs.  On  the  summit  is  a  bronze 
statue  of  Caesar  Augustus,  and  beneath  the  mound  are 
the  ashes  of  himself,  his  relatives,  and  friends.  Behind  is 
a  large  grove  with  charming  promenades.  In  the  centre 
of  the  plain  is  the  spot  where  the  body  of  this  prince  was 
reduced  to  ashes;  it  is  surrounded  with  a  double  enclosure, 
one  of  marble,  the  other  of  iron;  and  the  interior  is  planted 
with  poplars.  If  from  there  you  proceed  to  visit  the  an- 
cient Forum,  which  is  equally  filled  with  basilicas,  porticos,  The  Forum, 
and  temples,  you  will  there  behold  the  Capitol,  the  Pala- 
tine Hill,  with  the  noble  works  which  adorn  them,  and  the 
piazza  of  Livia, — each  succeeding  place  causing  you  speedily 
to  forget  what  you  have  before  seen.     Such  is  Rome. 

VII.  A  Possible  Heir 

Meanwhile  as  supports  to  his  despotis  1  n  he  rai  ed  to  the 
office  of  pontiff  and  to  the  curule  aedileship  Claudius  Mai 


474     The  Founding  of  the  Principate 


His  heirs. 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  i.  , 


cellus,  his  sister's  son,  while  a  mere  stripling,  and  he  gave 
two  consecutive  consulships  to  Marcus  Agrippa,  of  humble 
birth  but  a  good  soldier,  and  one  who  had  shared  his  vic- 
tory. Marcellus  soon  afterward  died.  [In  his  memory 
Vergil  inserted  in  the  JEneid  some  beautiful  lines,  repre- 
senting /Eneas  conversing  with  Anchises  about  the  spirit 
of  Marcellus  in  the  realm  of  Hades.] 


Marcellus. 

(The  "hero" 
here   men- 
tioned is  the 
famous  Mar- 
cellus of  the 
Second 
Punic  War; 
Rome,  112; 
Ancient 
World,   326.) 

Vergil, 
Mneid,  vi. 

860-86. 

(What 

lamentations 
of  mourners 
shall  the 
Campus 
Martius — 
the  burial 
place — send 
forth  to 
Rome,  the 
mightv  city 
of  Mars!) 


i^Eneas  .  .  .  noticed 
Walking  a  youth,  superb  in  his  figure  and  glittering  armor; 
But  his  brow  was  uncheered,  and  his  eyes  were  dejected  in  aspect. 
"Who,  my  father,  is  he  who  attends  on  the  hero  in  going? 
Is  he  his  son,  or  some  one  of  his  noble  line  of  descendants? 
What  an  array  of  attendants  about  him!  what  majesty  in  him! 
But  dark  night  flits  round  his  head  with  sorrowful  shadows." 
Then  did  his  father  Anchises  proceed,  while  the  tears  were  up-welling: 
"O  my  begotten,  inquire  not  the  exquisite  grief  of  thy  kindred: 
Him  shall  the  fates  just  show  to  the  world,  and  no  longer  permit  him 
Here  to  remain;  too  mighty  to  you  had  the  Roman  succession 
Seemed,  ye  Supernals,  if  gifts  so  peculiar  had  lasted  forever. 
What  lamentations  of  heroes  shall  yon  plain  post  to  the  mighty 
City  of  Mavors!    Or,  Tiber,  what  pageants  of  mourning  shalt  thou, 

too, 
Witness  ere  long,  as  thou  close  by  the  new  made  sepulchre  glidest! 
No  such  a  youth  from  the  Ilian  nation  shall  ever  his  Latin 
Ancestors  lift  to  so  heightened  a  hope,  nor  shall  ever  hereafter 
Romulus'  land  boast  over  another  so  cherished  a  darling! 
Ah!  for  thy  piety!    Ah!  for  the  pristine  faith,  and  the  right  hand 
Dauntless  in  war!  with  impunity  none  could  have  dared  to  attack  him, 
Meeting  him  when  he  was  armed  or  with  infantry  charging  on  foemen, 
Or  when  digging  his  spurs  in  the  flanks  of  his  leathery  warhorse. 
Ah!  lamentable  boy!  if  ever  thou  burstest  thy  hard  fate, 
Thou  shalt  become  a  MARCELLUS!  bring  lilies  in  plentiful  handfuls: 
I  will  the  flowers  purpureal  strew,  and  the  soul  of  mine  offspring 
Load  with  the  presents  at  least,  and  will  render  if  only  an  empty- 
Service' 


Tiberius 


475 


VIII.  The  Character  and  the  Accession  of  Tiberius 

Tiberius  Claudius  Nero  was  three  years  old  when  Li  via, 
daughter  of  Claudianus  Drusus,  became  the  wife  of  Caesar 
(Octavianus)  for  she  had  been  contracted  to  him  by  Nero, 
her  former  husband.  Tiberius,  a  youth  trained  in  the 
noblest  principles,  possessed  in  the  highest  degree  birth, 
beauty,  dignity,  valuable  knowledge,  and  superior  capacity. 
From  the  beginning  he  gave  hopes  of  becoming  the  great 
man  he  now  is,  and  by  his  appearance  he  announced  him- 
self a  prince.  Made  qusestor  in  his  nineteenth  year,  he 
began  to  act  in  a  public  character ;  and  under  the  direction 
of  his  stepfather  he  took  such  judicious  measures,  both  in 
Rome  and  at  Ostia,  to  remedy  the  excessive  price  of  pro- 
visions and  the  scarcity  of  corn  that,  from  what  he  did 
on  this  occasion,  it  could  plainly  be  seen  how  great  he 
was  to  become. 

He  married  Agrippina  (Vipsania),  the  daughter  of  Mar- 
cus Agrippa  and  granddaughter  of  Caecilius  Atticus,  a 
Roman  knight, — the  person  to  whom  Cicero  has  addressed 
so  many  letters.  After  the  birth  of  his  son  Drusus,  Ti- 
berius was  obliged  to  part  with  her,  though  she  retained 
his  affections,  ...  to  make  way  for  marrying  Julia, 
daughter  of  Augustus.  This  step  he  took  with  extreme 
reluctance;  for  besides  having  the  warmest  attachment  to 
Agrippina,  he  was  disgusted  with  the  conduct  of  Julia.  .  .  . 
The  divorcing  of  Agrippina  gave  him  the  deepest  regret; 
and  on  meeting  her  afterward  he  looked  at  her  with  eyes 
so  passionately  expressive  of  affection  thai  care  was  taken 
that  she  should  never  again  come  in  his  sighl . 

After  the  funeral  of  Augustus  all  prayers  were  addr< 
to  Tiberius.    On  his  part,  he  urged  various  reasons  (for 
declining  the  government)— especially  the  greatness  of  the 


Character. 

Velleius  ii. 
94. 

A  ncient 

World,  462-4. 


His 
marriages. 

Suetonius, 
Tiberius,  7. 


(By  this 
marriage 
Tiberius 
became  the 
heir  of 
Augustus.) 


Tiberius 
is  offered 
the  imperial 
power. 


476      The  Founding  of  the   Principate 


Tacitus,  _ 
Annals,  i.  11. 


Tacitus, 
Annals,  i.  13. 


On  pension- 
ing spend- 
thrift 
senatorial 
families. 

Tacitus,  An- 
nals, ii.  38, 
quoting  a 
Speech  of 
Tiberius. 

The  speech 
of  a  senator 
was  not 
limited  to  the 
subject  be- 
fore the 
house 


empire  and  his  distrust  of  himself.  "Only  the  intellect  of 
the  divine  Augustus,"  he  said,  "is  equal  to  such  a  burden. 
Called  as  I  have  been  by  him  to  share  his  anxieties,  I  have 
learned  by  experience  how  exposed  to  fortune's  caprices  is 
the  task  of  universal  rule.  Consequently  a  state  which 
has  the  support  of  so  many  great  men  should  not  put 
everything  on  one  alone;  for  many  by  uniting  their  efforts 
will  more  easily  discharge  public  functions."  There  was 
more  grand  sentiment  than  good  faith  in  such  words.  .  .  . 
The  senators,  however,  whose  only  fear  was  lest  they 
might  seem  to  understand  him,  burst  into  complaints, 
tears,  and  prayers. 

Wearied  at  last  by  the  assembly's  clamorous  entreaties 
and  by  the  urgent  demands  of  individual  senators,  he 
gradually  gave  way,  though  he  would  not  admit  that  he 
was  undertaking  the  imperial  rule,  but  yet  ceased  to 
refuse  it. 

IX.  Administration  of  Tiberius 

"If  all  poor  men  begin  to  come  here  and  to  beg  money 
for  their  children,  individuals  will  never  be  satisfied,  and 
the  state  will  be  bankrupt.  Certainly  our  ancestors  did 
not  grant  the  privilege  of  occasionally  proposing  amend- 
ments or  suggesting,  in  our  turn  for  speaking,  something 
for  the  general  advantage  in  order  that  we  might  in  this 
house  increase  our  private  business  and  property,  thereby 
bringing  odium  on  the  Senate  and  on  princes  whether 
they  concede  or  refuse  their  bounty.  In  fact,  it  is  not  a 
request,  but  an  importunity,  as  utterly  unreasonable  as 
it  is  unforeseen,  for  a  senator,  when  the  house  has  met  on 
other  matters,  to  rise  from  his  place  and,  pleading  the 
number  and  age  of  his  children,  put  a  pressure  on  the 
delicacy  of  the  Senate,  then  transfer  the  same  constraint 


Moderation  and  Generosity  477 

to  myself,  and  as  it  were,  break  open  the  exchequer,  which 

if  we  exhaust  it  by  improper  favoritism,  will  have  to  be 

replenished  by  crimes.    Money  was  given  you,  Hortalus, 

by  Augustus,  but  without  solicitation,  and  not  on  the 

condition  of  its  being  always  given.    Otherwise  industry 

will  languish  and  idleness  be  encouraged,  if  a  man  has 

nothing  to  fear,  nothing  to  hope  from  himself,  and  every 

one  in  utter  recklessness  will  expect  relief  from  others, 

thus  becoming  useless  to  himself  and  a  burden  to  me." 

Next  the  emperor  brought  forward  a  motion  for  the  Election  of 
.      .  a  Vestal, 

election  of  a  Vestal  Virgin  in  the  room  of  Occia,  who  f<  r 

fifty-seven  years  had  presided  with  the  most  immaculate  Annals',^, 
virtue  over  the  Vestal  worship.  He  formally  thanked  86- 
Fonteius  Agrippa  and  Domitius  Pollio  for  offering  their 
daughters  and  so  vying  with  one  another  in  zeal  for  the 
commonwealth.  Pollio's  daughter  was  preferred,  only 
because  her  mother  had  lived  with  one  and  the  same  hus- 
band, while  Agrippa  had  impaired  the  honor  of  his  house 
by  a  divorce.  The  emperor  consoled  his  daughter,  passed 
over  though  she  was,  with  a  dowry  of  a  million  sesterces. 

As  the  city  populace  complained  of  the  cruel  dcarness   The  price  of 
of  corn,  he  fixed  a  price- for  grain,  to  be  paid  by  the  pur-   regulated, 
chaser,  promising  himself  to  add  two  sesterces  on  every  75.  g7- 
peck  for  the  traders.    But  he  would  not  therefore  accept 
the  title  of  "Father  of  the  Country,"  which  once  before, 
too,  had  been  offered  him,  and  he  sharply  rebuked  those  Theidi 
who  called  his  work  "divine"  and  himself  "lord."    Con-   feared  free- 
sequently   speech   was   restricted   and   perilous   under   a   ^Usus^ 
prince  who  feared  freedom  while  he  hated  sycophancy.      tained. 

A  furious  conflagration  damaged  the  capital  to  an  un-  Fire  on  the 

,,    ,.  ,  ,,T  Coelianhill. 

usual  extent,  reducing  Mount  C  alius  to  ashes.        It  was 

an  ill-starred  year/'  people  began  to  say,  "and  flic  prince's    ,,,'.'' '  ""'v' 

purpose  of  leaving  Rome  must  have  been  formed  under 


Liberality  of 
Tiberius. 


A  public 
misfortune. 

Ta<  itus, 
Annals, 

ii.  47. 


Egyptian 
and  Jewish 
religion. 

Suetonius, 
Tiberius,  36. 


478     The  Founding  of  the  Principate 

evil  omens."  They  began  in  vulgar  fashion  to  trace  ill- 
luck  to  guilt,  when  Tiberius  checked  them  by  distributing 
money  in  proportion  to  losses  sustained.  He  received  a 
vote  of  thanks  in  the  senate  from  its  distinguished  mem- 
bers, and  was  applauded  by  the  populace  for  having  as- 
sisted with  his  liberality, — without  partiality  or  the  solici- 
tations of  friends, — strangers  whom  he  himself  sought 
out. 

Twelve  famous  cities  of  Asia  fell  by  an  earthquake  one 
night,  so  that  the  destruction  was  all  the  more  unforeseen 
and  fearful.  And  there  was  no  means  of  escape  usual  in 
such  a  disaster,  by  rushing  out  into  the  open  country;  for 
in  the  case  before  us  the  yawning  earth  swallowed  the 
people  up.  Vast  mountains  collapsed;  what  had  been  level 
ground  seemed  to  be  raised  aloft,  and  fires  blazed  out  amid 
the  ruin.  The  misfortune  fell  most  fatally  on  the  in- 
habitants of  Sardis,  and  attracted  to  them  the  largest 
share  of  sympathy.  The  emperor  promised  ten  million 
sesterces,  and  remitted  for  five  years  all  their  dues  to  the 
treasury  or  to  the  emperor's  purse.  It  was  determined 
that  the  people  of  these  cities  .  .  .  should  be  exempt  from 
tribute  for  that  length  of  time,  and  some  one  was  to  be 
sent  to  examine  their  actual  condition  and  to  relieve  them. 

Tiberius  suppressed  all  foreign  religions,  including  the 
Egyptian  and  Jewish  rites;  those  who  practised  these 
superstitions  he  compelled  to  burn  their  vestments  and 
all  their  sacred  utensils.  Under  pretence  of  military  serv- 
ice he  distributed  the  Jewish  youths  among  the  provinces 
noted  for  their  unhealthful  climate;  and  he  dismissed  from 
the  city  all  the  rest  of  that  nation  as  well  as  proselytes 
to  that  faith,  under  pain  of  slavery  for  life  unless  they 
obeyed. 


Review  479 


STUDIES 

1.  Describe  the  diet  of  Augustus.  What  was  his  health?  What 
bearing  naturally  had  this  condition  on  his  public  policy? 

2.  How  does  he  say  he  restored  the  Republic?  What  power  was 
he  to  exercise  outside  of  Rome?  What  power  was  left  the  senate? 
Why  do  we  speak  of  his  government  as  a  principate? 

3.  What  was  the  feeling  of  the  eastern  provincials  toward  him  and 
his  family?    Did  the  leading  Romans  have  the  same  feeling  for  him? 

4.  What  idea  does  this  document  give  you  of  the  character  of  the 
old  Roman  worship? 

5.  Contrast  the  Hymn  written  by  Horace. 

6.  Describe  the  public  works  of  Augustus. 

7.  What  is  here  said  of  Marcellus?  Had  Augustus  a  right  to 
appoint  a  man  to  succeed  him? 

8.  How  did  Tiberius  obtain  the  succession?  Who  was  he  and  what 
kind  of  a  man? 

9.  What  was  his  policy  with  reference  to  spendthrift  senators? 
Was  it  wise?  What  was  thought  of  divorced  people  who  married 
again?  What  was  done  to  lower  the  price  of  grain?  Compare 
present  conditions.  What  else  did  Tiberius  do  to  relieve  the  unfortu- 
nate?   What  general  impression  of  Tiberius  do  these  extracts  make? 


CHAPTER  XXXIX 

FROM  PRINCIPATE  TO  MONARCHY:  THE  CLAUD- 
IAN  AND  THE  FLAVIAN  PRINCES 

A.   ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  THE  PRINCES 


Personal 
appearance 
of  Claudius. 

Suetonius, 
Claudius,  30. 

A  ncient 
World,  465  f. 


Narrowness 
of  the 
Roman 
senators. 

(Gallia 
Comata,  or 
Celtica,  one 
of  the  prov- 
inces of 
Transalpine 
Gaul.) 

Tacitus,  An- 
nals, xi.  23. 


I.  Claudius 

Either  standing  or  sitting,  but  especially  when  he  lay 
asleep,  Claudius  had  a  majestic  and  graceful  appearance; 
for  he  was  tall,  but  not  slender.  His  gray  locks  became  him 
well,  and  he  had  a  full  neck.  But  his  knees  were  feeble 
and  failed  him  in  walking,  so  that  his  gait  was  ungainly  on 
state  occasions  as  well  as  when  he  was  taking  exercise. 
Boisterous  in  his  laughter,  he  was  still  more  so  in  his 
wrath.  .  .  .  He  stammered,  too,  in  his  speech,  and  had 
a  tremulous  motion  of  the  head  at  all  times,  but  especially 
when  he  was  engaged  in  any  business,  however  trifling. 

The  question  of  filling  up  the  senate  was  discussed,  and 
the  chief  men  of  Gallia  Comata,  who  had  long  possessed 
the  rights  of  allies  and  of  Roman  citizens,  sought  the 
privilege  of  obtaining  public  offices  at  Rome.  There  was 
much  talk  of  every  kind  on  the  subject,  and  vehement 
opposition  showed  itself  in  the  argument  before  the  em- 
peror. "Italy,"  some  said,  "is  not  so  feeble  as  to  be  un- 
able to  furnish  her  own  capital  with  a  senate.  .  .  .  What 
distinctions  will  be  left  for  the  remnants  of  our  noble 
houses,  or  for  any  impoverished  senators  from  Latium? 
Every  place  will  be  crowded  with  these  millionaires, 
whose  ancestors  of  the  second  and  third  generations  at 

480 


On  Granting  the  Citizenship         481 

the  head  of  hostile  tribes  destroyed  our  armies  with  fire 
and  sword,  and  actually  besieged  the  divine  Julius  at 
Alesia.  These  are  recent  memories.  What  if  there  were 
to  rise  up  the  remembrance  of  those  who  fell  hi  Rome's 
citadel  and  at  her  altar  by  the  hands  of  these  same  barba- 
rians! Let  them  enjoy  the  title  of  citizens,  but  let  them 
not  vulgarize  the  distinctions  of  the  senate  and  the  honors 
of  office." 

These  and  like  arguments  failed  to  impress  the  emperor.   Statesman- 

like  views  of 

He  at  once  applied  himself  to  answering  them,  and  thus  the  emperor, 
addressed  the  assembled  senate:  "My  ancestors,  the  most  Tacitus,  A  re- 
ancient  of  whom  was  made  at  once  a  citizen  and  a  noble  of  nals>  X1-  24- 
Rome,  encourage  me  to  govern  by  the  same  policy  of 
transferring  to  this  city  all  conspicuous  merit,  wherever 
found.  .  .  . 

"What  was  the  ruin  of  Sparta  and  Athens  but  this  fault, 
that  mighty  as  they  were  in  war,  they  spurned  from  them 
as  aliens  those  whom  they  had  conquered?  Our  founder 
Romulus,  on  the  other  hand,  was  so  wise  that  on  one  and 
the  same  day  he  fought  as  enemies  and  hailed  as  fellow- 
citizens  several  nations.  Strangers  have  reigned  over  us. 
That  freedmen's  sons  should  be  intrusted  with  public 
offices  is  not,  as  many  people  think,  a  sudden  innovation; 
it  was  a  common  practice  of  the  early  republic.  .  .  . 

"On  the  whole,  if  you  review  all  our  wars,  never  has  one  The  Gauls 

,  •  t  1  vi     ,1       /-       1        are  worthy 

been  finished  in  a  shorter  time  than  that  with  the  L»auls.   0f  the  honor. 
Thenceforth  they  have  preserved  an  unbroken  and  loyal     , 
peace.    United  with  us  as  they  now  are  by  manners,  educa-   JJJ'g?* s8~ 
tion,  and  intermarriage,  let  them  bring  us  their  gold  and 
their  wealth  rather  than  enjoy  it  in  isolation.    Everything, 
senators,  which  we  now  hold  to  be  of  the  highest  antiquity 
was  once  new.    Plebeian  magistrates  came  after  patrician; 
Latin   magistrates   after   plebeian;    magistrates    of   Other 


482        From  Principate  to  Monarchy 


Tacitus,  An- 
nals, xi.  25. 


His  accom- 
plishments 
in  music. 

Suetonius, 
Nero,  20. 

A  ncient 
World,  446-J 


The 

"Golden 

House." 

Suetonius, 
Nero,  31. 


Italian  peoples  after  Latin.  This  practice,  too,  will  estab- 
lish itself,  and  what  we  are  this  day  justifying  by  prec- 
edents will  be  itself  a  precedent." 

The  emperor's  speech  was  followed  by  a  decree  of  the 
senate,  and  the  ^Edui  were  the  first  to  obtain  the  right  of 
becoming  senators  at  Rome. 

II.  Nero's  Tastes 

Among  the  liberal  arts  which  he  was  taught  in  his  youth 
was  music;  and  immediately  after  his  advancement  to 
the  imperial  office,  he  sent  for  Turpnus,  a  harpist  of  the 
highest  reputation,  who  flourished  at  the  time.  After 
sitting  with  him  several  days  as  he  sang  and  played  after 
dinner  till  late  at  night,  Nero  began  gradually  to  practice 
on  the  instrument  himself.  ...  He  made  his  first  public 
appearance  at  Naples;  and  although  the  theatre  quivered 
with  the  sudden  shock  of  an  earthquake,  he  did  not  desist 
until  he  had  finished  the  piece  of  music  he  had  begun.  .  .  . 

At  the  same  time  he  chose  young  men  of  the  equestrian 
rank  and  above  five  thousand  robust  young  fellows  of  the 
common  people,  to  learn  various  kinds  of  applause  .  .  . 
which  they  were  to  practice  in  his  honor  whenever  he 
performed. 

In  nothing  was  he  so  prodigal  as  in  his  buildings.  He 
completed  his  palace  by  extending  it  from  the  Palatine  to 
the  Esquiline  Hill.  At  first  he  called  this  addition  simply 
the  Passage;  but  after  it  was  burned  down  and  rebuilt,  he 
named  it  the  Golden  House.  Of  the  dimensions  and  furni- 
ture it  may  suffice  to  give  the  following  description.  The 
porch  was  so  high  that  there  stood  in  it  a  colossal  statue  of 
Nero  a  hundred  and  twenty  feet  in  height;  and  the  space 
included  in  it  was  so  ample  that  it  had  triple  porticos  a 
mile  in  length,  and  a  lake  like  a  sea,  surrounded  with 


Palace;  Administration  483 

buildings  which  had  the  appearance  of  a  city.  Within  its 
area  were  corn-fields,  vineyards,  pastures,  and  woods, 
which  contained  a  great  number  of  animals  of  various 
kinds  both  tame  and  wild.  In  other  parts  the  palace  was 
entirely  overlaid  with  gold  and  adorned  with  jewels  and 
mother  of  pearl.  The  dining  rooms  were  vaulted,  and 
compartments  of  the  ceilings,  inlaid  with  ivory,  were 
made  to  revolve  and  scatter  flowers;  they  contained  pipes, 
too,  which  shed  unguents  upon  the  guests.  .  .  .  When  he 
dedicated  this  magnificent  building  after  finishing  it,  all 
he  said  in  approval  was,  "Now  I  have  a  dwelling  fit  for  a 
man." 

III.  Nero's  Administration 

The  prince  forbade  by  an  edict  any  magistrate  or  pro-   Gladiatorial 
curator  in  the  government  of  a  province  to  exhibit  a  show  s  ows' 
of  gladiators  or  wild  beasts,  or  indeed  any  other  public  „^lt"1^  '!,"' 
entertainment;  for  hitherto  our  subjects  had  been  as  much 
oppressed  by  such  bribery  as  by  actual  extortion,  while 
governors  sought  to  screen  by  corruption  the  guilty  deeds 
of  arbitrary  caprice. 

That  same  year,  repeated  demands  on  the  part  of  the  Regulation 
people,  who  denounced  the  excessive  greed  of  the  revenue 
collectors,  made  Nero  doubt  whether  he  should  not  order  '  s°' 
the  repeal  of  all  indirect  taxes,  and  so  confer  a  most  splen- 
did boon  on  the  human  race.  But  this  sudden  impulse 
was  checked  by  the  senators  who,  having  first  heartily 
praised  the  grandeur  of  the  conception,  pointed  out  that 
the  dissolution  of  the  empire  must  ensue  if  the  revenues 
which  supported  the  state  were  to  be  diminished;  for  as 
soon  as  the  customs  were  swept  away,  there  would  follow 
a  demand  for  the  abolition  of  the  direct  taxes.  Many  com- 
panies for  the  collection  of  indir<  had  b<  en  formed 


484       From  Principate  to  Monarchy 


The  prince's 
edict. 

lb.  si. 


His  mili- 
tary disci- 
pline. 

Suetonius, 
Vespasian,  8. 

Ancient 

World,  468- 
7i. 

His 

buildings. 

Suetonius, 
Vespasian,  g. 


by  consuls  and  tribunes,  when  the  freedom  of  the  Roman 
people  was  still  in  its  vigor,  and  arrangements  were  subse- 
quently made  to  insure  an  exact  correspondence  between 
the  amount  of  income  and  the  necessary  disbursements. 
Certainly  some  restraint,  they  admitted,  must  be  put  on 
the  cupidity  of  the  revenue  collectors,  that  they  might 
not  by  new  oppressions  bring  into  odium  what  for  so 
many  years  had  been  endured  without  a  complaint. 

Accordingly  the  prince  issued  an  edict  that  the  regula- 
tions about  every  branch  of  the  public  revenue,  which 
had  hitherto  been  kept  secret,  should  be  published;  that 
claims  which  had  been  dropped  should  not  be  revived 
after  a  year;  that  the  praetor  at  Rome,  the  propraetor  or 
proconsul  in  the  provinces,  should  give  judicial  precedence 
to  all  cases  against  the  collectors;  that  the  soldiers  should 
retain  their  immunities  except  when  they  traded  for  a 
profit,  with  other  very  equitable  arrangements,  which 
for  a  short  time  were  maintained  and  were  subsequently 
disregarded. 

IV.  Vespasian's  Administration 

He  let  slip  no  opportunity  for  reforming  the  discipline 
of  the  army.  When  therefore  a  young  man  came  perfumed 
to  thank  the  emperor  for  having  appointed  him  to  com- 
mand a  squadron  of  horse,  Vespasian  turned  away  in  dis- 
gust, and  with  this  sharp  reprimand — "  I  should  prefer  to 
have  you  smell  of  garlic" — revoked  the  commission. 

Among  his  new  public  buildings  was  his  temple  of  Peace 
near  the  Forum,  and  on  the  Caelian  Mount  that  of  Clau- 
dius, which  Agrippina  had  begun  but  Nero  had  almost  de- 
stroyed. A  third  was  an  amphitheatre  in  the  middle  of 
the  city,  for  he  found  that  Augustus  had  planned  such  a 
work.     He  purified  the  senatorial  and  equestrian  ranks, 


Vespasian;  the  Jews  485 

which  had  greatly  fallen  off  in  numbers  and  had  lost  honor 
through  the  neglect  of  his  predecessors.  After  expelling 
the  unworthy,  he  chose  in  their  places  the  most  honorable 
persons  in  Italy. 

An  earnest  patron  of  learning  and  the  liberal  arts,  Ves-   A  patron  of 
pasian  granted  to  the  Latin  and  Greek  professors  of  rhet-    earmng- 
oric  the  yearly  salary  of  a  hundred  thousand  sesterces   f^j£3 
each  from  the  treasury.    He  bought,  too,  the  freedom  of   l8- 
superior  poets  and  artists.  .  .  .     When  some  one  offered 
to  convey  some  immense  columns  into  the  Capitol  at  a 
small  expense  by  a  mechanical  contrivance,  the  emperor 
rewarded  him  very  handsomely  for  the  invention,  but  re- 
fused to  accept  the  service,  saying,  "Suffer  me  to  find 
maintenance  for  the  poor  people." 

V.  How  the  Jews  Avoided  Captivity 

So  great  was  the  zeal  they  were  in  to  slay  their  wives  In  the  siege 
and  children  and  themselves  also.    Nor  indeed,  when  they  {em^o^'D. 
came  to  the  work  itself,  did  their  courage  fail  them,  as  one  j0Sephus, 
might  imagine  it  would  have  done;  but  they  then  held   J,yish  War, 
fast,  without  wavering,  the  same  resolution  which  they 
had  upon  the  hearing  of  Eleazar's  speech.    Yet  every  one   World,  468  f. 
of  them  still  retained  the  natural  passion  of  love  for  them- 
selves and  their  families;  yet  the  reasoning  they  went 
upon  appeared  to  them  to  be  very  just,  even  with  regard  to 
those  that  were  dearest  to  them ;  for  the  husbands  tenderly 
embraced  their  wives  and  took  their  children  into  their 
arms  and  gave  the  longest  parting  kisses  to  them,  with 

tears  in  their  eyes.    Eut  at  the  same  t ime  did  they  complete    ' hl   eve?! 

....  happened  m 

what  they  had  resolved  on,  as  if  they  had  been  exe<  uted   a  fortress  of 

by  the  bands  of  sti angers;  and  they  had  nothing  else  for  ^ty,  while  it 

their  comfort  but  the  necessity  they  were  in  of  doing  this    was  being 

J         J  stormed  l>y 

execution,  to  avoid  the  prospect  they  had  of  the  miseries    the  Roman*. 


486        From  Principate  to  Monarchy 

they  were  to  suffer  from  their  enemies.    Nor  was  there  at 

length  any  one  of  these  men  found  that  scrupled  to  act 

his  part  in  this  terrible  execution;  but  every  one  of  them 

despatched  his  dearest  relations.     Miserable  men  indeed 

were  they!  whose  distress  forced  them  to  slay  their  own 

wives  and  children  with  their  own  hands,  as  the  lightest  of 

those  evils  that  were  before  them.    So  being  not  able  any 

longer  to  bear  the  grief  they  were  under  for  what  they  had 

done,  and  esteeming  it  an  injury  to  those  they  had  slain, 

to  live  even  the  shortest  space  of  time  after  them,  they 

presently  laid  all  they  had  in  a  heap,  and  set  fire  to  it. 

Mntual  self-       They  then  chose  the  men  by  lot  out  of  their  number,  to 
destruction.  "l  J 

slay  all  the  rest;  every  one  of  whom  laid  himself  down  by 

his  wife  and  children  on  the  ground,  and  threw  his  arms 
about  them,  and  they  offered  their  necks  to  the  stroke  of 
those  who  by  lot  executed  that  melancholy  office;  and 
when  these  ten  had  without  fear  executed  them  all,  they 
made  the  same  rule  for  casting  lots  for  themselves,  that  he 
whose  lot  it  was  should  first  kill  the  other  nine,  and  at  last 
should  kill  himself.  Accordingly,  all  these  had  courage 
sufficient  to  be  in  no  way  behind  one  another  in  doing  or 
suffering;  hence,  for  a  conclusion,  the  nine  offered  their 
necks  to  the  executioner,  and  he  who  was  the  last  of  all 
took  a  view  of  all  the  other  bodies,  lest  perchance  some  one 
among  so  many  that  were  slain  should  want  his  assistance 
to  be  quite  despatched;  and  when  he  perceived  that  they 
were  all  slain,  he  set  fire  to  the  palace  and  with  the  great 
force  of  his  hand  ran  his  sword  entirely  through  himself, 
and  fell  down  dead  near  his  own  relations.  So  these  people 
died  with  this  intention,  that  they  might  not  leave  so  much 
as  one  soul  among  them  all  alive  to  be  subject  to  the  Ro- 
mans. Yet  was  there  an  ancient  woman,  and  another  who 
was  kin  of  Eleazar,  and  superior  to  most  women  in  pru- 


within. 


Few  Survivors  487 

clence  and  learning,  with  five  children,  who  had  concealed 
themselves  in  caverns  under  ground,  and  had  carried  water 
thither  for  their  drink,  and  were  hidden  there  when  the 
rest  were  intent  upon  the  slaughter  of  one  another.  Those 
others  were  nine  hundred  and  sixty  in  number,  the  women 
and  children  being  withal  included  in  that  computation. 
This  calamitous  slaughter  was  made  on  the  fifteenth  day 
of  the  month  Nisan. 

Now  for  the  Romans,  they  expected  fighting  in  the  What  the 
morning.  When  accordingly  they  put  on  their  armor,  and  found 
laid  bridges  of  planks  upon  their  ladders  from  the  banks, 
they  made  an  assault  upon  the  fortress;  yet  saw  they  no 
enemy,  but  a  terrible  solitude  on  every  side,  with  a  fire 
within  the  place,  as  well  as  a  perfect  silence.  So  they  were 
at  a  loss  to  guess  at  what  had  happened.  At  length  they 
made  a  shout,  as  if  it  had  been  at  a  blow  given  by  the 
battering-ram,  to  try  whether  they  could  bring  any  one  out 
that  was  within.  The  women  heard  this  noise,  and  came 
out  of  their  underground  cavern,  and  informed  the  Ro- 
mans what  had  been  done,  and  the  second  of  them  clearly 
described  all,  both  what  was  said  and  what  was  done,  and 
the  manner  of  it;  yet  did  they  not  easily  give  their  atten- 
tion to  such  a  desperate  undertaking,  and  did  not  believe 
it  could  be  as  they  said.  They  also  attempted  to  put  the 
fire  out,  and  quickly  cutting  themselves  a  way  through  it, 
they  came  within  the  palace,  and  so  met  with  the  multi- 
tude of  the  slain,  but  could  take  no  pleasure  in  the  fact, 
though  it  were  done  to  their  enemies.  Nor  could  they  do 
other  than  wonder  at  the  courage  of  their  resolution,  and 
the  immovable  contempt  of  death  which  so  great  a  num- 
ber of  them  had  shown  when  they  went  through  with  such 
an  action  as  that  was. 


488        From  Principate  to  Monarchy 


VI.  An  Event  in  the  Principate  of  Titus 

During  many  days  there  had  been  shocks  of  an  earth- 
quake, which  alarmed  us  little,  as  they  are  frequent  in 
Campania;  but  they  were  so  violent  that  night  that  they 
not  only  shook  everything  about  us,  but  seemed  in  fact  to 
threaten  total  destruction.  My  mother  flew  to  my  room, 
where  she  found  me  rising  in  order  to  awaken  her.  We 
went  out  into  a  small  court  belonging  to  the  house,  which 
separated  the  sea  from  the  building.  It  was  now  morning, 
but  the  light  was  very  faint  and  languid;  the  buildings  all 
round  us  tottered,  and  though  we  stood  on  open  ground, 
yet  as  the  place  was  narrow  and  confined,  there  was  no 
remaining  without  imminent  danger. 

We  therefore  resolved  to  leave  the  town.  The  people 
followed  us  in  the  utmost  consternation,  and  pressed  in 
great  crowds  about  us  on  our  way  out.  After  going  a  con- 
venient distance  from  the  houses,  we  stood  still  in  the  midst 
of  a  most  dangerous  and  awe-inspiring  scene.  The  car- 
riages we  had  ordered  to  be  drawn  out  were  so  agitated 
backward  and  forward,  though  on  the  most  level  ground, 
that  we  could  not  keep  them  steady  even  by  supporting 
them  with  large  stones.  The  sea  seemed  to  roll  back  upon 
itself,  and  to  be  driven  from  its  banks  by  the  convulsive 
motions  of  the  earth.  Certainly  the  shore  was  consider- 
ably enlarged  and  several  sea-animals  were  left  on  it.  On 
the  other  hand,  a  black  and  dreadful  cloud,  bursting  with 
fiery,  serpentine  vapor,  darted  out  a  long  train  of  flame, 
which  resembled  flashes  of  lightning,  but  were  much  lar- 
ger. .  .  . 

Soon  afterward  the  cloud  seemed  to  descend,  and  cover 
the  whole  ocean;  as  in  fact  it  entirely  hid  the  island  of 
Capreae  and  the  promontory  of  Misenum.    My  mother  con- 


Fleeing  from  Rain  489 

jured  me  to  make  my  escape^t  any  rate,  which,  as  I  was 
young,  I  might  easily  accomplish.  As  for  herself,  she  said, 
her  age  and  corpulency  rendered  all  attempts  of  that  sort 
impossible;  she  would  willingly  meet  death,  however,  if  she 
could  have  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  that  she  was  not  the 
occasion  of  mine.  But  I  absolutely  refused  to  leave  her; 
and  taking  her  by  the  hand,  I  led  her  on.  She  complied 
with  great  reluctance,  and  not  without  many  reproaches  to 
herself  for  being  the  cause  of  retarding  my  flight.  The 
ashes  now  began  to  fall  upon  us,  though  in  no  great  quan- 
tity. I  turned  my  head  and  saw  behind  us  a  thick  smoke, 
which  came  rolling  after  us  like  a  torrent.  I  proposed  while 
we  had  yet  any  light,  to  turn  out  of  the  high  road,  lest  she 
should  be  pressed  to  death  in  the  dark  by  the  crowd  which 
followed  us. 

We  had  scarcely  stepped  out  of  the  path,  when  darkness  In  total 
overspread  us,  not  like  that  of  a  cloudy  night,  or  when  there 
is  no  moon,  but  of  a  room  when  it  is  shut  up  and  all  the 
lights  extinct.  Nothing  then  was  to  be  heard  but  the 
shrieks  of  women,  the  screams  of  children,  and  the  cries  of 
men.  Some  were  calling  for  their  children,  others  for  their 
parents,  others  for  their  husbands;  they  distinguished  one 
another  only  by  the  voice.  One  was  lamenting  his  own 
fate,  another  that  of  his  family;  some  were  wishing  to  die 
from  very  fear  of  dying;  some  were  lifting  their  hands  to 
the  gods;  but  the  greater  number  imagined  that  the  last 
and  eternal  night  had  come,  to  destroy  the  gods  and  the 
world  together.  .  .  . 

At  length  a  glimmering  light  appeared,  which  we  imag- 
ined to  be  the  forerunner  of  an  approaching  burst  of  flame 
rather  than  the  return  of  day,  and  in  this  respect  we  were 
right.  The  fire  fell  at  a  distance  from  us,  however,  and 
then  we  were  immersed  in  thick  darkness;  a  heavy  shower 


Fire  and 
ashes. 


49©        From   Principate  to  Monarchy 

of  ashes  fell  upon  us,  which  we  were  obliged  every  now  and 
then  to  shake  off,  otherwise  we  should  have  been  over- 
whelmed and  buried  in  a  heap.  ...  At  last  this  terrible 
darkness  gradually  faded,  like  a  cloud  of  smoke;  the  real 
day  returned  and  even  the  sun  appeared,  though  very 
faintly,  just  as  when  an  eclipse  is  coming  on.  Every  ob- 
ject which  presented  itself  seemed  changed,  for  it  was  cov- 
ered with  white  ashes,  as  with  a  deep  snow. 


VII.  The  Administration  of  Britain  under  Domitian 

Appointed  governor  of  Britain,  Agricola  chose  rather  to 
confer  offices  and  employments  upon  such  as  would  not 
offend,  than  to  condemn  those  who  had  offended.  The 
expense  resulting  from  an  increase  of  the  military  tribunes 
he  made  easier  by  a  just  and  equal  assessment;  he  abolished 
those  private  exactions  which  were  more  grievous  than  the 
taxes  themselves.  For  the  inhabitants  had  been  compelled 
in  mockery  to  sit  by  their  own  locked-up  granaries,  to  buy 
corn  needlessly,  and  to  sell  it  again  at  a  stated  price.  Long 
and  difficult  journeys  had  also  been  imposed  upon  them; 
for  the  several  districts,  instead  of  being  allowed  to  supply 
the  nearest  winter  quarters,  were  forced  to  carry  their  corn 
to  remote  and  out-of-the-way  places.  Thus  what  was  easy 
for  all  to  procure  was  converted  into  an  article  of  gain  to  a 
few. 

By  suppressing  these  abuses  in  the  first  year  of  his 
administration,  he  established  a  favorable  idea  of  peace, 
which  through  the  negligence  or  oppression  of  earlier  rulers, 
had  been  no  less  dreaded  than  war. 

In  order  by  a  taste  of  pleasure  to  reclaim  the  natives 
from  that  rude  and  unsettled  state  which  prompted  them 
to  war,  and  win  them  to  peace  and  quiet,  he  induced  them 


Provincial  Administration  491 

by  private  urging  and  public  encouragements  to  erect  Tacitus, 
temples,  courts  of  justice,  and  dwelling-houses.  He  be- 
stowed praise  upon  those  who  were  prompt  in  carrying  out 
his  intention,  and  reprimanded  the  slow.  In  this  way  he 
promoted  the  spirit  of  emulation  which  had  all  the  force 
of  necessity. 

Preferring  the  natural  genius  of  the  Britons  to  the  attain- 
ments of  the  Gauls,  he  took  care  to  provide  a  liberal  educa- 
tion for  the  sons  of  the  chieftains.  .  .  .  These  attempts 
met  wdth  such  success  that  they  who  lately  disdained  to  use 
the  Roman  language  were  now  ambitious  to  become  elo- 
quent. Hence  they  began  to  hold  the  Roman  dress  in 
honor  and  to  wear  the  toga. 

Domitian's  greatest  dread  was  that  the  name  of  a  Retirement 
private  person  might  be  exalted  above  that  of  a  prince. 
Agricola  had  delivered  the  province  in  peace  and  security   A^^  ,«. 
to  his  successor;  and  lest  his  entrance  into  the  city  might  Ib 
be  rendered  too  conspicuous  by  the  gathering  and  the  ac- 
clamations of  the  people,  he  declined  the  salutations  of  his 
friends  by  arriving  in  the  night;  and  he  went  by  night,  as  he 
was  commanded,  to  the  palace.    There  after  being  received 
with  a  slight  embrace  but  with  not  a  word  spoken,  he  was 
compelled  to  mingle  with  the  servile  throng. 


B.  LIFE  UNDER  THE  EARLY  PRINCES 
I.  The  Rise  of  a  Freedman 


But  to  continue  what  I  was  saying,  my  good  manage-  His  earlier 
ment  brought  me  to  my  present  good  fortune.    I  was  only 
as  big  as  the  candlestick  here  when  I  came  from  Asia;  in    '/•i.!,.'/','('('/u,','/- 
fact  I  used  to  measure  myself  by  it  every  day  and  I  snu  ared    Trimalckio. 
my  lips  with  the  lamp  oil  to  gel  a  beard  on  my  <  bin  .-ill  the 


492        From  Prineipate  to  Monarchy 

sooner.  Still  for  fourteen  years  I  was  my  master's  favorite. 
And  where's  the  disgrace  in  doing  what  one's  master  tells 
one?  All  the  same  I  managed  to  get  into  my  mistress' 
good  graces  too.  .  .  . 

But  by  heaven's  help  I  became  master  in  the  house  and 
then  I  took  in,  my  fool  of  a  lord.  Next  he  made  me  co- 
legatee  with  the  prince  to  his  property  and  I  got  a  senator's 
fortune.  But  no  one  is  ever  satisfied  and  I  wanted  to  get 
into  business.  To  cut  it  short,  I  built  five  ships  and  loaded 
them  with  a  cargo  of  wine;  it  was  worth  its  weight  in  gold 
at  that  time  and  I  sent  it  to  Rome.  You  would  have 
thought  I  ordered  my  bad  luck:  every  ship  was  wrecked, 
it's  a  fact,  not  a  story.  In  one  day  Neptune  swallowed  up 
a  quarter  of  a  million.  Do  you  think  I  failed?  No,  I 
swear  the  loss  only  whetted  my  appetite,  as  if  nothing  had 
ever  happened.  I  built  more  ships,  larger,  better,  and 
luckier  ones,  so  no  one  could  say  I  was  not  a  bold  fellow. 
You  know,  a  great  ship  has  great  strength  in  itself.  I 
loaded  them  with  wine  again,  bacon,  beans,  perfumes,  and 
slaves.  At  this  crisis  Fortunata  did  the  pious  thing:  she 
sold  all  her  jewelry  and  dresses  and  put  in  my  hands  a 
hundred  gold  pieces.  This  was  the  leaven  which  made  my 
fortunes  rise.  The  gods'  wishes  are  soon  fulfilled.  By  one 
trip  I  cleared  a  round  ninety  thousand  pounds.  I  imme- 
diately bought  back  all  the  estates  that  had  belonged  to 
my  patron.  I  built  a  mansion  and  bought  up  beasts  to  sell 
at  a  profit;  everything  I  touched  grew  like  a  honeycomb. 
Once  I  was  worth  more  than  all  the  citizens  of  my  native 
town  put  together,  no  more  of  that  for  me;  I  withdrew 
from  the  business  and  started  money-lending,  financing 
freedmen.  I  must  admit,  exactly  when  I  was  wanting  to 
discontinue  my  trading,  I  was  urged  to  do  so  by  an  astrol- 
oger who  had  just  come  to  our  town,  a  Greek  fellow  called 


A  Quickly  Made  Croesus  493 

Serapa,  clever  enough  to  3it  in  the  councils  of  the  gods. 
Well  this  man  actually  mentioned  events  which  had 
slipped  my  own  memory:  he  told  me  everything  as  pat  as 
needle  and  thread:  he  seemed  able  to  see  my  very  insides 
and  told  me  everything  except  what  I'd  had  for  dinner  the 
day  before.  You'd  have  thought  he'd  lived  with  me  al- 
ways. 

I  ask  you,  Habinnas,  you  were  there  with  us,  I  believe,   Predictions 
when  he  said:  "  You  used  your  wealth  to  get  your  wife:  you  fortune- 
are  unlucky  in  your  friends:  no  one  is  ever  half  as  grate-  teller- 
ful  to  you  as  he  ought  to  be:  you  own  broad  acres:  you  are 
nourishing  a  snake  in  your  bosom."    And,  well,  I  really 
don't  see  why  I  shouldn't  tell  you,  I've  still  got  thirty 
years,  four  months  and  two  days  to  live,  and  I  shall  soon 
have  a  legacy  left  me.    That's  what  my  fortune  tells  me. 
But  if  I  am  allowed  to  extend  my  estates  to  Apulia,  I 
shall  have  lived  long  enough  and  well  enough.    Meantime 
with  the  help  of  ever-watchful  Mercury  I  have  built  this 
residence.    As  you  know,  it  was  once  a  cottage,  and  now  it 
is  fit  for  a  god.     It's  got  four  dining-halls,  twenty  bed- 
rooms, two  marble  colonnades,  a  dining-room  upstairs,  my 
own  bedroom,  this  viper's  boudoir,  an  excellent  porter's   Reference  is 
lodge,  and  a  suite  of  spare  rooms  for  guests.    In  fact  when 
Scaurus  came  he  didn't  want  to  put  up  anywhere  else 
though  he's  got  things  which  I'll  show  you  presently.     I 
assure  you,  if  you've  only  a  penny  you're  only  valued  at 
a  penny;  if  you've  got  something,  you'll  be  thought  wort!; 
something.    And  so  your  humble  servant,  who  was  onci-  a 
mere  worm,  is  now  a  Croesus.    Meantime,  Stichus,  bring 
out  my  winding-sheet  in  which  I  am  to  be  buried,  and  also 
the  perfume  and  just  a  taste  from  that  jar  oi   wine,  in 
which  my  bones  are  to  be  washed- 


494        From  Principate  to   Monarchy 


To  mother. 

From  an  in- 
scription. 

Translated 
by  Miss 
Rachel  R. 
Hiller. 

This  eulogy 
to  a  deceased 
mother  he- 
longs  to  the 
Augustan 
age. 


A  model  wife 
and  mother. 


II.  Eulogy  on  Murdia 

As  an  honor  to  Murdia,  the  daughter  of  Lucius,  my 
mother.  May  her  good  qualities  by  their  inherent  strength 
be  such  an  aid  to  others  that  they  may  in  consequence  be 
stronger  and  better.  She  divided  her  property  equally 
among  her  sons  and  gave  a  fair  portion  to  her  daughter. 
The  love  of  the  mother  was  evident  from  her  devotion  to 
her  children  and  from  the  equal  distribution  of  her  prop- 
erty. To  my  stepfather,  she  bequeathed  a  fixed  sum  that 
the  customary  dowry  might  be  increased  by  a  free  gift. 
Mindful  of  my  own  father,  and  faithful  to  him,  after  an 
appraisal  of  the  property,  she  made  special  bequests  to 
me,  not  preferring  me  to  my  brothers  to  their  discredit; 
but  recalling  my  father's  generosity  to  me,  she  decided 
that  that  portion  which  she  had  taken  from  my  inheritance 
under  the  influence  of  the  second  husband,  ought  to  be 
returned,  so  that  guarded  by  her  care,  it  was  restored  to 
my  property. 

She  herself  determined,  as  she  had  been  given  in  mar- 
riage by  her  parents  to  worthy  men,  she  would  be  obedient 
and  honest;  as  a  wife  to  the  deserving  she  would  become 
more  acceptable;  through  her  fidelity,  she  would  be  re- 
garded the  dearer;  through  her  judgment,  the  more  ex- 
cellent; after  her  death,  she  would  be  worthy  of  universal 
praise  since  the  distribution  of  her  property  would  show  a 
sweet  and  faithful  spirit  toward  her  husbands,  a  uniform 
treatment  of  her  children,  in  very  truth  her  sense  of  justice. 
Wherefore,  since  the  praise  of  all  good  women  is  wont  to 
be  of  the  same  simple  character,  for  their  natural  good 
qualities,  preserved  through  their  own  care,  do  not  call 
for  a  diversity  of  words;  and  since  they  have  all  by  their 
fair  fame,  made  the  same  qualities  worthy;  and  since  it 


Social  Life  495 

is  a  difficult  matter  to  bestow  new  praises  upon  a  woman 
because  her  life  has  been  exposed  to  fewer  changes,  never- 
theless the  good  qualities  common  to  humanity  must  of 
necessity  be  cherished,  lest  a  neglect  of  any  form  of  right 
conduct  debase  all  other  praise,  because  in  discretion, 
honesty,  modesty,  obedience,  domestic  duties,  diligence, 
and  fidelity,  she  was  the  equal  of  other  excellent  women, 
and  she  yielded  to  no  one  in  times  of  trial,  during  which 
she  proved  her  virtue,  her  ability  to  endure  hardships 
and  her  wisdom,  thus  preparing  for  herself  a  memory 
distinguished  above  all,  certainly  second  to  none. 

III.  Letters  and  Documents 

Sarapion  to  our  Heraclides,  greeting.     I  sent  you  two  To  a  young 

other  letters,  one  by  the  hand  of  Ncdymus,  one  by  the  ™*uy  *™~ 

hand  of  Cronius  the  sword-bearer.    Finally  then  I  received  barrassed. 

from  Arabs  the  letter,  and  I  read  it  and  was  grieved.    Stick   Milligan, 

Greek  Papyn, 

to  Ptollarion  constantly:  perhaps  he  can  set  you  free,    bay  39  f. 

to  him:  "I  am  not  like  any  one  else,  I  am  a  lad.    With  the   4I  a.D. 
exception  of  a  talent  I  have  made  you  to  pay  my  bur-  JJ™'1 
dens,  .  .  .     We  have  many  creditors:  do  not  drive  us   I 

'  J  .  the  chief 

out."  Ask  him  daily:  perhaps  he  can  have  pity  on  you:  creditor  of 
if  not,  do  you,  like  all,  beware  of  the  Jews.  Rather  stick 
to  him  (Ptollarion),  and  so  you  may  become  his  friend. 
Notice  that  the  document  can  be  signed  either  by  Diodorus 
or  by  the  wife  of  the  ruler.  If  you  manage  your  own 
affairs,  you  are  not  to  be  blamed.  Greet  Diodorus  with 
the  others.    Goodbye.  Greet  Harpocrates. 

Agreement  between  Tryphon,   son   of  Dionysius,   the  Contract^ 

son  of  Tryphon,  his  mother  being  Thamounis  the  daughter  ship, 

of  Onnophris,  and  Ptolemseus,  Pausirion,  the  son  Mniigao,  54. 

of  Ptolermeus,  his  mother  being  Ophelous,  the  daughter  ' 


496       From  Principate  to  Monarchy 

of  Theon,  weaver,  both  parties  belonging  to  the  city  of 
Oxyrhynchus.  Tryphon  agrees  to  apprentice  to  Ptole- 
maeus his  son  Thoonis,  his  mother  being  Saraeus  the  daugh- 
ter of  Apion,  who  is  not  yet  of  age,  for  a  period  of  one 
year  from  the  present  day,  to  serve  and  to  do  everything 
commanded  him  by  Ptolemaeus  in  accordance  with  the 
whole  weaving  art,  as  also  he  himself  knows  it — the  boy 
being  supported  and  clothed  during  the  whole  time  by 
his  father  Tryphon,  on  whom  also  all  the  public  dues  for 
the  boy  shall  fall,  on  condition  that  Ptolemaeus  shall  give 
him  monthly  on  account  of  his  keep  five  drachmas,  and 
at  the  expiry  of  the  whole  period  on  account  of  his  cloth- 
ing twelve  drachmas,  it  not  being  permitted  to  Tryphon 
to  remove  the  boy  from  Ptolemaeus  until  the  time  is  com- 
pleted. And  if  there  are  any  days  during  this  period  on 
which  he  (the  boy)  plays  truant,  he  (Tryphon)  will  produce 
him  for  an  equal  number  of  days  after  the  time,  or  let 
him  pay  back  for  each  day  one  silver  drachma,  and  the 
penalty  for  removing  him  within  the  period  shall  be  a 
hundred  drachmas  and  a  like  amount  to  the  public  treas- 
ury. But  if  Ptolemaeus  himself  does  not  teach  the  boy 
thoroughly,  let  him  be  liable  to  the  like  penalties.  This 
contract  of  apprenticeship  is  valid.  The  13  th  year  of 
Nero  Claudius  Caesar  Augustus  Germanicus  Imperator, 
the  month  Sebastus,  21. 

I  Ptolemaeus,  son  of  Pausirion,  the  son  of  Ptolemaeus, 
my  mother  being  Ophelous  the  daughter  of  Theon,  will 
carry  out  each  of  these  requirements  in  the  one  year. 

I  Zoilus,  son  of  Horus,  the  son  of  Zoilus,  my  mother 
being  Dieus  daughter  of  Socceus,  write  on  his  behalf  seeing 
that  he  does  not  know  letters.  The  13th  year  of  Nero 
Claudius  Caesar  Augustus  Germanicus  Imperator,  the 
month  Sebastus  21. 


Correspondence 


497 


Hermocrates  to  Chasms  his  son,  greeting.  First  of  all  I 
pray  that  you  may  be  in  health  .  .  .  and  I  beg  you  .  .  . 
to  write  regarding  your  health  and  whatever  you  wish. 
Already  indeed  I  have  written  you  regarding  the  .  .  .  , 
and  you  neither  answered  nor  came,  and  now,  if  you  do 
not  come,  I  run  the  risk  of  losing  the  lot  (of  land)  which 
I  possess.  Our  partner  has  taken  no  share  in  the  work, 
for  not  only  was  the  well  not  cleaned  out,  but  in  addition 
the  water-channel  was  choked  with  sand,  and  the  whole 
land  is  untilled.  No  tenant  was  willing  to  work  it,  only 
I  continue  paying  the  public  taxes  without  getting  back 
anything  in  return.  There  is  hardly  a  single  plot  that  the 
water  will  irrigate.  Therefore  you  must  come,  otherwise 
there  is  a  risk  that  the  plants  perish.  Your  sister  Helene 
greets  you,  and  your  mother  reproaches  you  because  you 
have  never  answered  her.  ...  I  pray  that  you  may  be 
well.    Pauni  9. 

(Addressed) 

Deliver  from  Hermocrates  to  Chaeras  his  son. 


To  a  dila- 
tory son. 

Milligan,  60. 

First  century 
A.I/. 


Didymus  to  his  most  esteemed  Apollonius  greeting.  An  invita- 

Please  accompany  Ailourion,  who  conveys  this  letter  festival, 

to  you,  in  order  that  he  may  buy  for  us  young  pigeons  for  MiUigan>  b<J> 

the  feast.    You  are  also  invited  to  come  down  and  feasl  s'  x  '' 
along  with  us.    If  you  do  this,  you  will  have  laid  up  a 
great  store  of  gratitude  at  my  hands.    Greet  all  your  house- 
hold.   Goodbye. 

The  third  year  of  the  Imperator  Caesar  Domitian  Augus-  The  1 

J  L  ti.m  month 

tus  Germanicus,  Pachon  15.  1 

/Aii  a\  A|,ril  2(i~ 

(Addressed)  M.i;. 

Deliver  at  Bacchias  to  the  most  esteemed  Apollonius. 


498        From  Principate  to  Monarchy 


Falling 
houses. 

Juvenal, 
Satires,  iii. 


Scene  at  a 
lire;  Ucale- 
gon  burned 
out. 


"  Buy  a 
country 
home." 


(The  Pytha- 
goreans were 
vegetarians; 
Greece,  95.) 


"You  can- 
not sleep  in 
Rome." 

(The  em- 
peror Clau- 
dius Drusus 
and  the  sea- 


IV.  City  and  Country  Life  Contrasted 

Who  fears,  or  ever  has  feared,  the  falling  of  a  house  at 
cool  Praeneste,  or  at  Volsinii  seated  among  the  wooded 
hills,  or  at  primitive  Gabii,  or  on  the  heights  of  sloping 
Tibur?  We  inhabit  a  city  propped  up  to  a  great  extent 
with  thin  buttresses ;  for  in  this  way  the  steward  prevents 
the  houses  from  falling;  and  when  he  has  plastered  over 
the  gaping  of  an  old  crack,  he  bids  us  sleep  secure,  with 
ruin  overhanging  us.  The  place  to  live  in  is  where  there 
are  no  fires,  no  nocturnal  alarms. 

Already  Ucalegon  is  calling  for  water,  already  he  is 
removing  his  chattels,  already  your  third  story  is  smoking: 
you  yourself  know  nothing  about  it;  for  if  the  alarm  begins 
from  the  bottom  of  the  stairs,  he  will  be  the  last  to  burn 
whom  the  tiling  alone  protects  from  the  rain,  where  the 
soft  doves  lay  their  eggs. 

If  you  are  capable  of  being  torn  away  from  the  games 
of  the  Circus,  an  excellent  house  can  be  procured  at  Sora, 
or  Fabrateria,  or  Frusino,  for  the  same  price  at  which  you 
now  hire  a  dark  hole  for  a  single  year.  There  you  have  a 
little  garden;  and  a  shallow  well,  that  does  not  require  to 
be  worked  with  a  rope,  irrigates  your  tender  plants  with 
easy  draught.  Live  in  love  with  your  hoe,  and  be  the 
overseer  of  your  own  trim  garden,  from  which  you  could 
furnish  a  banquet  for  a  hundred  Pythagoreans.  It  is 
something,  in  whatever  place,  to  have  made  yourself  the 
owner  of  a  single  lizard. 

Many  a  sick  man  here  dies  from  want  of  sleep,  the  indis- 
position itself  having  been  produced  by  food  undigested, 
and  clinging  to  the  fevered  stomach.  For  what  hired  lodg- 
ings allow  of  sleep?  Rich  men  alone  can  sleep  in  the  city. 
Hence  the  origin  of  the  disease.    The  passage  of  carriages 


The  Unpleasantness  of  Rome        499 

in  the  narrow  windings  of  the  streets,  and  the  abuse  of  the  calves  were 
drovers  of  the  herds,  when  they  are  brought  to  a  stand,   sleepers.) 
would  rob  of  sleep  even  Drusus  and  the  sea-calves. 

If  invited  to  a  "function,"  the  rich  man  will  be  carried  The  rich  in 
through  the  yielding  crowd,  and  will  speed  over  their  heads  poor  on  foot, 
on  his  huge  Liburnian  bearers,  and  will  read  on  his  way, 
or  write,  or  even  sleep  inside;  for  a  litter  with  closed  win- 
dows is  productive  of  sleep.  Yet  he  will  arrive  before  us; 
we,  in  our  hurry,  are  impeded  by  a  wave  in  front,  while 
the  multitude  which  follows  us  presses  on  our  sides  in 
dense  array;  one  strikes  me  with  his  elbow,  another  with 
a  hard  pole,  one  knocks  a  beam  against  my  head,  another 
a  wine- jar.  My  legs  are  sticky  with  mud;  before  long  I 
am  trodden  on  upon  all  sides  by  large  feet,  and  the  hob- 
nails of  a  soldier  stick  into  my  toe.  .  .  . 

Observe  now  the  different  and  distinct  dangers  of  the  The  dan- 
gers of  the 
night;  what  a  height  it  is  to  the  lofty  house-tops,  from  night;  faii- 

which  a  piece  of  pottery  strikes  your  pate  as  often  as  mg  po 
cracked  and  broken  utensils  fall  from  the  windows;  with 
what  a  weight  they  dint  and  damage  the  flint  pavement 
when  they  strike  it.  You  may  well  be  accounted  remiss 
and  improvident  about  a  sudden  accident,  if  you  go  out 
to  supper  without  having  made  your  will.  .  .  . 

(The  drunken  and  insolent  fellow)  despises  me,  whom   Drunkards, 
the  moon  escorts  home,  or  the  dim  light  of  a  candle,  whose   and  foot- 
wick  I  regulate  and  husband.    Mark  the  preliminaries  of  pads- 
the  wretched  brawl,  if  brawl  it  be,  where  he  strikes  and  I 
alone  am  beaten.     He  stands  facing  you,  and  orders  you 
to  stand;  you  must  needs  obey,  for  what  are  you  to  do 
when  a  madman  forces  you,  an<l   he   too  stronger   than 
yourself?    "Whence  do  you  com<  :?"  he  exclaims.    "Willi 
whose  vinegar,  with  wl  r<  you  gorged?    What 

cobbler  cut  leeks  or  sod  bead  with  you?     I><> 


country. 


500        From   Principate  to  Monarchy 

you  answer  me  nothing?  Speak,  or  be  kicked!  Tell  me 
where  you  take  up  your  begging-stand ;  in  what  synagogue 
am  I  to  look  for  you?"  It  is  all  the  same  whether  you 
try  to  say  anything,  or  draw  back  in  silence;  the)'  beat 
you  just  the  same;  then,  as  if  in  passion,  they  try  to  make 
you  give  bail.  This  is  the  liberty  of  a  poor  man;  after 
being  beaten  he  prays,  and  after  being  thrashed  with  fisty- 
cuffs,  he  entreats  to  be  allowed  to  retire  from  the  scene 
with  a  few  teeth  left  him.  Nor  yet  are  such  things  all 
you  have  to  fear;  for  there  will  not  be  wanting  one  who 
will  plunder  you  after  the  houses  are  closed,  and  in  all 
directions  the  fastenings  of  the  chained-up  shops  are  fixed 
and  at  rest.  .  .  . 
"Offforthe  To  these  reasons  (for  disliking  city  life)  I  could  add 
many  others;  but  my  steeds  summon  me,  and  the  sun  is 
declining;  I  must  be  off  (for  the  country). 

STUDIES 

A.  1.  Describe  the  appearance  of  Claudius.  What  proves  him 
broad-minded?  What  points  does  he  make  in  his  speech  to  the 
senate? 

2.  Of  what  does  Nero  seem  to  have  been  especially  fond?  De- 
scribe his  new  palace. 

3.  What  administrative  measures  are  here  mentioned?  Were  they 
wise  or  the  contrary? 

4.  What  is  noteworthy  in  Vespasian's  administration? 

5.  What  do  we  learn  from  Josephus  regarding  the  besieged  Jews? 
Was  their  conduct  creditable?  Who  was  Josephus  and  what  was  the 
source  of  his  knowledge? 

6.  Describe  the  eruption  of  Vesuvius  as  Pliny  saw  it. 

7.  Give  an  account  of  Agricola's  reforms  in  Britain.  Why  was  he 
recalled? 

B.  1.  How  was  a  fortune  amassed  by  the  freedman  Trimalchio? 
Describe  his  character. 

2.  What  kind  of  woman  was  Murdia?  What  is  the  writer's  ideat 
woman? 


Studies  501 

3.  From  these  letters  and  documents  write  out  all  the  points  that 
can  be  made  regarding  social  and  business  life  in  Egypt  during  this 
period? 

4.  What  are  the  relative  advantages  of  city  and  country  life  as 
pictured  by  Juvenal? 


CHAPTER   XL 


The  finances 

Of   3.    I:    Jili 

cipium. 

Pliny,  Let- 
ters, x.  i 6  (or 

28). 

The  corre- 
spondence 
covers  a 
much  wider 
range  of  sub- 
jects than 
can  be  repre- 
sented here. 

"Send  a 
surveyor." 


THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  FIVE  GOOD  EMPERORS 

I.  Trajan's  Correspondence  with  Pliny,  Governor 
of   Bithynia 

To  the  Emperor  Trajan: 

I  am  at  present  engaged  in  examining  the  finances  of  the 
Prusenses,  their  disbursements  and  credits;  and  the  farther 
I  proceed  in  this  affair,  the  more  I  am  convinced  of  the 
necessity  of  my  inquiry.  Several  considerable  sums  of 
money  are  owing  to  the  city  from  private  persons,  who  on 
various  pretences  neglect  to  pay  the  debts.  On  the  other 
hand,  I  find  the  public  funds  are  in  some  instances  un- 
warrantably applied. 

This,  Sir,  I  write  to  you  immediately  on  my  arrival.  I 
entered  this  province  on  the  seventeenth  of  September, 
and  found  it  in  those  sentiments  of  obedience  and  loyalty 
which  you  justly  merit  from  all  mankind.  You  will  con- 
sider, Sir,  whether  it  would  not  be  proper  to  send  hither 
a  surveyor;  for  I  am  inclined  to  think  much  might  be  de- 
ducted from  what  is  charged  by  those  who  have  the  con- 
duct of  public  works,  if  an  accurate  measurement  were 
to  be  taken. 


Trajan  to  Pliny: 

The  people  of  that  province  will  be  convinced,  I  persuade 
myself,  that  I  am  attentive  to  their  interests;  as  your  con- 
duct toward  them  will  make  it  clear  that  I  could  have 
chosen  no  person  better  fitted  (o  supply  my  place.  ...     I 

502 


Provision  against  Fires 


5o3 


have  scarcely  surveyors  enough  to  inspect  those  works  Letters,  x.  17 

.  .  (or  29). 

which  I  am  carrying  on  in  Rome  and  the  neighborhood; 
but  persons  of  integrity  and  skill  in  this  art  may  be  found 
most  certainly  in  every  province,  if  you  will  make  due 
inquiry. 


To  the  Emperor  Trajan: 

While  I  was  making  a  journey  in  a  different  part  of  the 
province,  a  most  destructive  fire  broke  out  at  Nicomedia, 
which  consumed  not  only  several  private  houses,  but  also 
two  public  buildings, — the  town  house  and  the  temple  of 
Isis,  though  they  stood  on  opposite  sides  of  the  street. 
The  cause  of  its  spreading  thus  wide  was  partly  the  violence 
of  the  wind,  and  partly  the  indolence  of  the  people,  who, 
it  appears,  stood  fixed  and  idle  spectators  of  this  terrible 
calamity.  The  truth  is  that  the  city  was  not  furnished 
with  engines,  buckets,  or  any  single  instrument  for  ex- 
tinguishing fires.  I  have  now,  however,  given  directions 
to  provide  this  apparatus. 

You  will  consider,  Sir,  whether  it  may  not  be  advisable 
to  form  a  company  of  firemen,  consisting  of  only  a  hundred 
and  fifty  members.  I  will  take  care  that  none  but  those  of 
that  occupation  shall  be  admitted  into  it;  and  that  the 
privileges  granted  them  shall  not  be  extended  to  any  other 
purpose.  As  this  corporate  body  will  be  restricted  to  so 
small  a  number  of  members,  it  will  be  easy  to  keep  them 
under  proper  regulations. 


A  fire  in  the 
capital. 

Pliny,  Let- 
ters, x.  42. 


"May  we 
have  a  fire- 
company?" 


Trajan  to  Pliny: 

You  are  of  the  opinion  that  it  would  be  pn  »pi  b     J!  ^J?™" 

lish  a  company  of  ti  dia,  agreeably  to  what    dangerous." 

has  been  practi    «i  in  other  cities.     But  remember  that    leum,  x.43. 
societies  of  this  sort  have  greatly  disturbed  the  peat  eof  the 


504    Period  of  the  Five  Good  Emperors 


(Private 
assemblies 
were  forbid- 
den by  a  law 
of  the 
Twelve 
Tables, 
P-  352.) 


provinces  in  general,  and  particularly  of  those  cities  in 
which  they  exist.  Whatever  name  we  give  them,  and  for 
whatever  purpose  they  may  be  instituted,  they  will  not 
fail  to  form  themselves  into  factious  assemblies,  however 
short  their  meetings  may  be.  It  will  therefore  be  safer  to 
provide  such  machines  as  are  of  service  in  extinguishing 
fires,  to  enjoin  the  owners  of  houses  to  assist  in  preventing 
the  mischief  from  spreading,  and  if  it  should  be  necessary, 
to  call  in  the  aid  of  the  populace. 


"  Shall  we 
compel  the 
councillors 
to  borrow 
from  the 
public?  " 

Pliny,  Let- 
ters, x.  62. 


To  the  Emperor  Trajan: 

The  debts  which  were  owing  to  the  public  are  by  the 
prudence,  Sir,  of  your  counsels,  and  by  the  care  of  my  ad- 
ministration, either  actually  paid,  or  are  now  recovering; 
but  I  fear  the  money  must  be  unemployed.  For  on  the  one 
hand,  there  are  few  or  no  opportunities  of  purchasing  land, 
and  on  the  other,  one  cannot  meet  with  any  person  who 
is  willing  to  borrow  of  the  public, — especially  at  the  rate 
of  twelve  percent, — when  it  is  possible  to  raise  money  on 
the  same  terms  from  private  lenders.  You  will  therefore 
consider,  Sir,  whether  it  may  not  be  advisable,  in  order  to 
invite  responsible  persons  to  take  this  money,  to  lower  the 
interest;  or  if  that  scheme  should  not  succeed,  to  place  it 
ir  the  hands  of  the  members  of  the  city  councils,  upon  their 
giving  sufficient  security  to  the  public.  And  though  they 
should  not  be  willing  to  receive  it,  yet  as  the  rate  of  interest 
will  be  abated,  the  hardship  will  be  so  much  the  less. 


"  Oppress  no 
one  in  this 
way." 

Letters,  x.  63. 


Trajan  to  Pliny: 

I  agree  with  you,  my  dear  Pliny,  that  there  seems  to  be 
no  other  method  of  facilitating  the  placing  out  of  the  pub- 
lic money,  than  by  lowering  the  interest;  the  rate  you  will 
determine  according  to  the  number  of  borrowers.    But  to 


From  an 

inscription. 

Ancient 


Endowment  for  Poor  Children       505 

compel  persons  to  receive  it,  who  are  not  so  disposed,  when 
possibly  they  themselves  may  have  no  opportunity  of  em- 
ploying it,  is  by  no  means  consistent  with  the  justice  of 
my  government. 

II.  Endowment  for  the  Support  of  Poor  Children 

When  the  Imperator  Ceesar  Nerva  Trajan  Augustus  Under 
Germanicus  was  consul  for  the  fourth  time  and  Quintus  Trajan 
Articuleius  Paetus  was  consul,  those  named  below  at  the 
direction  of  our  greatest  and  best  Emperor  mortgaged 
their  estates  so  that,  from  the  contract,  the  Sigures  Baebi-  World,  487 
ani  received  semi-annual  interest,  and  the  boys  and  girls 
of  the  Ligures  Basbiani  support,  through  the  tenderness  of 
Trajan. 

Also  of  the  estate  Pastorianus,  in  the  territory  of  Bene- 
ventum,  in  the  district  ^Equanus;  Priscia  Restituta  and 
the  people  are  neighbors  to  the  estate.  Rated  at  60,000 
sesterces;  125,000  sesterces  is  the  value  of  the  property, 
8,000  sesterces  received,  Callistus,  servant  of  Rutilius 
Lupus  pays  the  interest. 

[Many  other  mortgages  also  are  here  recorded.] 

III.  Hadrian 

Arriving  in  Gaul,  he  liberally  relieved  the  needy,  and   Military  dis- 
then  passed  on  to  Germain-.     Though  more  desirous  of 
peace  than  of  war,  he  exercised  his  soldiers  as  if  war  1  h  rea  I  -   //'^/^""jo 
ened;  he  hardened  them  to  fatigue,  set  them,  in  his  own 
person,  an  example  of  military  virtue,  and  readily  ate  the   Worl&,&iL 
food  of  the  camp — bacon,  cheese,  and  vinegar  mixed  with 
water;  in  these  respects  he  imitated  Scipio  /Emilianus, 
Metellus,  and  Trajan,  the  author  of  bis  fortune.     To  make 
his  men  willing  to  endure  hardships,  he  rewarded  many 


506    Period  of  the  Five  Good  Emperors 


He  banishes 
luxuries. 


His  knowl- 
edge of 
affairs. 

Spartianus, 
Hadrian,  u. 


with  money,  some  with  offices.  The  military  discipline, 
which  after  Caesar  Octavianus  had  declined  through  the 
neglect  of  the  emperors,  Hadrian  restored.  This  he  did 
partly  by  regulating  the  offices  and  the  expenses,  and  partly 
by  suffering  no  soldier,  without  due  cause,  to  be  absent 
from  the  camp.  Another  means  to  this  end  was  the  ap- 
pointment of  tribunes,  not  for  their  popularity  with  the 
troops,  but  because  of  each  one's  sense  of  justice.  By  his 
own  example,  too,  he  encouraged  the  rest  to  strict  disci- 
pline, for  he  was  accustomed  to  walk  clad  in  armor  twenty 
miles  a  day  along  with  his  infantry. 

Dining-rooms,  porticos,  grottoes,  and  pleasure-gardens 
he  banished  from  the  camp.  He  himself  generally  wore  a 
simple  cloak  with  a  plain  belt  fastened  by  a  buckle  without 
jewels;  and  by  his  side  hung  a  sword  with  no  more  orna- 
ment than  an  ivory  handle.  His  sick  troops  he  visited  in 
their  quarters;  and  he  himself  always  selected  the  place  for 
encampment.  The  office  of  centurion  he  conferred  on  none 
but  those  of  robust  health  and  good  character;  no  one 
could  be  a  tribune  unless  he  had  a  full  beard  and  was  old 
enough  to  fill  his  office  with  prudence  and  force.  A  tribune 
was  not  permitted  to  accept  the  smallest  gift  from  his 
soldiers. 

Delicacies  of  every  kind  he  removed  absolutely  from  the 
army;  and  not  only  did  he  improve  the  arms  and  the  fur- 
nishings of  the  soldiers,  but  regulated  their  ages,  so  as  to 
enlist  none  too  young  for  effective  service  and  to  retain  no 
one  longer  than  the  humane  law  of  earlier  times  prescribed. 
It  was  his  especial  care  to  know  the  soldiers  individually 
and  to  keep  informed  as  to  their  numbers. 

Furthermore  he  tried  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  mili- 
tary supplies  of  the  empire,  and  he  examined  minutely  the 
revenues  from  the  provinces  in  order  to  relieve  all  needs; 


Hadrian 's  Travels  507 

and  no  emperor  was  ever  so  careful  to  avoid  buying  and 
keeping  useless  material. 

When  Hadrian  had  reformed  the  soldiers  of  Germany 
after  the  pattern  of  their  emperor,  he  crossed  into  Britain. 
In  addition  to  other  improvements  there,  he  was  the  first  Rome,  251; 
to  build  a  wall — eighty  miles  in  length — to  separate  the   World,  487  f. 
barbarians  from  the  Romans.  .  .  . 

Curious  to  learn  the  trifling  details  not  only  of  his  own  His  prying 
household  but  of  his  friends'  families  as  well,  he  employed 
detectives  to  pry  into  all  their  secrets.  Often  his  friends 
failed  to  discover  that  their  private  affairs  were  known  to 
the  emperor  till  he  gave  them  the  information.  It  may  be 
of  interest  here  to  tell  a  story  which  shows  how  well  ac- 
quainted Hadrian  was  with  the  affairs  of  his  friends.  One 
of  them  received  a  letter  from  his  wife  reproaching  him  for 
staying  away  from  home  to  give  himself  up  to  the  baths 
and  other  pleasures.  Immediately  a  detective  informed 
Hadrian  of  the  contents  of  this  letter.  When  accordingly 
the  man  came  to  ask  a  passport,  the  emperor  rebuked  him 
for  his  devotion  to  baths  and  luxurious  living.  "What!" 
the  man  exclaimed,  "has  my  wife  been  writing  this  to  you, 
too?"  People  blamed  Hadrian  for  his  prying  disposition, 
as  they  considered  it  a  grave  fault. 

After  the  emperor  had  regulated  the  affairs  of  Britain,  In  Gaul  and 

he  returned  to  Gaul,  where  he  received  the  unpleasant 

. .  .  .  a    •  \      Spartianus, 

news  of  an  insurrection  in  Alexandria  over  an  Apis.     As   Hadrian,  ia. 

an  animal  of  this  kind  was  discovered  after  a  long  in-    ,,.,,-,„, 
terval,  the  various  tribes  of  Egypt  were  violently  con-   H 
tending   for    the   honor   of   giving    the    sacred    beast    a 
dwelling-place. 

About  the  same  time  Hadrian  erected  a!  Xinics  a  mag- 
nificent basilica  in  of  Plotina.  Then  he  went  to 
Spain  to  winter  in  Terragbna  (Lat.  Tarraco),  where  he  \> 


508    Period  of  the  Five  Good  Emperors 


In  Greece 
and  Asia 
Minor. 

Spartianus, 
Hadrian,  13. 

(For  the 
Eleusinian 
mysteries, 
see  Greece, 
97 


Rome,  205. 


His  laws. 

Spartianus, 
Hadrian,  18. 


paired  at  his  own  expense  a  temple  to  Augustus,  and  held 
a  general  assembly  of  the  Spanish  provincials. 

(Afterward  he  visited  Greece,)  where  like  Hercules  and 
King  Philip  he  had  himself  initiated  into  the  Eleusinian 
mysteries.  He  not  only  conferred  many  benefits  on  the 
Athenians,  but  sat  as  judge  in  their  public  games.  Then 
he  sailed  for  Sicily.  After  his  arrival  there,  he  climbed 
Mount  iEtna  to  view  a  sunrise,  which  from  that  spot  was 
beautified  with  the  varied  colors  of  the  rainbow.  Thence 
he  returned  to  Rome;  but  setting  out  immediately  for  the 
Orient,  he  travelled  through  Athens,  where  he  dedicated 
the  works  he  had  begun,  including  a  temple  to  the  Olym- 
pian Jupiter  (Zeus)  and  an  altar  to  himself. 

In  the  same  way,  as  he  journeyed  through  Asia,  he  con- 
secrated temples  in  his  own  name.  In  Cappadocia  he  en- 
gaged many  slaves  for  labor  in  the  military  camps.  (Wher- 
ever he  went,  he  busied  himself  with  winning  the  friendship 
and  alliance  of  foreign  kings.)  ...  In  his  circuit  of  the 
provinces  he  punished  procurators  and  governors  writh  such 
severity  that  people  believed  he  had  himself  incited  persons 
to  accuse  them. 

In  judicial  affairs  he  made  up  his  council,  not  of  friends 
and  companions  but  of  learned  jurists, — Julius  Celsus,  Sal- 
vius  Julianus,  Neratius  Priscus,  and  others, — only  those, 
however,  whom  the  senate  had  approved. 

Among  his  enactments  the  following  are  most  note- 
worthy: 

In  no  city  shall  buildings  be  destroyed  for  the  use  of  the 
material  in  some  other  city. 

To  children  of  condemned  persons  a  twelfth  part  of  their 
father's  property  shall  be  allowed. 

Charges  of  treason  shall  not  be  admitted. 

Bequests  to  the  emperor  from  unknown  persons  shall  be 


Hadrian's  Laws  509 

rejected,  and  none  shall  be  received  from  known  persons  if 
they  have  children. 

As  to  hidden  treasures,  if  one  shall  find  such  a  treasure 
on  his  own  estate,  he  shall  possess  the  treasure;  if  on  an- 
other's, he  shall  give  half  to  the  owner  of  the  estate;  if  on 
public  ground,  he  shall  divide  equally  with  the  imperial 
treasury. 

Slaves  shall  not  be  killed  by  their  masters.  Those  who 
deserve  death  shall  be  condemned  by  judges  only. 

The  sale  of  men  and  women  slaves  as  gladiators  or  for 
vile  purposes  is  forbidden,  provided  no  sufficient  reason  for 
such  sale  exists. 

There  shall  be  no  houses  of  correction  (ergastula)  for 
slaves  or  freedmen. 

In  case  a  master  is  assassinated  in  his  own  house,  not  all 
his  slaves  shall  be  examined,  but  those  only  who  are  near 
enough  to  the  master  to  know  something  of  the  deed. 

Though  everywhere  he  erected  countless  buildings,  he  Public 
inscribed  his  name  on  none  of  them  excepting  the  temple  to 
his  father  Trajan.  At  Rome  he  restored  the  Pantheon  (of  sa^^xg, 
Agrippa),  the  Saepta,  the  Basilica  of  Neptune,  very  many 
sacred  buildings,  the  Forum  of  Augustus,  and  the  Baths  of 
Agrippa.  All  these  works  he  dedicated  with  the  names  of 
their  founders.  Under  his  own  name  he  built  a  bridge 
across  the  Tiber,  and  near  it  a  mausoleum. 

Hadrian  was  tall,  well-built,  and  of  robust  constitution.    Personal 
He  curled  his  hair  with  a  comb,  and  wore  his  beard  long  to   appea 
cover  the  natural  defects  of  his  face.     It  was  his  habit  to   fgjjjj'k 
ride  on  horseback  or  to  walk,  and  be  constantly  exercised 
himself  in  arms  and  in  throwing  the  javelin.    While  hunt- 
ing he  often  killed  a  lion  with  his  own  hand;  bul  once  be 
broke  his  collar-bone  and  a  rib.     The  game  he  alwa> 
shared  with  his  friends.    At  his  dinners  bis  guests  wire  en- 


510    Period  of  the  Five  Good  Emperors 

tertained  by  tragedies,  comedies,  and  farces,  as  well  as  by 
harp  music,  reading,  and  poetry.  His  villa  at  Tibur  he 
built  with  such  wonderful  art  that  one  could  find  in  it 
representations  of  celebrated  places,  as  the  Lyceum,  the 
Academy,  the  Prytaneum,  Canopus,  Tempe, — and  that 
nothing  might  be  wanting,  an  imitation  of  the  realm  of 
death. 


From  his 
parents  and 
teachers. 

Marcus 
Aurelius, 
Meditations, 
i.  2-9,  12, 14. 


Harmony 
with  nature. 

Meditations, 
iii.  7. 


lb.  iii.  13. 


lb.  iv.  7. 


lb.  iv.  23. 


IV.  Some  op  the  Thoughts  of  Marcus  Aurelius 

Antoninus 

From  the  reputation  and  remembrance  of  my  father  I 
learned  modesty  and  manliness. 

From  my  mother,  piety  and  beneficence,  and  abstinence 
not  only  from  evil  deeds,  but  even  from  evil  thoughts;  sim- 
plicity, too,  in  my  way  of  living,  far  removed  from  the 
habits  of  the  rich. 

Never  value  anything  as  profitable  to  thyself  which  shall 
compel  thee  to  break  thy  promise,  to  lose  thy  self-respect, 
to  hate  any  man,  to  suspect,  to  curse,  to  act  the  hypocrite, 
to  desire  anything  which  needs  walls  and  curtains. 

As  physicians  have  always  their  instruments  and  knives 
ready  for  cases  which  suddenly  require  their  skill,  so  do 
thou  have  principles  ready  for  the  understanding  of  things 
divine  and  human,  and  for  doing  everything,  even  the  small- 
est, with  a  recollection  of  the  bond  which  unites  the  divine 
and  human  to  each  other.  For  neither  wilt  thou  do  any- 
thing well  which  pertains  to  man  without  at  the  same  time 
having  a  reference  to  things  divine;  or  the  contrary. 

Take  away  thy  opinion,  and  then  there  is  taken  away  the 
complaint,  "I  have  been  harmed."  Take  away  the  com- 
plaint, "I  have  been  harmed,"  and  the  harm  is  taken  away. 

Everything  harmonizes  with  me,  which  is  harmonious  to 
thee,  0  Universe.    Nothing  for  me  is  too  early  or  too  late, 


The  Harmony  of  all  Things         511 

which  is  in  due  time  for  thee.  Everything  is  fruit  to  me 
which  thy  seasons  bring,  0  Nature;  from  thee  are  all 
things,  in  thee  are  all  things,  and  to  thee  all  things  return. 

Constantly  regard  the  universe  as  one  living  being,  hav- 
ing one  substance  and  one  soul;  and  observe  how  all  things 
have  reference  to  one  perception,  the  perception  of  this  one  lb.  iv.  40. 
living  being;  and  how  all  things  act  with  one  movement; 
and  how  all  things  are  the  cooperating  causes  of  all  things 
which  exist. 

A  prayer  of  the  Athenians:  "Rain,  rain,  0  dear  Zeus,  lb.  v.  7. 
down  on  the  plowed  fields  of  the  Athenians,  and  on  the 
plains."    In  truth  we  ought  not  to  pray  at  all,  or  we  ought 
to  pray  in  this  simple  and  noble  fashion. 

How  hast  thou  behaved  hitherto  to  the  gods,  thy  par-  lb.  v.  31. 
ents,  brethren,  children,  teachers,  to  those  who  looked  after 
thy  infancy,  to  thy  friends,  kinsfolk,  to  thy  slaves?     Con- 
sider if  thou  hast  hitherto  behaved  to  all  in  such  a  way 
that  this  may  be  said  of  thee, — 

Never  has  wronged  a  man  in  deed  or  word. 


Let  it  make  no  difference  to  thee  whether  thou  art  cold  Meditations 
or  warm,  if  thou  art  doing  thy  duty;  and  whether  thou  art 
drowsy  or  satisfied  with  sleep;  and  whether  ill-spoken  of 
or  praised;  and  whether  dying  or  doing  something  else. 
For  it  is  one  of  the  acts  of  life— this  act  by  which  we  die; 
it  is  sufficient  then  in  this  act  also  to  do  well  what  we  have 
in  hand. 

Death  is  a  cessation  of  the  impressions  through  the   lb.  vi.  28 
senses,  and  of  the  pulling  of  the  strings  which  move  the 
appetites  .  .  .  and  of  service  to  the  flesh. 

All  things  are  implicated  with  one  another,  and  the  bond   lb.  «i.  q. 
is  holy;  and  there  is  hardly  anything  unconnected  with 
any  other  thing.    For  things  have  been  coSrdinated,  and 


Do  right  on 
principle. 

Meditations, 
viii.  43. 


Ib.x.  5. 


lb.  x.  10. 


lb.  x.  21. 

lb.  xi.  29. 
76.,  xi.  36. 

Future  life. 

Meditations, 
xxi.  5. 


512     Period  of  the  Five  Good  Emperors 

they  combine  to  form  the  same  universe.  For  there  is  one 
universe  made  up  of  all  things,  and  one  God  who  pervades 
all  things,  and  one  substance  and  one  law,  one  common 
reason  in  all  intelligent  animals,  and  one  truth. 

Different  things  delight  different  people.  But  it  is  my 
delight  to  keep  the  ruling  faculty  sound,  without  turning 
away  either  from  any  man  or  from  any  of  the  things 
which  happen  to  men,  but  looking  at  and  receiving  all 
with  welcome  eyes  and  using  everything  according  to 
its  value. 

Whatever  may  happen  to  thee,  it  was  prepared  for  thee 
from  all  eternity;  and  the  implication  of  causes  was  from 
eternity  spinning  the  thread  of  thy  being. 

A  spider  is  proud  when  he  has  caught  a  fly,  and  another 
being  when  he  has  caught  a  poor  hare,  and  another  when 
he  has  taken  a  little  fish  in  a  net,  and  another  when  he  has 
taken  wild  boars,  and  another  when  he  has  taken  bears, 
and  another  when  he  has  taken  Sarmatians.  Are  not 
these  robbers,  if  thou  examinest  their  opinions? 

"The  earth  loves  the  shower;"  and  the  "solemn  ether 
loves;"  and  the  universe  loves  to  reproduce  whatever  is 
about  to  be.  I  say  then  to  the  universe,  "I  love  as  thou 
lovest." 

Neither  in  writing  nor  in  reading  wilt  thou  be  able  to  lay 
down  rules  for  others  before  thou  shalt  have  first  learned 
to  obey  rules  thyself.    Much  more  is  this  so  in  life. 

No  man  can  rob  us  of  our  free  will. 

How  can  it  be  that  the  gods,  after  having  arranged  all 
things  well  and  benevolently  for  mankind,  have  over- 
looked this  alone,  that  some  men  and  very  good  men,  and 
men  who,  as  we  may  say,  have  had  most  communion 
with  the  divinity,  and  through  pious  acts  and  religious 
observances  have  been  most  intimate  with  the  divinity, 


Death  and  Immortality  513 

when  they  have  once  died  should  never  exist  again,  but 
should  be  completely  extinguished? 

How  small  a  part  of  the  boundless  and  unfathomable  lb.  xii.  32.  • 
time  is  assigned  to  every  man!  For  it  is  very  soon  swal- 
lowed up  in  the  eternal.  And  how  small  a  part  of  the 
whole  substance!  And  how  small  a  part  of  the  universal 
soul!  And  on  what  a  small  clod  of  the  whole  earth  thou 
creepest!  Reflecting  on  all  this,  consider  nothing  to  be 
great,  except  to  act  as  thy  nature  leads  thee,  and  to  endure 
that  which  the  common  nature  brings. 

Man,  thou  hast  been  a  citizen  in  this  great  state  (of  the  lb.  xii.  36. 
world) :  what  difference  does  it  make  to  thee  whether  for 
five  years  or  for  three?  For  that  which  conforms  to  the 
laws  is  just  for  all.  Where  is  the  hardship  then,  if  no  tyrant 
nor  yet  an  unjust  judge  sends  thee  away  from  the  state, 
but  nature,  who  brought  thee  into  it?  The  same  as  if  a 
praetor  who  has  employed  an  actor  dismisses  him  from  the 
stage.  "I  have  not  finished  the  five  acts,  but  only  three." 
Thou  sayest  well,  but  in  life  the  three  acts  are  the  whole 
drama;  for  what  shall  be  a  completed  drama  is  determined 
by  him  who  was  once  the  cause  of  its  composition,  and 
now  of  its  dissolution:  but  thou  art  the  cause  of  neither. 
Depart  then  satisfied,  for  he  also  who  releases  thee  is 
satisfied. 

V.  Some  Teachings  of  Epictetus 

When  some  one  asked,  how  may  a  man  eat  acceptably   JJ°^very_ 
to  the  gods,  he  answered:  If  he  can  cat  justly  and  con-   acceptably 
tentedly,   and   with   equanimity,   and    temperatel)    and 
orderly,  will  it  not  be  also  acceptable  to  the  gods?     Bui    j 
when  you  have  asked  for  warm  water  and  the  slave  lias 
not  heard,  or  if  he  did  bear  ba    brought  only  tepid  wat<  r, 
or  he  is  not  even  found  to  be  in  the  hou  e,  then  not  to  be 


514    Period  of  the  Five  Good  Emperors 


All  axe 

brothers,  the 
sons  of  God. 


The  Deity 
oversees  all. 

lb.  14. 


Souls  much 
nearer  to 
God  than 
material 
things. 


vexed  or  to  burst  with  passion — is  not  this  acceptable  to 
the  gods? — How  then  shall  a  man  endure  such  persons 
as  this  slave?  Slave  yourself,  will  you  not  bear  with  your 
brother?  .  .  .  Will  you  not  remember  who  you  are,  and 
whom  you  rule?  that  they  are  kinsmen,  that  they  are 
brethren  by  nature,  that  they  are  the  offspring  of  Zeus? — 
But  I  have  purchased  them,  and  they  have  not  purchased 
me.  Do  you  see  in  what  direction  you  are  looking,  that  it  is 
toward  the  earth,  toward  the  pit,  that  it  is  towards  these 
wretched  laws  of  dead  men?  but  toward  the  laws  of  the 
gods,  you  are  not  looking. 

When  a  person  asked  him  how  a  man  could  be  convinced 
that  all  his  actions  are  under  the  inspection  of  God,  he 
answered,  Do  you  not  think  that  all  things  are  united  in 
one?  I  do,  the  person  replied.  Well,  do  you  not  think 
that  earthly  things  have  a  natural  agreement  and  union 
with  heavenly  things?  I  do.  And  how  else  so  regularly 
as  if  by  God's  command,  when  He  bids  the  plants  to 
flower,  do  they  flower?  when  he  bids  them  to  send  forth 
shoots,  do  they  shoot?  when  He  bids  them  to  produce 
fruit,  how  else  do  they  produce  fruit?  when  He  bids  the 
fruit  to  ripen,  does  it  ripen?  when  again  He  bids  them  to 
cast  down  the  fruits,  how  else  do  they  cast  them  down? 
and  when  to  shed  the  leaves,  do  they  shed  the  leaves? 
and  when  He  bids  them  to  fold  themselves  up  and  to  re- 
main quiet  and  rest,  how  else  do  they  remain  quiet  and 
rest?  And  how  else  at  the  growth  and  wane  of  the  moon, 
and  at  the  approach  and  recession  of  the  sun,  are  so  great 
an  alteration  and  change  to  the  contrary  seen  in  earthly 
things? 

But  are  plants  and  our  bodies  so  bound  up  and  united 
with  the  whole,  and  are  not  our  souls  much  more?  and 
our  souls  so  bound  up  and  in  contact  with  God  as  parts  of 


God  Sees  and  Protects  515 

Him  and  portions  of  Him;  and  does  not  God  perceive 
every  motion  of  these  parts  as  being  his  own  motion  con- 
nate with  himself?  Now  are  you  able  to  think  of  the 
divine  administration,  and  about  all  things  divine,  and 
at  the  same  time  also  about  human  affairs,  and  to  be 
moved  by  ten  thousand  things  at  the  same  time  in  your 
senses  and  in  your  understanding,  and  to  assent  to  some, 
and  to  dissent  from  others,  and  again  as  to  some  things  to 
suspend  your  judgment;  and  do  you  retain  in  your  soul 
so  many  impressions  from  so  many  and  various  things, 
and  being  moved  by  them,  do  you  fall  upon  notions  similar 
to  those  first  impressed,  and  do  you  retain  numerous  arts 
and  the  memories  of  ten  thousand  things;  and  is  not  God 
able  to  oversee  all  things,  and  to  be  present  with  all,  and 
to  receive  from  all  a  certain  communication?     And  is   ^od  can  see 

more  than 

the  sun  able  to  illuminate  so  large  a  portion  of  the  All,  and   the  sun. 

to  leave  so  little  not  illuminated,  that  part  only  which  is 

occupied  by  the  earth's  shadow;  and  He  who  made  the 

sun  itself  and  makes  it  go  round,  being  a  small  part  of 

himself  compared  with  the  whole,  cannot  He  perceive 

all  things? 

But  I  cannot,  the  man  may  reply,  comprehend  all  these  The  Spirit 
,         ,,  ,  1  ,   is  a  good 

things  at  once.     But  who  tells  you  that  you  have  equal   guide. 

power  with  Zeus?  Nevertheless  he  has  placed  by  every 
man  a  guardian,  every  man's  spirit,  to  whom  he  has  com- 
mitted the  care  of  the  man,  a  guardian  who  never  sleeps, 
is  never  deceived.  For  to  what  better  and  more  careful 
guardian  could  He  have  intrusted  each  of  us?  When 
then  you  have  shut  the  doors  and  made  darkness  within, 
remember  never  to  say  that  you  are  alone,  for  you  are  nol ; 
but  God  is  within,  and  your  Spiril  is  within,  and  what 
need  have  they  of  light  to  see  what  you  are  doing?  To 
this  God  you  ought  to  in  oath,  jusl  as  the  soldi 


516    Period  of  the  Five  Good  Emperors 

do  to  Caesar.  But  they  who  are  hired  for  pay  swear  to 
regard  the  safety  of  Caesar  before  all  things;  and  you  who 
have  received  so  many  and  such  great  favors,  will  you  not 
swear,  or  when  you  have  sworn,  will  you  not  abide  by 
your  oath?  And  what  shall  you  swear?  Never  to  be 
disobedient,  never  to  make  any  charges,  never  to  find 
fault  with  anything  that  he  has  given,  and  never  unwill- 
ingly to  do  or  to  suffer  anything  that  is  necessary.  Is  this 
oath  like  the  soldier's  oath?  The  soldiers  swear  not  to 
prefer  any  man  to  Caesar:  in  this  oath  men  swear  to  honor 
themselves  before  all. 


Decree 
of  the 
senate  cited. 

From  an 
inscription. 

Resolutions 
of  the  society 
itself. 


Admissions. 
About  $4. 


VI.  Regulations  of  a  Burial  Society 

"Who  may  meet,  assemble,  and  have  a  corporation; 
those  who  shall  be  willing  to  pay  a  monthly  contribution 
for  funerals,  may  meet  in  that  association  (collegium)  and 
may  not  convene  more  than  once  a  month  under  guise  of 
that  association,  this  session  being  for  the  sake  of  col- 
lecting a  fund  from  which  the  dead  may  be  buried."  May 
it  be  favorable,  fortunate  and  wholesome  to  the  emperor 
Csesar  Trajan  Hadrian  Augustus  and  to  the  entire  house 
of  the  same,  to  us  and  ours,  and  to  our  association — both 
well  and  earnestly  shall  we  engage  ourselves  honorably 
to  escort  the  departure  of  the  dead.  Therefore  we  one  and 
all  of  us  must  be  harmonious  in  making  proper  contribu- 
tions in  order  that  we  may  endure  a  long  time.  Thou  too 
who  wilt  desire  to  enter  this  association  as  a  novice,  first 
read  through  the  statute  and  then  enter,  lest  thou  com- 
plain afterward  or  leave  a  controversy  to  thine  heir. 

It  was  unanimously  adopted,  that  whosoever  shall  de- 
sire to  enter  this  association  will  give  on  score  of  entrance- 
fee  one  hundred  sesterces  and  one  amphora  of  good  wine, 
likewise  per  mont    five  asses.  Furthermore  it  was  adopted, 


A  Burial  Society 


5J7 


that  whoever  in  six  consecutive  months  does  not  render 

his  dues  and  something  human  happen  to  him,  no  regard 

shall  be  paid  to  his  funeral,  even  if  he  has  made  a  will. 

Likewise  it  was  adopted  that  whoever  of  our  association   Payments  for 

dies  with  his  dues  paid,  to  him  shall  go  300  sesterces  from 

our  treasury,  from  which  sum  there  shall  be  subtracted 

on  account  of  funeral  50  sesterces  which  shall  be  allotted 

for  cremation;  the  exequies  shall  be  made  on  foot.  .  .  . 

Likewise  it  was  voted  that  whatever  slave  in  this  as-   Decease  of 

slave  mem- 
sociation  shall  die,  and  his  body  through  the  unfairness  of  bers. 

his  master  shall  not  be  given  for  burial  and  he  shall  have 
made  no  record,  he  shall  get  an  imaginary  funeral.  Like- 
wise it  was  voted  that  whoever  for  any  cause  whatever 
shall  commit  suicide,  his  funeral  shall  be  ignored. 

Likewise  it  was  voted  that  whatever  slave  of  this  as-  Emancipa- 
tion gift, 
sociation  shall  become  free,  he  will  have  to  give  an  am- 
phora of  good  wine.  Likewise  it  was  voted:  whoever 
shall  be  director  in  his  own  year  in  the  order  of  the  list 
for  arranging  a  dinner,  and  he  shall  not  observe  it  and  not 
do  it,  he  will  pay  30  sesterces  into  the  treasury,  his  suc- 
cessor will  be  obliged  to  give  it,  and  he  will  have  to  restore 
it  in  his  place. 

[The  document  contains  many  other  resolutions.] 


VII.  Letters  of  this  Period 

To  Sarapion  general  .  .  .  from  Tarmuthis,  the  daughter  Petition  re- 

of  Phimon,  vegetable-seller,  belonging  to  the   village  oi  robbery* 

Bacchias,  at  present  without  a  guardian.    On  the  4th  of  M,„,..m 

the  current  month  Pharmouthi,  Taorsenouphis,  the  win  '//;^r/  7( 

of  Ammonius,  also  called  Phimon,  elder  of  the  village  of  >■-.  \  i> 
Bacchias,  although  she  had  absolutely  no  ground  of  com 
plaint  against  me,  came  into  my  house  and  pii  k<  '1  .1  sense- 


518    Period  of  the  Five  Good  Emperors 


Pharmouthi, 
March  27- 
April  25. 


less  quarrel  against  me.  Not  only  did  she  strip  off  my 
tunic  and  mantle,  but  robbed  me  in  the  quarrel  of  the 
sum  which  I  had  lying  by  me  from  the  price  of  the  vege- 
tables I  had  sold,  namely,  16  drachmas.  And  on  the  5th 
of  the  same  month  there  came  this  woman's  husband 
Ammonius,  also  Phimon,  into  my  house  as  if  seeking  my 
husband.  Seizing  my  lamp,  he  went  up  into  my  house 
and  stole  and  carried  off  a  pair  of  bracelets  of  unstamped 
silver  of  the  weight  of  40  drachmas,  my  husband  being  at 
the  time  away  from  home.  I  beg  therefore  that  you  will 
cause  the  accused  to  be  brought  before  you  for  fitting 
punishment.    May  good  fortune  attend  you. 

Tarmuthis  about  30  years  old,  a  mark  on  the  right  foot. 

The  17th  year  of  the  Emperor  Caesar  Nerva  Trajanus 
Augustus  Germanicus  Dacicus.    Pharmouthi  6. 


A  soldier 
to  his 
father. 

Milligan,  go. 

Second  cen- 
tury A.D. 


Apion  to  Epimachus  his  father  and  lord  heartiest  greet- 
ings. First  of  all  I  pray  that  you  are  in  health  and  con- 
tinually prosper  and  fare  well  with  my  sister  and  her 
daughter  and  my  brother.  I  thank  the  lord  Serapis  that 
when  I  was  in  danger  at  sea  he  saved  me.  Straightway 
when  I  entered  Misenum  I  received  my  travelling  money 
from  Caesar,  three  gold  pieces.  And  I  am  well.  I  beg  you 
therefore,  my  lord  father,  write  me  a  few  lines,  first  re- 
garding your  health,  secondly  regarding  that  of  my  brother 
and  sister,  thirdly  that  I  may  kiss  your  hand,  because  you 
have  brought  me  up  well,  and  on  this  account  I  hope  to 
be  quickly  promoted,  if  the  gods  will.  Give  many  greet- 
ings to  Capito,  and  to  my  brother  and  sister,  and  to  Seren- 
illa,  and  my  friends.  I  send  you  a  little  portrait  of  myself 
at  the  hands  of  Euctemon.  And  my  (military)  name  is 
Antonius  Maximus.    I  pray  for  your  good  health. 

Company  Athenonike. 


Correspondence  519 

Serenus  the  son  of  Agathos  Daemon  greets  you  .  .  .  and 
Turbo  the  son  of  Gallpnius. 

(Addressed) 

To  Philadelphia  for  Epimachus  from  his  son  Apion. 

Give  this  to  the  (office  of  the)  first  cohort  of  the  Apa- 
masans  to  Julianus  .  .  .  paymaster  from  Apion,  so  that 
(he  may  forward  it)  to  Epimachus  his  father. 

Theon  to  Theon  his  father,  greeting.     You  did  a  fine  A  boy  to  his 

...  father, 

thing!    You  have  not  taken  me  away  along  with  you  to 

the  city!     If  you  refuse  to  take  me  along  with  you  to 

Alexandria,  I  won't  write  you  a  letter,  or  speak  to  you,  j^out  2C 

or  wish  you  health.     And  if  you  do  go  to  Alexandria,  I 

won't  take  your  hand,  or  greet  you  henceforth.     If  you 

refuse  to  take  me,  that's  what's  up!    And  my  mother  said 

to  Archelaus,  "He  upsets  me;  off  with  him!"     But  you 

did  a  fine  thing!    You  send  me  gifts,  great  ones,  husks!! 

They  deceived  us  here  on  the  12th,  when  you  sailed.    Send 

for  me  then,  I  beseech  you.    If  you  do  not  send,  I  won't   Tvbi^DeK. 

eat,  won't  drink!     There  now!  I  pray  for  your  health. 

Tubi  18. 

(Addressed)  Deliver  to  Theon  from  Theonas  his  son. 

STUDIES 

1.  What   proof   does   this   correspondence   with   Pliny   afford   of 
Trajan's  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  empire?  of  his  energy  and 
activity?  of  his  justice  and  humanity?     Why  did  Ik-  forbid  th< 
ganization  of  a  fire-company  (cf.  a  law  of  the  7 ,  p.  352)? 

From  the  ?J.ne  correspondence  what  may  we  infer  as  to  Pliny's 
qualifications  for  the  governorship  of  a  province?  Why  did  he  refer 
everything  to  the  emperor?  Do  you  suppose  thai  other  governors 
did  the  same?    Was  his  interference  in  the  affai  (mu- 

nicipia)  advanta  itter?    In  what  cas   wa    Pliny  ready 

to  resort  to  oppression? 


520    Period  of  the  Five  Good  Emperors 

2.  What  is  the  meaning  of  this  document  connected  with  the  en- 
dowment of  poor  children? 

3.  What  were  the  objects  of  Hadrian's  travels?  How  did  he  im- 
prove the  army?  What  public  works  did  he  build?  Why  did  Hadrian 
pry  into  the  affairs  of  his  friends?  In  what  respects  was  his  inquir- 
ing disposition  praiseworthy?  What  were  Hadrian's  chief  laws? 
What  improvements  did  they  make  in  the  condition  of  freemen  and 
of  slaves?  How  did  he  benefit  the  provinces?  Did  he  pay  more 
attention  to  the  provinces  than  to  Rome?  What  public  works  did 
he  build?  Describe  the  personal  appearance  and  the  private  char- 
acter of  Hadrian.  What  is  your  opinion  of  the  style  of  his  biographer 
(Spartianus)?    Is  it  well  connected  and  logical? 

4.  How  does  Marcus  Aurelius  make  himself  harmonious  with 
nature?    What  is  his  idea  of  right  conduct?  of  future  life? 

5.  What  according  to  Epictetus  should  be  the  conduct  of  man 
in  relation  to  God?  How  does  he  prove  that  God  sees  all?  How  are 
human  beings  related  to  one  another  and  to  God? 

6.  What  was  the  object  of  this  burial  society?  What  senatorial 
decree  permitted  such  societies? 

7.  From  these  letters  make  out  all  the  facts  you  can  regarding  life 
in  Egypt  at  this  time.  Whv  are  such  documents  found  in  Egypt 
rather  than  elsewhere? 


World,  511-3. 


CHAPTER  XLI 

EARLY  HISTORY  OF  CHRISTIANITY 
TO   DIOCLETIAN 

I.  Teachings  of  Jesus 

And  seeing  the  multitudes,  he  went  up  into  a  mountain,   Beginning 
•     •  1-  •  of  the 

and  when  he  was  set,  his  disciples  came  unto  mm :  Sermon 

And  he  opened  his  mouth,  and  taught  them,  saying,        Mo?nt. 

Blessed  are  the  poor  in  spirit:  for  theirs  is  the  kingdom   Matthew  v 
of  heaven.  I_I1- 

Blessed  are  they  that  mourn :  for  they  shall  be  comforted.   Ancient 

Blessed  are  the  meek:  for  they  shall  inherit  the  earth. 

Blessed  are  they  which  do  hunger  and  thirst  after  right- 
eousness: for  they  shall  be  filled. 

Blessed  are  the  merciful:  for  they  shall  obtain  mercy. 

Blessed  are  the  pure  in  heart:  for  they  shall  see  God. 

Blessed  are  the  peace-makers:  for  they  shall  be  called 
the  children  of  God. 

Blessed  are  they  which  are  persecuted  for  righteous- 
ness's  sake:  for  theirs  is  the  kingdom  of  heaven. 

Blessed  are  ye,  when  men  shall  revile  you,  and  persecute 
you,  and  say  all  manner  of  evil  against  you  falsely  for  my 
sake. 

II.  The  Death  and  Resurrection  of  Jims:   rm 

Apostles 
In  the  latter  days  of  the  emperor  Tiberius,  in  theconsul-  ^eath^nd 
ship  of  Ruberius  Geminus  and  Fufius  Geminus,  on  the  don. 

521 


522         Early   History  of  Christianity 


Lactantius, 
The   Manner 
in  which  the 
Persecutors 

dud,  ii. 

Date  of  the 
crucifixion, 
March  23, 
2g  A.D. 
Elsewhere 
the  day  of 
the  month  is 
differently 
stated.    Po&- 
sibly  the 
report  of 
Pontius 
Pilate  gave 
Lactantius 
his  informa- 
tion. 

The  apostles. 


The  charge 
brought 
against 
them. 

Tacitus,  An- 
nals, xv.  44. 


tenth  of  the  Calends  of  April,  as  I  find  it  written,  Jesus 
Christ  was  crucified  by  the  Jews.  After  He  had  risen  again 
on  the  third  day,  He  gathered  His  apostles,  whom  fear 
at  the  time  of  His  arrest  had  put  to  flight;  and  while  He 
sojourned  with  them  forty  days,  He  opened  their  hearts, 
interpreted  to  them  the  Scripture,  which  hitherto  had  been 
wrapped  in  obscurity,  ordained  and  fitted,  them  for  the 
preaching  of  His  word  and  doctrine,  and  regulated  all 
things  concerning  the  institutions  of  the  New  Testament. 
When  this  was  accomplished,  a  cloud  and  whirlwind  en- 
veloped Him  and  caught  him  up  from  the  sight  of  men 
into  heaven. 

His  apostles  were  at  that  time  eleven  in  number,  to 
whom  were  added  Matthias,  in  place  of  the  traitor  Judas, 
and  afterward  Paul.  Then  were  they  dispersed  through- 
out all  the  earth  to  preach  the  Gospel,  as  the  Lord  their 
Master  had  commanded  them.  During  twenty-five  years, 
until  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Nero,  they 
occupied  themselves  in  laying  the  foundations  of  the 
Church  in  every  province  and  city.  And  while  Nero  ruled, 
the  Apostle  Peter  came  to  Rome,  and  through  the  power 
of  God  committed  unto  him,  wrought  certain  miracles; 
and  by  turning  many  to  the  true  religion,  he  built  up  a 
faithful  and  steadfast  temple  unto  the  Lord. 

III.  Persecution  of  the  Christians  by  Nero 

To  get  rid  of  the  report  (that  he  had  ordered  the  fire), 
Nero  fastened  the  guilt  and  inflicted  the  most  exquisite 
tortures  on  a  class  hated  for  their  abominations,  called 
Christians  by  the  populace.  Christus,  from  whom  the 
name  had  its  origin,  suffered  the  extreme  penalty  during 
the  reign  of  Tiberius  at  the  hands  of  one  of  our  procura- 
tors, Pontius  Pilate,  and  a  most  mischievous  superstition, 


Beginning  of  Persecutions  523 

thus  checked  for  the  moment,  broke  out  not  only  in  Juda?a, 
the  first  source  of  the  evil,  but  even  in  Rome,  where  all 
things  hideous  and  shameful  from  every  part  of  the  world 
find  their  centre  and  become  popular.  Accordingly  an 
arrest  was  first  made  of  all  who  pleaded  guilty;  then,  upon 
their  information,  an  immense  multitude  was  convicted, 
not  so  much  of  the  crime  of  firing  the  city,  as  of  hatred 
against  mankind.     Mockery  of  every  sort  was  added  to  Manner  of 

their  exe- 

their  deaths.    Covered  with  the  skins  of  beasts,  they  were  cution. 

torn  by  dogs  and  perished,  or  were  nailed  to  crosses,  or  There  seems 

were  doomed  to  the  flames  and  burnt,  to  serve  as  a  nightly  ^ea  ^^"1 

illumination  when  daylight  had  expired.  trial;  but  it 

1  j  was  certainly 

Nero  offered  his  gardens  for  the  spectacle,  and  was  not  con- 
exhibiting  a  show  in  the  circus,  while  he  mingled  with  the  ^jf,^' 
people  in  the  dress  of  a  charioteer  or  stood  aloft  on  a  car.  gjM*!^ 
Hence,   even   for  criminals  who   deserved   extreme   and  were  con- 

.  ,  .  t     ,.  r  victed  on 

exemplary  punishment,  there  arose  a  feeling  of  compas-   false  testi. 
sion ;  for  it  was  not,  as  it  seemed,  for  the  public  good,  but  mony 
to  glut  one  man's  cruelty,  that  they  were  being  destroyed. 

IV.  Pliny's  Inquiry  Concerning  them,  and  Trajan's 
Answer 

To  the  Emperor  Trajan: 

It  is  a  rule,  Sir,  which  I  inviolably  observe,  to  refer  to  J^sChris" 
vou  in  all  my  doubts:  for  who  is  more  able  to  remove  my 

J  .  -»      a       t   v.  Pliny,  Lrt- 

scruples  or  to  inform  my  ignorance?    As  1  have  never   Ur5\ 
before  been  present  at  any  trials  of  persons  called  Chris- 
tians, I  am  unacquainted,  not  only  with  the  nature  <  i  their 
crimes  and  the  degree  of  their  punishment,  but  how  far 
it  is  proper  to  enter  into  an  examination  of  them.  .  .  . 

Meanwhile  the  method  I  have  followed  toward  those 
who  have  been  brought  before  m<  a  Christians  is  this: 
I  a  ked  them  whethi  r  1  en   <  bxi  tian  .  if  they  con- 


524         Early  History  of  Christianity 

fessed,  I  repeated  the  question  twice,  adding  threats;  and 
if  they  still  persevered,  I  ordered  them  to  be  immediately 
punished.  For  I  was  persuaded,  whatever  the  nature  of 
their  opinions  might  be,  a  contumacious  and  inflexible 
obstinacy  deserved  correction.  .  .  . 

They  affirm  the  whole  of  their  guilt,  or  their  error,  was 
that  they  met  on  a  certain  stated  day  before  it  was  light, 
and  addressed  themselves  in  a  form  of  prayer  to  Christ, 
as  to  some  god,  binding  themselves  by  a  solemn  oath,  not 
for  the  purpose  of  any  wicked  deed,  but  never  to  commit 
any  fraud,  theft,  or  adultery;  never  to  falsify  their  word, 
nor  deny  a  trust  when  they  should  be  called  upon  to  de- 
liver it  up;  afterward,  they  said,  it  was  their  custom  to 
separate,  and  then  reassemble,  to  eat  in  common  a  harm- 
less meal.  .  .  . 

I  deemed  it  expedient,  therefore,  to  adjourn  all  further 
proceedings,  in  order  to  consult  you.  For  it  appears  to  be 
a  matter  highly  deserving  your  consideration;  more  espe- 
cially as  great  numbers  must  be  involved  in  the  danger  of 
these  prosecutions,  which  have  already  extended,  and  are 
still  likely  to  extend,  to  persons  of  all  ranks  and  ages  and 
even  to  both  sexes. 

Trajan  to  Pliny: 

"  Be  just,  The  method  you  have  pursued,  my  dear  Pliny,  in  the 

meddle?"*      proceedings  against  those  Christians  who  were  brought 

letters,  x.  98.    before  you  is  extremely  proper,  as  it  is  not  possible  to  lay 

down  any  fixed  rule  by  which  to  act  in  all  cases  of  this 

nature.    But  I  would  not  have  you  enter  officiously  into 

any  inquiries  concerning  them.    If  they  should  be  brought 

before  you,  however,  and  the  charge  should  be  proved, 

they  must  be  punished, — yet  with  this  restriction  that  in 

case  a  person  denies  he  is  a  Christian,  and  shall  make  it 


Harsher  Persecutions  525 

evident  that  he  is  not,  by  invoking  our  gods,  let  him  be 
pardoned  upon  repentance. 

Informations  without  the  accuser's  name  subscribed 
ought  not  to  be  received  in  prosecutions  of  any  kind;  as  it 
is  introducing  a  very  dangerous  precedent,  by  no  means 
agreeable  to  the  equity  of  my  government. 

V.  Persecution  under  Decius 

This  long  peace,  however,  was  afterward  interrupted.  The  perse- 

Decius  appeared  in  the  world,  an  accursed  wild  beast,  punished. 

to  afflict  the  Church — and  who  but  a  bad  man  would   Lactantius 

persecute  religion?    It  seems  as  if  he  had  been  raised  to   Thc  ■}Ia'"lcr 

.  in  which  the 

sovereign  eminence,  at  once  to  rage  against  God  and  at  Persecutors 


died,  iv. 
Decius,  a 


once  to  fall;  for  undertaking  an  expedition  against  the 

Carpi,  who  had  then  possessed  themselves  of  Dacia  and  ^j-", 

Mcesia,  he  was  suddenly  surrounded  by  the  barbarians  and   vcroT;  249- 

.  2si  A..D. 

slain,  together  with  a  great  part  of  his  army.    Nor  could 

he  be  honored  with  the  rites  of  sepulture;  but  stripped 

and  naked,  he  lay,  to  be  devoured  by  wild  beasts  and 

birds — a  fit  end  for  the  enemy  of  God. 

To  those  chosen  to  superintend  the  sacrifices  at  the  Certificate 
village  of  Alexander-Island,  from  Aurelius  Diogenes,  the 

son  of  Satabus,  of  the  village  of  Alexander-Islam],  being  Greek 

about  72  years  old,  a  scar  on  the  right  eyebrow.     It  has  PaPy™> 

always  been  my  custom  to  sacrifice  to  the  gods,  and  now  _ . 

•  ,  -iii  t    ,  T,1S  >,r,>"- 

in  your  presence  in  accordance  with  the  decrees  1  have  cateisto 
sacrificed  and  poured  libations  and  tasted  the  offerings,   thlTbearer  is 
and  I  request  you  to  counter- .-i.;m  my  statement.     May   g°*a  c  l,ns" 
good  fortune  attend  you.     1,  Aurelius   Diogenes,   have 
made  this  request.     (2nd  hand)  I,  Aurelius  Syrus,  as  a 
participant  have  certified   Diogenes  as   sacrificing  al< 
with  us.    (isthahdj.  The  first  year  of  tin  Emperor  Caesar 


526         Early  History  of  Christianity 


Gaius  Messius  Quintus  Trajanus  Decius  Pius  Felix  Au- 


Epeiph, 
June  25- 

july  24.  gustus,  Lperph  2 


He  decides 
which  party 
is  orthodox. 

Eusebius, 
Ecclesiastical 
History,  vii. 

25- 


VI.  Aurelian's  Decision  of  the  Bishopric  of  Antiocii 

So  then,  as  Paul  had  fallen  from  the  bishopric  as  well 
as  from  the  orthodox  faith,  Domnus,  as  was  said  before, 
succeeded  him  as  Bishop  of  the  Church  of  Antioch.  But 
as  Paul  entirely  refused  to  leave  the  church-house,  peti- 
tion was  made  to  the  emperor  Aurelian,  and  he  made  a 
very  just  decision  of  the  matter,  by  ordering  the  house 
to  be  given  up  to  those  with  whom  the  bishops  of  the 
religion  in  Italy  and  Rome  held  intercourse. 


STUDIES 

1.  What  ideal  of  life  is  presented  in  this  selection? 

2.  What  account  does  Eusebius  give  of  the  death  and  resurrection 
of  Jesus?  Where  may  we  find  earlier  accounts  of  these  events? 
What  did  the  Apostles  then  do?    Where  did  St.  Peter  go? 

3.  What  is  said  to  have  been  Nero's  motive  for  persecuting  the 
Christians?  What  is  the  attitude  of  Tacitus  toward  the  Christians? 
Was  this  severe  treatment  a  persecution  of  their  religion  or  an  ex- 
cessive punishment  for  an  alleged  but  unproved  crime? 

4.  How  does  Pliny  describe  the  Christians  of  his  province?  What 
does  he  ask  Trajan  and  what  is  the  answer? 

5.  What  account  does  Lactantius  give  of  the  Emperor  Decius? 
Why  should  the  person  mentioned  in  the  certificate  wish  to  prove 
himself  a  pagan? 

6.  In  what  way  is  it  significant  that  a  pagan  emperor  should  de- 
cide a  question  between  two  rival  Christian  sects?  Whom  did  he 
consider  the  leading  authorities  in  Christendom? 


CHAPTER  XLII 


THE  ABSOLUTE   MONARCHY 


I.  Valerius  Diocletian 

But  when  the  stench  of  the  body  revealed  the  crime, 
through  the  leaders  and  tribunes  of  the  army  Valerius 
Diocletian,  commander  of  the  bodyguard  of  the  palace, 
was  chosen  Emperor  because  of  his  wisdom ;  he  was  a  great 
man,  but  nevertheless  he  had  his  faults;  for  example,  he, 
the  chief  of  men,  coveted  the  influence  of  gold-embroidered 
garments,  of  shoes  of  purple  and  gems,  and  silks  from  the 
far  East.  And  while  such  vanities  were  unworthy  of  a 
citizen  and  indicated  a  proud,  vain  spirit,  they  are  not- 
withstanding insignificant  in  comparison  with  what  fol- 
lows: For  he  was  the  first  Emperor  since  Caligula  and 
Domitian  who  allowed  himself  to  be  called  lord  openly, 
and  to  be  worshiped  and  invoked  as  a  deity.  Wherefore 
as  far  as  I  can  judge,  I  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that 
men  of  the  humblest  birth,  especially  when  they  have 
reached  the  heights,  are  arrogant  and  very  fond  of  display. 
Such  a  man  was  Marius  of  the  time  of  our  forefathers;  he 
was  as  eager  for  it  as  the  starving  are  gluttonous  when 
suddenly  revived  by  food.  Hence  it  seems  strange  to  me 
that  many  assign  haughtiness  to  the  nobles  who.  mindful 
of  their  patrician  blood,  haw  al  leasl  as  compensation 
for  the  trials  by  which  they  are  agitated,  something  to 
make  them  haughty.  Bui  these  faults  of  Valerius  have 
been  overshadowed  by  excellent  traits;  and  though  he 
permitted  himself  to  be  called  ma  ter,  h<  at  ted  as  a  parent; 

527 


Accession 
and  char- 
acter. 

Aurelius 

Victor,  Dio- 
cletian  ■  from 
In    I  nsars). 

Ancient 

World,  507  ff. 

The    opening 

;  1  fer 
to  the  dis- 
covery of  the 

death  of  \u 
merianus,  his 
predco 


5^8 


The  Absolute  Monarchy 


Carinus, 
brother  of 
Numerianus, 
had   likewise 
been  emperor 


thus  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  wise  prince  wished  to  prove 
that  barbarous  deeds  are  harmful,  not  names.  .  .  . 
Maximianus.  Need  I  recall  that  he  associated  with  him  in  power  many 
citizens  and  foreigners,  for  the  sake  of  protecting  and 
extending  the  rights  of  the  Roman  Empire?  For  when  he 
learned  that  after  the  removal  of  Carinus,  vElianus  and 
Amandus  had  stirred  up  in  Gaul  a  band  of  peasants  and 
robbers  whom  the  inhabitants  call  Bagauda?,  and  had 
devastated  the  fields  far  and  wide  and  attacked  many 
cities,  he  immediately  made  Maximianus,  his  faithful 
friend,  emperor  although  the  latter  was  not  a  cultivated 
man.  Afterward  Maximianus  added  the  cognomen  Her- 
culius  to  his  name,  because  of  his  devotion  to  the  cult  of 
the  god  Hercules,  just  as  Valerius  took  the  name  of  Jovius 
from  Jove;  whence  they  also  gave  these  names  to  those 
auxiliary  troops  that  distinguished  themselves  greatly  in 
the  army.  .  .  . 

The  two  existing  emperors  associated  with  themselves 
as  Caesars,  Julius,  Constantius  and  Galerius,  Maximianus, 
whose  family  name  was  Armentarius.  The  former  married 
a  step-daughter  of  Herculius,  the  latter  a  daughter  of 
Diocletian;  both  divorced  their  wives,  just  as  Augustus 
had  done  formerly  when  he  had  commanded  Tiberius 
Nero  to  marry  his  daughter  Julia.  All  of  these  princes  were 
born  in  Illyricum;  and  though  they  were  of  little  culture, 
nevertheless  since  they  were  inured  to  the  hardships  of 
the  country  and  of  the  battle-field,  they  rendered  good 
service  to  the  state.  Hence  it  is  evident  that  calamities 
are  the  best  teachers  of  goodness  and  wisdom,  while  on 
the  other  hand,  men  who  have  never  had  troubles,  are 
prone  to  judge  all  men  in  accordance  with  their  wealth 
and  have  themselves  but  little  insight.  But  the  harmony 
among  the  rulers  proves  conclusively  that  their  natural 


The  Caesars. 


Reorganization  of  the  Empire        529 


qualities  and  the  experience  in  military  affairs  which  they 
had  gained  under  Aurelian  and  Probus,  practically  took 
the  place  of  those  virtues  that  they  did  not  have.  Finally 
they  were  honoring  Valerius  as  a  parent  or  even  as  a  great 
god;  a  thing  which,  whatsoever  its  nature,  stands  out  in 
relief  in  comparison  with  the  usual  crimes  among  relatives 
from  the  founding  of  the  city  to  our  own  time. 

And  because  the  difficulty  of  the  wars,  of  which  I  have 
spoken  above,  was  felt  more  keenly  every  day,  the  two 
Emperors  and  the  two  Caesars  divided  the  empire  as  it 
were  among  themselves.  To  Constantius  were  entrusted 
all  the  Gallic  provinces  across  the  Alps;  to  Herculius  Africa 
and  Italy;  to  Galerius,  the  shores  of  Illyricum  even  to  the 
Black  Sea;  Valerius  retained  for  himself  the  rest  of  the 
empire.  Soon  afterward  therefore  a  great  burden  of  taxa- 
tion was  laid  upon  a  part  of  Italy.  Heretofore  all  Italy 
furnished  the  same  sum  by  means  of  which  army  and 
Emperor,  who  always  or  practically  always  had  their 
residence  in  Italy,  were  supported;  then  a  new  law  was 
introduced  in  regard  to  taxation.  True,  it  was  endurable 
because  moderate  at  first;  but  in  these  days  the  tax  has 
become  an  intolerable  burden.  .  .  . 

With  like  zeal,  the  duties  of  peace  were  safeguarded  by 
wise  and  just  laws;  and  the  Emperors  dispensed  with  the 
officials  called  grain  commissioners  (frumentarii),  men  of 
evil  repute  whose  duties  resembled  most  nearly  those  of 
the  Agents  of  to-day.  These  officials,  who  seem  to  have 
been  elected  for  the  purpose  of  spying  and  reporting  those 
disturbances  which  arise  in  the  provinces,  and  who  basely 
invented  criminal  accusations  and  robbed  left  and  right, 
were  spreading  fear  everywhere,  e  pedally  among  those 
farthest  away  from  Rome.  The  grain  supply  of  the  city 
and  the  safety  of  tributaries  were  carefully  and  anxiously 


Aurelian; 

A  ncicnt 
World,  504-6 
Probus,  « 
emperor, 
shortly  after 
Aurelian. 


Division  of 
commands. 


Administra- 
tion. 


530  rhe  Absolute  Monarchy 

looked  into;  by  recompensing  merit  on  the  one  hand,  and 

by  forbidding  every  shameful  deed  on  the  other,  the  Em- 
perors were  arousing  an  enthusiasm  for  right-conduct. 
They  observed  the  ancient  faith  reverently  and  piously. 
Furthermore,  Rome,  with  its  seven  hills,  and  other  cities, 
noticeably  Carthage,  Milan,  and  Nicomedia,  were  mar- 
velously  adorned  with  beautiful  buildings.  Yet  these 
Emperors,  despite  their  good  deeds,  were  not  without 
I.  e.  Maxim-  faults.  Herculius,  for  instance,  behaved  in  so  licentious  a 
manner  that  he  did  not  curb  his  passions  even  in  the  case 
of  hostages.  Valerius  showed  but  little  faith  in  his  friends, 
doubtless  through  fear  of  discord,  while  he  thought  that 
the  peace  of  the  rulers  might  be  disturbed  through  false 
reports.  Also  the  strength  of  Rome,  so  to  speak,  was 
maimed  by  diminishing  the  number  of  the  pretorian  co- 
horts and  of  the  people  in  arms ;  wherefore  indeed  many  his- 
torians say  that  he  abdicated  the  Empire.  For  when  he 
was  investigating  the  future,  he  learned  from  fate  of  the 
internal  calamities  and  of  a  crash  as  it  were  threatening 
the  Roman  state;  whereupon  although  still  powerful,  he 
gave  up  the  care  of  the  state  after  he  had  reigned  twenty 
years;  and  with  very  great  difficulty  he  compelled  Her- 
culius to  do  likewise.  .  .  .  And  although  the  truth  is 
obscured  because  of  the  variety  of  opinions  in  regard  to 
the  abdication,  nevertheless  we  think  that  he  assumed  a 
humble  life  because  of  his  fine  nature — a  nature  that 
spurned  ostentation. 

II.  Diocletian's  Edict  of  Prices 

Introduction. 

From  an  m-  All  men  know  that  articles  of  traffic  and  objects  of  daily 

scnption  use  havg  attained  exorbitant  prices,  four  or  eight  times 

Duruy,  His-  their  true  value,  or  even  more  than  that;  so  that,  through 

vii.  401.  the  avarice  of  monopolists,  the  provisioning  of  our  armies 


Edict  of  Prices 


53i 


becomes  impossible.  We  have  determined  therefore  to 
fix,  not  the  price  of  these  articles,  which  would  be  unjust, 
but  the  amount  which  in  each  case  they  will  not  be  allowed 
to  exceed. 

Items 


Rye  (per  bushel)     . 

$0.45 

Selection 

Oats     "         "          ... 

0.  22 

from  his  list 

Common  wine  (per  quart) 

0.  22 

lb. 

oil        "       " 

0.18 

Pork  (per  lb.) 

0.07 

Beef      "     "             ... 

0.05 

Mutton  and  goat's  flesh  (per  lb.) 

0.05 

Lard,  first  quality 

0.09 

A  pair  of  chickens 

0.  26 

"     "    "  ducks       . 

0. 17 

A  rabbit          .... 

0.17 

Oysters  (a  hundred) 

o.43 

Eggs          "                       .         . 

o.43 

Field-laborer's  wages  (and  food)  a  da\ 

0. 11 

Mason  or  carpenter's  wages  (and  food)  a  day 

0.  22 

House  painter's 

0.32 

Shepherd's                       "        "        "      "     " 

0.09 

Barber's  wages  (per  person)   .... 

0.09 

Reading-master's  wages  (per  month,  one  pupil) 

0.  22 

To  the  rhetorician  or  sophist      " 

1.09 

"     "    lawyer  for  an  inquiry 

1 .09 

Woman's  slippers      .... 

0.  22 

III.  Persecution  of  the  Christians  by  Diocletian 

And  now  Diocletian  raged,  not  only  against  his  own  Severest  of 

domestics,  but  indiscriminately  against  all;  and  he  began  tions. 

by  forcing  his  daughter  Valeria  and  his  wife  Prisca  to  be  Lactantius 

polluted  by  sacrificing.  .  .  .     Presbyters  and  other  offi-  ?**  ¥■*?%% 

cers  of  the  Church  were  seized,  without  evidence  by  wit-  Persecutors 
nesses  or  confession,  condemned,  and  together  with  th<  ir 
families  led  to  execution.    In  burning  alive  no  distinction 


532 


The  Absolute  Monarchy 


Failure  of 
persecution 
acknowl- 
edged. 

Lactantius, 
The  Manner 
in  which  the 
Persecutors 
died,  xxxiv. 


of  sex  or  age  was  regarded;  and  because  of  their  great 
multitude  the}-  were  not  burnt  one  after  another,  but  a 
herd  of  them  were  encircled  by  the  same  fire;  and  servants 
with  millstones  tied  about  their  necks  were  cast  into  the 
sea.  .  .  .  Orders  also  had  gone  to  Maximian  Herculius 
and  Constantius,  requiring  their  concurrence  in  the  execu- 
tion of  the  edicts;  for  in  matters  even  of  such  mighty  im- 
portance their  opinion  was  never  asked.  A  person  of  no 
merciful  temper,  Herculius  yielded  ready  obedience,  and 
enforced  the  edicts  throughout  his  dominions  of  Italy. 
Constantius,  on  the  other  hand,  lest  he  should  have  seemed 
to  dissent  from  the  injunction  of  his  superiors,  permitted 
the  demolition  of  churches — mere  walls,  capable  of  being 
built  up  again — but  he  preserved  entire  that  true  temple 
of  God,  which  is  the  human  body. 

IV.  The  Toleration  Edict  of  Galerius 

Amongst  our  other  arrangements,  which  we  are  always 
making  for  the  use  and  profit  of  the  commonwealth,  we 
for  our  part  had  heretofore  endeavored  to  set  all  things 
right  according  to  the  ancient  laws  and  public  order  of 
the  Romans,  and  to  compass  this  also  that  the  Christians 
too  who  had  left  the  persuasion  of  their  own  fathers  should 
return  to  a  better  mind ;  seeing  that  through  some  strange 
reasoning  such  wilfulness  had  seized  the  Christians  and 
such  folly  possessed  them,  that,  instead  of  following  those 
constitutions  of  the  ancients  which  peradventure  their 
own  ancestors  had  first  established,  they  were  making 
themselves  laws  for  their  own  observance,  merely  accord- 
ing to  their  own  judgment  and  as  their  pleasure  was,  and 
in  divers  places  were  assembling  sundry  sorts  of  peoples. 

In  short,  when  a  command  of  ours  had  been  set  forth 
to  the  effect  that  they  were  to  betake  themselves  to  the 


Constantine  533 

institutions  of  the  ancients,  many  of  them  were  subdued  A  change  of 
by  danger,  many  also  ruined;  yet  when  great  numbers  nounced. 
held  to  their  determination,  and  we  saw  that  they  neither  j0, 
gave  worship  and  due  reverence  to  the  gods,  nor  yet  re-  Ancient 
garded  the  God  of  the  Christians — we  therefore  in  con-   World,  514. 
sideration  of  our  most  mild  clemency,  and  of  the  unbroken 
custom  whereby  we  are  used  to  grant  pardon  to  all  men, 
have  thought  it  right  in  this  case  also  to  offer  our  speediest 
indulgence,  that  Christians  may  exist  again,  and  may  es- 
tablish their  meetings,  yet  so  that  they  do  nothing  contrary 
to  good  order.    By  another  letter  we  shall  signify  to  magis- 
trates how  they  should  proceed.    Wherefore,  in  accordance  He  asks  their 
with  this  indulgence  of  ours,  they  will  be  bound  to  pray   prayer" 
their  God  for  our  good  estate,  and  that  of  the  common- 
wealth, and  their  own,  that  the  commonwealth  may  en- 
dure on  every  side  unharmed,  and  they  may  be  able  to 
live  securely  in  their  own  homes. 

V.  The  Battle  of  the  Milvian  Bridge 

And  now  a  civil  war  broke  out  between  Constantine  The  mono- 
arid  Maxentius.  ...     At  length  Constantine,  with  steady   Christ, 
courage  and  a  mind  prepared  for  every  event,  led  his  whole 
force  to  the  neighborhood  of  Rome,  and  encamped  them 
opposite  the  Milvian  Bridge.  .  .  .     Constantine  was  di-  Lactantius, 

.  iii-         The  Manner 

rected  in  a  dream  to  cause  the  heavenly  sign  to  be  delin-  in  which  the 

eated  on  the  shields  of  his  soldiers,  and  so  to  proceed  to  diaTxliv" 

battle.    He  did  as  he  had  been  commanded,  and  he  marked  Atu  int! 

on  their  shields  the  letter  X  with  a  perpendicular  line  World,  514  f. 

drawn  through  it  and  turned  round  thus  at  the  top  >£  The  Greek 

being  a  cipher  of  Christ.     Wearing  this  sign,  his  soldiers  equivalent  to 

stood  to  arms.    The  enemies  advanced  bul  without  their  curious'  lMn 

emperor,  and  they  crossed  the  bridge.    The  armies  met  *e  i'"',',!,!1 

and  fought  with  the  utmost  exertion  of  valor,  and  firmly  ingChr. 


534 


The  Absolute  Monarchy 


Edict  of 
Licinius, 
Emperor, 
312  A.D. 

Lactantius, 
The  Manner 
in  which  the 
Persecutors 

died,  xlviii. 

It  purports 
to  be  a  re- 
issue of  an 
"  Edict  of 
Milan." 
But  the 
existence  of 
the  latter  has 
been  seri- 
ously ques- 
tioned; cf. 
Seeck, 
Geschichte 
dcs  Unter- 
gangs  der 
anliken  Welt, 
i-  495- 

Ancient 

World, 

515  and  n.  1. 


maintained  their  ground.  .  .  .  (Relying  on  a  Sibylline 
prophecy,  Maxentius  joined  his  army.)  The  bridge  in 
his  rear  was  broken  down.  At  sight  of  that  the  battle 
grew  hotter.  The  hand  of  the  Lord  prevailed,  and  the 
forces  of  Maxentius  were  routed.  He  fled  toward  the 
broken  bridge;  but  as  the  multitude  pressed  on  him,  he 
was  driven  headlong  into  the  Tiber.  This  destructive 
war  was  thus  ended,  and  with  great  rejoicings  Constan- 
tine  was  acknowledged  emperor  by  the  senate  and  people 
of  Rome. 

VI.  The  "Edict  of  Milan" 

When  we,  Constantine  Augustus  and  Licinius  Augustus, 
had  happily  met  together  at  Milan,  and  were  holding  con- 
sideration of  all  things  which  concern  the  advantage  an£ 
security  of  the  state,  we  thought  amongst  other  things 
which  seemed  likely  to  profit  men  generally,  we  ought  in 
the  very  first  place  to  set  in  order  the  conditions  of  the 
reverence  paid  to  the  Divinity,  by  giving  to  the  Christians 
and  all  others  full  authority  to  follow  whatever  worship 
any  man  has  chosen;  whereby  whatsoever  Divinity  dwells 
in  Heaven  may  be  benevolent  and  propitious  to  us,  and 
to  all  who  are  placed  under  our  authority.  Therefore  we 
thought  it  good  with  sound  counsel  and  very  right  reason 
to  lay  down  this  law,  that  no  man  whatever  should  be 
refused  any  legal  facility,  who  has  given  up  his  mind 
either  to  the  observance  of  Christianity,  or  to  the  worship 
which  he  personally  feels  best  suited  to  himself;  to  the  end 
that  the  supreme  Divinity,  whose  worship  we  freely  fol- 
low, may  continue  in  all  things  to  grant  us  his  wonted  favor 
and  goodwill.  Wherefore  your  Devotion  should  know 
that  it  is  our  pleasure  to  abolish  all  conditions  whatever 
which  appeared  in  former  charters  directed  to  your  office 


Toleration;   Uniformity  535 

about  the  Christians,  that  every  one  of  those  who  have 
a  common  wish  to  observe  the  Christian  worship  may 
now  freely  and  unconditionally  endeavor  to  observe  the 
same  without  any  annoyance  or  disquiet.  These  things 
we  thought  good  to  signify  in  the  fullest  manner  to  your 
Carefulness,  that  you  might  know  that  we  have  given 
freely  and  unreservedly  to  the  said  Christians  authority 
to  practise  their  worship.  And  when  you  perceive  that 
we  have  made  this  grant  to  the  said  Christians,  your 
Devotion  understands  that  to  others  also  freedom  for 
their  own  worship  and  observance  is  likewise  left  open 
and  freely  granted,  as  befits  the  quiet  of  our  times,  that 
every  man  may  have  freedom  in  the  practice  of  whatever 
worship  he  has  chosen,  for  it  is  not  our  will  that  aught  be 
diminished  from  the  honor  of  any  worship. 

VII.  The  Nicene  Creed 

"We  believe  in  one  God,  Father  Almighty,  Maker  of  Established 
all  things  visible  and  invisible.     And  in  one  Lord  Jesus  council  of 
Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  begotten  of  the  Father;  only-  ™cAah 
begotten,  that  is,  of  the  substance  of  the  Father,  God  of  u^  q{ 
God,  Light  of  Light,  Very  God  of  Very  God,  begotten  Eusebius. 
not  made,  being  of  one  substance  with  the  Father:  by  Ancient 
whom  all  things  were  made  in  heaven  and  on  earth:  Who   WorM' SI5' 
for  us  men,  and  for  our  salvation,  came  down  and  was  in- 
carnate, and  was  made  man;  He  suffered,  and  rose  again 
the  third  day;  He  ascended  into  heaven,  and  is  coming 
to  judge  both  the  quick  and  the  dead.    And  (we  believe) 
in  the  Holy  Ghost.     The  Holy  Catholic  and  Apostolic 
Church  anathematizes  all  who  say  there  was  a  time  when 
the  Son  of  God  was  not;  that  before  He  was  begotten  Ik- 
was  not;  that  He  was  made  out  of  the  non-existent;  or 


536  The  Absolute  Monarchy 

thai  He  is  of  a  different  essence  and  of  a  different  substance 
from  the  Father;  and  is  susceptible  of  variation  or  change. 

STUDIES 

1.  What  blameworthy  traits  does  Aurelius  Victor  find  in  Dio- 
cletian? What  good  qualities  does  he  mention?  Describe  Maximian. 
How  were  the  emperors  and  Caesars  distributed  over  the  empire? 
Describe  the  administration.  How  does  this  view  compare  with  that 
of  Lactantius  (Ch.  XLIII.  i)?    Why  did  Diocletian  resign? 

2.  What  was  the  object  of  the  Edict  of  Prices?  What  difficulties 
would  naturally  be  encountered  in  enforcing  it?  How  do  the  prices 
compare  with  those  of  to-day? 

3.  What  was  the  character  of  Diocletian's  persecution?  What 
was  the  policy  of  Constantius  with  reference  to  it? 

4.  What  led  to  the  edict  of  Galerius?  What  are  its  terms?  Did 
he  believe  in  the  existence  of  the  Christians'  God? 

5.  What  seems  to  have  been  Constantine's  motive  in  decorating 
the  shields  with  the  monogram  of  Christ?  Did  it  contribute  to  the 
victory? 

6.  What  are  the  terms  of  the  "Edict  of  Milan"?  Were  they 
thereafter  observed? 

7.  What  are  the  main  beliefs  of  the  Nicene  Creed?  What  doctrine 
is  here  condemned? 


CHAPTER  XLIII 

SOME  ASPECTS  OF  THE  DECLINE 

I.  The  Oppression  of  Diocletian 

While  Diocletian,  that  author  of  ill  and  deviser  of  His  ruinous 

misery,  was  ruining  all  things,  he  could  not  withhold  his  poicy* 

insults,  not  even  against  God.     Partly  by  avarice  and  in  MeAlomur 

part  by  timid  counsels  this  man  overturned  the  Roman  *?  which  lhe 

r  J  Persecutors 

empire.    For  he  made  a  choice  of  three  persons  to  share  died,  vii. 
the  government  with  him;  and  thus  the  empire  was  quar-  Ancient 
tered,  armies  were  multiplied,  and  each  of  the  four  princes   World>  S1? 
strove  to  maintain  a  much  more  considerable  military 
force  than  any  sole  emperor  had  done  in  times  past.    There 
began  to  be  fewer  men  who  paid  taxes  than  there  were 
who  received  wages ;  accordingly  the  means  of  the  husband- 
men were  exhausted  by  enormous  impositions ;  farms  were 
abandoned;   cultivated   grounds   became   woodland,   and 
universal  dismay  prevailed.     Furthermore  the  provinces  Oppressive 
were  divided  into  minute  portions;  and  many  governors 
and  a  multitude  of  inferior  officers  lay  heavy  on  each    world,  508 
territory  and  almost  on  every  city.     There  were  many 
stewards  of  different  degrees  and  many  deputies  of  the 
governors.     Very  few  civil  cases  came  before  them,  but 
there    were   condemnations   daily,    and    forfeitures    wire 
frequently   inflicted.     There   were    taxes   on    numberless 
commodities,  and  those  not  only  often  repeated  but  per- 
petual, and  in  exacting  them  intolerable  wrongs. 

Whatever  was  imposed  for  tin  maintenance  of  the  sol- 
diery might  have  been  endured;  bul  through  his  in  atiable 

537 


53S         Some  Aspects  of  the   Decline 


The  hoarding 
of  wealth 
in  the  im- 
perial treas- 
ury. 

Edict  of 
prices. 


Passion  for 
building. 


Killing  men 
for  their 

estates. 


avarice  Diocletian  would  never  allow  the  sums  of  money 
in  his  treasury  to  be  diminished:  he  was  constantly  heap- 
ing together  extraordinary  aids  and  free  gifts,  that  his 
original  hoards  might  remain  untouched  and  inviolable. 
When,  too,  by  various  extortions  he  had  made  all  things 
exceedingly  dear,  he  attempted  by  ordinance  to  limit 
their  prices.  Then  much  blood  was  shed  for  the  veriest 
trifles;  men  were  afraid  to  expose  aught  for  sale,  and  the 
scarcity  became  more  excessive  and  grievous  than  ever, 
until  in  the  end  the  ordinance,  proving  destructive  to 
multitudes,  was  from  mere  necessity  abolished. 

To  this  (oppression)  was  added  a  certain  endless  passion 
for  building,  and  on  that  account  arose  endless  exactions 
from  the  provinces  for  furnishing  wages  to  laborers  and 
artificers,  and  supplying  wagons  and  whatever  else  was 
requisite  to  the  works  which  he  projected.  Here  public 
halls,  there  a  circus,  here  a  mint,  and  there  a  workhouse 
for  making  implements  of  war;  in  one  place  a  habitation 
for  his  empress,  and  in  another  for  his  daughter.  Pres- 
ently a  great  part  of  the  city  was  quitted,  and  all  men 
were  removed  with  their  wives  and  children,  as  from  a 
town  taken  by  enemies;  and  when  those  buildings  were 
completed,  to  the  destruction  of  whole  provinces,  he  said, 
"They  are  not  right,  let  them  be  done  on  another  plan." 
By  such  folly  was  he  continually  endeavoring  to  equal 
Nicomedia  with  the  city  of  Rome  in  magnificence. 

I  omit  mentioning  how  many  perished  on  account  of 
their  possessions  or  wealth;  for  such  evils  were  exceedingly 
frequent;  and  through  their  frequency  they  appeared 
almost  lawful.  But  this  was  peculiar  to  him,  that  when- 
ever he  saw  a  field  remarkably  well  cultivated,  or  a  house 
of  uncommon  elegance,  a  false  accusation  and  a  capital 
punishment  were  straightway  prepared  against  the  pro- 


Oppression 


539 


prietor;  hence  it  seemed  as  if  Diocletian  could  not  be 
guilty  of  rapine  without  also  shedding  blood. 


II.  The  Oppression  Continues  After  Diocletian 

And  now  this  wrong  of  which  we  are  going  to  speak, 
how  atrocious  it  is,  from  what  impious  disorder  it  is  sprung, 
how  strange  to  Barbarians,  how  familiar  to  Romans!  The 
latter  impose  grievous  exactions  upon  one  another.  What 
say  I?  Not  on  one  another,  for  the  thing  would  be  sup- 
portable if  each  suffered  what  he  inflicted.  But  the  really 
crying  evil  is  that  the  many  are  pillaged  by  the  few,  who 
regard  the  public  privileges  as  their  particular  booty, 
who  make  private  gain  of  the  debts  due  the  state  treasury. 
And  the  guilty  ones  are  not  the  great  alone,  but  the  small 
as  well;  not  judges  only,  but  their  deputies.  For  where 
are,  I  do  not  say  the  cities  merely,  but  the  municipia  and 
the  villages,  which  have  not  as  many  tyrants  as  Curiales? 
But  they  congratulate  themselves  perhaps  on  this  name 
of  tyrant,  because  it  seems  powerful  and  honorable.  This 
is  the  characteristic  of  nearly  all  robbers,  to  rejoice  and 
boast  if  they  get  the  reputation  of  being  more  inhuman 
than  they  really  are.  What  then  is  the  place,  I  would  ask,  or 
where  are  the  leading  citizens  who  do  not  devour  the  vitals 
of  widows  and  of  orphans  and  even  of  all  the  saints?  For 
the  latter  are  treated  as  widows  and  orphans,  either  be- 
cause they  do  not  wish  to  defend  themselves,  trusting  in 
their  faith,  or  because  they  are  unable  to  do  it,  on  account 
of  their  weakness  and  innocence.  No  one  then  is  safe, 
except  the  great,  no  one  is  protected  from  these  devasta- 
tions and  this  universal  brigandage,  unless  perhaps  those 
who  resemble  the  thieves  themselves.  Moreover  the 
thing  has  come  to  such  excess  of  wickedness  that  no  one 
but  the  bad  can  hope  to  be  secure. 


The  many 
are  pillaged 
by  the  few. 

Salvianus, 
Providence  of 
God,  v.  4. 


The  Curiales 
were  them- 
selves op- 
pressed, and 
in  their   turn 
oppressed 
those  under 
their  author- 
ity; Ancient 
World,  520. 


The  condi- 
tion de- 
scribed In 
this  sel<  1  tion 
belong    to 
the  fifth 
century     the 
time  "i  the 
writer. 


540         Some  Aspects  of  the   Decline 


Condition 
of  a  certain 
city  of  Eu- 
bcea,  about 
ioo  A.D. 

Dio  Chrys- 
ostom, 
Oration  vii. 
34  S- 

The  speaker 
i^  a  leading 

citizen  of  his 
city. 

A  great  part 
of  the  empire 
was  falling 
into  a  similar 
condition. 


III.  The  Depopulation  of  Eubcea 

About  two  thirds  of  our  land  lies  waste  for  want  of  cul- 
tivators. I  own  many  acres  both  in  the  mountains  and 
in  the  plain.  If  any  one  will  cultivate  them,  they  may  do 
it  without  cost;  yes,  I  will  gladly  pay  them  money.  It 
is  clear  that  the  land  will  thereby  increase  in  value,  and 
it  will  certainly  be  more  pleasant  to  look  upon.  Waste 
land,  besides  being  useless,  arouses  pity  and  makes  the 
owner  seem  unfortunate.  It  appears  to  me  advisable 
therefore  that  you  persuade  as  many  citizens  as  possible 
to  occupy  public  lands  of  the  city  and  to  cultivate  it — ■ 
whoever  has  capital  more,  and  the  poor  man  as  much  as 
he  can,  that  our  land  may  come  under  the  plow,  and  our 
city  be  freed  from  two  of  the  greatest  evils,  idleness  and 
poverty.  Ten  years  they  shall  use  the  land  without  cost; 
then  after  an  estimate  is  made,  they  shall  pay  a  small 
quota  of  the  grain  but  not  of  the  cattle.  If  a  foreigner  shall 
occupy  the  land,  he  shall  have  it  five  years  free,  and  then 
pay  a  rent  double  that  of  a  citizen.  And  if  a  stranger 
shall  occupy  two  hundred  acres,  he  shall  be  given  the 
citizenship  as  an  encouragement  to  as  many  as  possible 
to  undertake  such  work.  For  now  the  land  just  outside 
the  gates  lies  waste  and  unsightly  as  a  desert,  wholly  un- 
like the  neighborhood  of  a  city,  while  inside  the  walls  the 
larger  part  of  the  ground  is  sown  or  pastured.  .  .  .  They 
plant  grain  on  the  exercise  ground  and  pasture  their  cattle 
in  the  market-place,  so  that  Heracles  and  many  other 
statues  of  the  gods  and  heroes  are  hidden  by  the  stalks; 
and  every  morning  the  sheep  of  a  certain  statesman  in- 
trudes upon  the  market-place  and  crops  grass  by  the 
council  chamber  and  the  other  public  buildings;  and  stran- 
gers who  come  here  either  ridicule  or  pity  our  city, 


Depopulation;  Incipient  Feudalism    541 


IV.  Edict  of  Pertinax  Concerning  Vacant  Lands 

In  the  first  place  he  gave  permission  to  occupy  untilled  Lack  of  cul- 
and  vacant  lands  throughout  Italy  and  in  the  other  coun-  throughout 
tries  of  the  empire,  as  much  as  any  one  wished  and  was      ®  aId!™' 
able  to  cultivate,  even  if  it  belonged  to  the  emperor,  on  jjerocjjau  ;, 
condition  that  the  one  who  should  care  for  it  and  till  it  4-  6. 
should  become  its  owner.    To  such  cultivators  he  granted 
exemption  from  all  taxes  for  ten  years  and  eventually 
unqualified  ownership  in  perpetuity. 

V.  Tendency  to  Feudalism 

Imperator  Constantine  Augustus  and  Caesar  Julianus  Imperial 
to  Eutychianus,  Pretorian  Prefect:  "We  hold  that  who-  bidding 
ever  shall  try  to  offer  protection  to  the  farming  folk,  what-  sio^of So- 
ever his  social  rank,  whether  a  commander  of  either  branch  tectlon  to 

rural 

of  military  service,  or  count  (comes)  or  proconsul  or  vice-  laborers, 
governor  or  Imperial  prefect  or  tribune  or  of  the  rank 
of  a  municipal  councillor  or  of  any  other  rank  whatso-   cwr,  x'xi'v.'a. 
ever, — he  shall  know  that  he  will  make  himself  liable  for  Ancient 
the  payment  of  forty  pounds  of  gold  for  the  protection   World,  522. 
furnished   to   each  and  every  landed  estate,   unless   he 
abandon  this  rashness  hereafter.    All  therefore  shall  know 
that  those  should  be  smitten  with  the  aforesaid  fine,  who 
have  undertaken  (to  create)  clientship  of  country  folk, 
but  those  also,  who  for  the  sake  of  defrauding  the  public 
taxes  have  resorted  to  protections  with  the  customary 
fraud,  will  be  liable  to  the  twofold  payment  of  the  es- 
tablished fine." 


542         Some  Aspects  of  the  Decline 


Carthage 
will  serve 
as  an  il- 
lustration. 

Salvianus, 
1'rovidcnce  of 
God,  vii.  1 6. 


Immoral- 
ities. 


The  state- 
ment is 
doubtless 
excessive. 


VI.  An  Example  of  the  Moral  Condition  of  the 
Empire 

I  will  content  myself  with  speaking  of  this  city,  the 
queen  and  mother,  as  it  were,  of  all  the  cities  of  Africa, — 
this  city,  the  eternal  rival  of  Rome,  at  first  in  arms,  then 
in  courage,  and  finally  in  splendor  and  dignity!  Carthage, 
I  say,  the  most  formidable  adversary  of  Rome,  the  Rome 
as  it  were  of  Africa,  which  will  suffice  as  an  example  and 
as  evidence,  because  she  contains  within  herself  every- 
thing by  which  a  state  is  constituted  and  administered. 
There  are  all  the  means  which  prepare  for  the  civil  pro- 
fessions, there  are  the  academies  of  liberal  arts,  there  the 
schools  of  the  philosophers,  there  the  gymnasia  of  lan- 
guages and  manners.  There  too  are  military  forces  and 
the  commanders  of  the  soldiery,  there  the  proconsular 
office,  there  a  judge  and  permanent  governor  who  rules 
with  the  title  of  proconsul  but  with  the  power  of  a  consul. 
There  are  also  all  the  official  dignitaries  who  differ  from 
one  another  in  name  and  rank,  for  every  ward,  for  every 
street,  I  may  say, — procurators  who  govern  every  part 
and  division  of  so  great  a  people.  I  am  content  with  this 
city  as  an  example  for  judging  the  rest;  and  we  may  readily 
understand  the  character  of  the  others,  lacking  as  they 
do  careful  police  regulations,  whereas  the  governors  of 
Carthage  possess  the  utmost  authority. 

And  here  I  almost  repent  of  the  promise  I  have  just 
made,  to  pass  by  all  other  excesses  of  the  Africans  and  to 
speak  chiefly  of  their  impurities  and  blasphemies.  I  see 
a  city  overflowing  with  vices,  I  see  a  city  seething  with 
every  kind  of  wickedness,  thronging  with  people,  throng- 
ing still  more  with  iniquities,  full  of  riches,  but  fuller  of 
sins,  where  men  surpass  one  another  in  the  vileness  of 


Moral  Depravity  543 

their  evil  passions,  strong  among  themselves  for  supremacy 
in  greed  and  impurity,  others  enfeebled  with  wine  or  dis- 
tended with  gluttony,  others  crowned  with  flowers  or 
reeking  with  perfumes,  all  weakened  by  degrading  forms 
of  luxury,  nearly  all  sunken  in  deadly  errors,  not  all  dizzy 
with  wine,  it  is  true,  but  everyone  drunken  in  sin.  You 
would  say  that  the  people  had  lost  their  sound  condition, 
their  senses,  their  mental  sanity,  and  were  moving  along 
in  crowds,  not  with  certain  step  but  in  the  manner  of  in- 
toxicated Bacchantes.  ...  I  mention  the  proscription 
of  orphans,  the  oppression  of  widows,  the  crosses  of  the 
poor  who  daily  groan  before  God,  praying  for  an  end  to 
their  afflictions,  and  worst  of  all,  forced  by  the  unendur- 
able bitterness  of  their  lot,  calling  in  the  enemy,  till  finally 
God  has  granted  them  to  endure  along  with  the  rest  the 
affliction  at  the  hands  of  the  barbarians  which  formerly 
they  alone  had  endured  at  the  hands  of  the  Romans. 

STUDIES 

1.  Enumerate  all  the  causes  of  decline  mentioned  in  this  selection. 
Does  the  writer  seem  to  treat  the  case  fairly? 

2.  In  what  particular  ways,  according  to  Salvianus,  were  the  many 
pillaged  by  the  few?    Who  especially  were  oppressed? 

3.  What  was  the  condition  of  the  part  of  Eubcea  described  in  this 
selection?  What  is  the  value  of  the  selection  in  the  study  of  this 
period?    What  probably  caused  the  depopulation? 

4.  How  did  Pertinax  try  to  remedy  the  evil? 

5.  How  did  the  rural  laborers  seek  to  avoid  their  taxes,  and  how 
did  the  government  try  to  hold  them  to  their  duty? 

6.  Describe  the  prosperity  of  Carthage.  What  docs  Salvianus 
say  of  its  immoralities?    Was  this  condition  a  cau  line? 


CHAPTER  XLIV 


THE   NORTHERN   BARBARIANS 


Physique. 

Tacitus, 
Germania,  4. 


Country. 
lb.  5. 

A  ncient 
War! J,  524  f. 


I.  The  Germans:  People  and  Country 

They  have  fierce  blue  eyes,  red  hair,  and  large  frames, 
capable  only  of  sudden  effort.  They  endure  labor  and 
service  less  patiently  than  we,  and  cannot  support  thirst 
and  heat.  But  their  climate  and  soil  have  accustomed 
them  to  cold  and  hunger. 

The  country,  although  very  varied  in  appearance,  gen- 
erally consists  of  rough  forests  or  foul  swamps.  .  .  . 
Though  fertile  in  crops,  it  bears  no  fruit  trees;  it  is  rich 
in  herds  but  they  are  generally  stunted.  Even  their 
cattle  do  not  attain  their  natural  beauty  or  the  full  growth 
of  their  horns.  They  take  pleasure  in  the  size  of  their 
herds;  these  are  their  sole  form  of  wealth,  and  they  are 
very  proud  of  them.  Whether  it  is  in  mercy  or  anger  that 
the  gods  have  denied  them  silver  or  gold  I  do  not  know; 
nor  could  I  definitely  assert  that  Germany  produces  no 
vein  of  gold  or  silver;  for  no  one  has  explored.  But  they 
are  not  affected  in  the  same  way  that  we  are  by  its  pos- 
session and  use.  You  may  see  there  silver  vases  which 
have  been  given  as  presents  to  their  ambassadors  and 
chiefs;  but  they  hold  them  as  cheap  as  earthenware  pots. 
However,  the  tribes  nearest  to  us  have  learnt  through 
familiarity  with  trade  to  value  gold  and  silver;  they  can 
recognize  and  pick  out  certain  pieces  of  our  money.  The 
people  of  the  interior  use  the  more  simple  and  ancient 
method  of  barter.     They  like  best  the  old  coinage  with 

544 


Warfare;  Government  545 

which  they  are  familiar,  with  milled  edges  and  with  a   These  old 
J  coins  con- 

two-horse  chariot  stamped  on  it.    They  also  prefer  silver   tained  less 

to  gold.    This  is  not  a  matter  of  taste;  but  a  number  of  those  o/the 

small  silver  coins  is  more  useful  for  men  who  buy  only  writer's  time. 

cheap  and  common  articles. 

Even  iron  is  not  plentiful,  as  one  may  gather  from  the  £^|1*nd 

nature  of  their  weapons.     Swords  and  long  lances  are 

.  ,  Tac.  Germ.  6. 

rarely  used;  they  carry  spears,  or,  as  they  name  them, 
"  Frams  "  which  have  a  short  narrow  head,  but  are  so  sharp 
and  handy  that  they  use  the  same  weapon  as  circumstances 
demand  for  close  and  open  fighting.  The  cavalry  are 
content  with  shield  and  spear;  the  infantry  also  shower 
javelins;  each  man  carried  several,  and  they  can  throw 
them  a  very  long  way.  They  fight  naked  or  in  a  light 
plaid.  They  have  no  elaborate  apparel,  and  merely  paint 
their  shields  with  distinctive  colors,  of  the  brightest  hue. 
Few  wear  cuirasses,  hardly  any  helmets  or  caps.  Their 
horses  are  distinguished  neither  for  build  nor  for  speed.  .  .  . 

II.  Government 
Kings  they  choose  by  family,  generals  by  merit.    But  Kings,  war- 
the  kings  have  not  an  unfettered  power;  and  the  generals  priests. 
lead  less  by  authority  than  by  force  of  example,  according  Tac  Germ  ; 
as  they  win  praise  for  energy,  conspicuous  bravery  and  Ancient 
daring.     Powers  of  execution  or  imprisonment  and  even   World,  525. 
of  flogging  are  granted  to  none  but  the  priests,  nor  are 
they  exercised  as  a  penalty  or  at  the  general's  command, 
but  at  the  bidding— so  they  imagine— of  the  tribal  god 
whom  they  believe  to  be  present  in  the  ranks.     Statues 
and  certain  symbols  are  taken  down  from  the  trees  of  the 
grove  and  carried  into  battle.     The  troops  of  horse  and 
the  wedge-battalions  of  infantry  are  formed  nol   merely 
at  haphazard  but  by  families  and  clans.     In  this  lies  their 


546 


The  Northern  Barbarians 


Worrier . 


Women  in 
war. 

Tac.  Germ.  8. 


Council  of 
chiefs  and 
assembly 
of  warriors. 

hns 


■I- 


chief  incentive  to  bravery.    Their  dearest  too  are  close  at 

hand;  the  women's  cries  and  the  wailing  of  the  babies 
reach  their  ears.  It  is  their  testimony  that  each  man 
respects,  their  praise  he  values  most.  They  carry  their 
wounds  to  show  to  mother  and  to  wife;  nor  are  the  women 
frightened  to  number  and  examine  the  blows;  during  battle 
they  bring  them  food  and  encouragement. 

There  is  a  tradition  that  in  some  battles  troops  already 
wavering  and  beginning  to  run  have  been  rallied  by  the 
women,  who  offer  unceasing  prayers,  bare  their  breasts, 
and  point  out  that  captivity  lies  waiting  close  at  hand. 
This  the  Germans  fear  far  more  anxiously  for  the  women's 
sake  than  for  their  own,  and  the  strongest  hold  upon  the 
loyalty  of  these  tribes  is  got  by  demanding  as  hostages 
girls  of  noble  family.  Indeed  they  believe  that  there  is  in 
women  some  divine  spark  of  foreknowledge,  and  they  do 
not  despise  their  advice  or  neglect  their  answers.  .  .  . 

On  minor  matters  the  chief  men  consult  alone;  on  more 
important  business  they  all  meet.  They  provide,  however, 
that  all  questions,  the  decision  of  which  lies  with  the 
people,  may  be  previously  discussed  by  the  chiefs.  Their 
meetings  are,  except  in  case  of  chance  emergencies,  on 
fixed  days,  either  at  new  moon  or  full  moon ;  such  seasons 
the\-  believe  to  be  the  most  auspicious  for  beginning  busi- 
ness. They  reckon  the  number,  not  of  the  days  as  we  do, 
but  of  the  nights.  It  is  thus  that  they  make  their  appoint- 
ments and  contracts.  To  them  day  seems  to  follow  night. 
Their  love  of  liberty  makes  them  independent  to  a  fault; 
they  do  not  assemble  all  at  once  or  as  though  they  were 
under  orders;  but  two  or  three  days  are  wasted  by  their 
delay  in  arriving.  They  take  their  seats  as  they  come, 
all  in  full  armor.  Silence  is  demanded  by  the  priests,  to 
whom  are  granted  special  powers  of  coercion.     Next  the 


Justice;   "Companionship"  547 

king,  or  one  of  the  chief  men  according  to  claims  of  age, 
lineage,  or  military  glory,  receives  a  hearing,  which  he  ni 

obtains  more  by  power  of  persuasion  than  by  any  right  of 
command.  If  the  opinion  expressed  displeases,  their  mur- 
murs reject  it;  if  they  approve,  they  clash  their  spears. 
Such  applause  is  considered  the  most  honorable  form  of 
assent. 

At  the  meeting  charges  involving  risk  of  capital  punish-  Punish- 
ment may  be  brought.  The  punishment  fits  the  crime. 
They  hang  traitors  and  deserters  on  trees;  cowards  and  " I2' 
cravens  and  evil-livers  they  plunge  into  a  muddy  swamp 
and  put  a  hurdle  on  the  top.  These  different  penalties 
imply  the  distinction  that  crimes  in  being  punished  ought 
to  be  made  public,  while  shameful  offences  ought  to  be 
concealed.  They  have  also  for  lighter  offences  propor- 
tionate penalties;  if  convicted,  they  are  fined  a  certain 
number  of  horses  or  cattle.    Part  of  the  fine  is  paid  to  the  i, 

king  or  community,  part  to  the  injured  man  or  his  kinsmen. 
In  these  same  meetings  they  choose  chiefs  who  administer 
justice  in  the  shires  and  villages.    Each  of  these  is  accom-  t» 

panied  by  a  hundred  companions  of  the  common  people, 
who  give  him  both  advice  and  authority. 

III.  "Companionship" 

They  do  no  business  public  or  private  except  in  arms.   The  youth 
.,..         ,     .  .      ,  .,     ,       becomes  a 

But  their  custom  is  that  no  one  may  carry  arms  until  the   man. 

community  has  approved  his  ability.     Then  before  the  -rac  t;(T„, 

whole  assembly  either  one  of  the  chief  men  or  the  father    l$- 

or  some  kinsman  adorns  the  young  warrior  with  shield 

and  spear.     This  panoply  is  their  "toga,"  youth's  first 

honor.    Before  this  he  is  a  member  of  the  household,  now 

a  member  uf  the  state.     Distinguished  lineage  or  groal 

services  done  by  ancestors  sometimes  win  for  nun    b< 


548 


The  Northern   Barbarians 


The  chief 
gathers  about 
him  a  num- 
ber of  fol- 
lowers,  called 
comp.ii 
who  6ght 
under  his 
leadership. 

Ancient 

World,  525. 


The  com- 
panions vie 
with  one 
another  in 
valor. 

Tac.  Germ. 
14. 


the  rank  of  a  chief;  but  these  take  their  places  among  the 
other  tougher  warriors  whom  time  has  tried,  and  do  not 
blush  to  be  seen  in  the  ranks.  Within  the  train  itself  too 
there  are  degrees  of  honor,  determined  at  the  leader's 
discretion.  And  great  rivalry  prevails — the  companions 
each  striving  to  be  first  with  their  chief,  the  chiefs  to  have 
the  largest  and  most  spirited  companionship.  Real  dis- 
tinction and  strength  belong  to  the  chief  who  has  around 
him  always  a  band  of  chosen  warriors,  to  be  a  glory  in 
peace  and  a  protection  in  war.  To  have  a  companionship 
distinguished  for  its  size  and  bravery  brings  fame  and 
glory  not  only  among  your  own  people,  but  among  neigh- 
boring tribes  as  well.  Such  trains  are  courted  by  legates, 
and  honored  with  gifts,  and  often  decide  the  fortune  of  a 
battle  by  the  mere  rumor  of  their  presence. 

When  the  fighting  begins,  it  is  shameful  for  a  chief  to  be 
outdone  in  bravery,  and  equally  shameful  for  the  com- 
panions not  to  match  the  bravery  of  their  chief;  to  survive 
one's  chief  and  to  return  from  battle  is  a  foul  disgrace 
which  lasts  as  long  as  life.  To  defend  him,  to  support 
him,  to  turn  one's  brave  deeds  to  his  glory,  this  is  their 
chief  oath  of  allegiance.  The  chiefs  fight  for  victory,  the 
companions  for  their  chief.  Often  youths  of  noble  family, 
if  the  community  in  which  they  were  born  is  suffering  the 
torpor  of  prolonged  peace,  go  and  seek  out  some  tribe 
which  happens  to  be  at  war.  They  hate  peace;  and  fame 
too  comes  more  easily  in  times  of  danger.  Nor  can  you 
support  a  large  companionship  save  by  war  and  violence; 
for  they  exact  from  their  chief's  liberality  their  charter 
and  their  murderous  invincible  spear.  Feasts,  too,  rough 
though  plentiful,  are  given  for  pay.  The  means  of  this 
liberality  is  won  by  war  and  plunder.  It  would  be  far 
harder  to  persuade  them  to  plow  the  fields  and  wait  for 


Peace  549 

the  year's  yield  than  to  challenge  the  enemy  and  earn 
a  wage  of  wounds.  Indeed,  they  think  it  dull  and  lazy 
to  get  by  the  sweat  of  your  own  brow  what  may  be  won 
by  shedding  some  one  else's  blood. 

IV.  In  Time  of  Peace 

When  they  are  not  fighting,  they  spend  little  time  in  Idleness. 

hunting,   much   more   in   doing   nothing.     They   devote  Tac.  Germ. 

themselves  to  sleeping  and  eating.    Even  the  bravest  and   I5' 

most  warlike  are  quite  idle,  for  they  give  over  the  care  of 

house  and  fields  to  the  women  and  the  old  men,  and  to  all 

the  weaklings  of  the  household.    They  themselves  merely 

lounge,  for  from  a  strange  contradiction  of  character  they 

love  idleness  yet  hate  peace.    It  is  usual  for  the  tribe,  man 

by  man,  to  contribute  a  voluntary  gift  of  cattle  or  corn 

for  the  chiefs.    They  accept  this  as  an  honor,  and  it  meets 

their  needs.    They  take  particular  pleasure  in  gifts  from 

other  tribes.    These  are  sent  not  only  by  individuals,  but 

often  by  the  community,  and  consist  of  picked  horses, 

massive  armor,  bosses  and  collars.    In  these  days  we  have 

also  taught  them  to  take  money. 

It  is  well  known  that  none  of  the  German  tribes  live  Villages  and 

rr.i     •      isolated 
in  cities.    They  cannot  endure  undetached  houses,     lneir  homes. 

homes  are  separate  and  scattered,  pitched  at  the  call  of  Ib  l6 

river,  plain  or  wood.    They  build  villages,  but  not  as  we 

do  with  the  buildings  all  adjoining  and  connected.    Each 

man  has  an  open  space  around  his  homestead,  either  as  a 

protection  against  risk  of  fire,  or  because  they  do  not 

know  how  to  build  otherwise.    They  make  no  use  even  of 

quarry  stones  or  tiles.    For  all  purposes  they  use  timber 

roughly  hewn   with   no  attempt   at   beauty  or  comfort. 

Some  parts  they  carefully  smear  with  earth  so  pure  and 

bright  that  it  gives  the  effect  of  painting  and  colored  de- 


55° 


The  Northern  Barbarians 


Clothing. 
Ib.'  17. 


bi 


signs.  They  often  dig  caverns  under  the  earth  and  load 
heaps  of  mud  above  them;  these  make  a  refuge  for  them 
in  winter  and  a  storehouse  for  fruits.  In  such  places  as 
these  they  temper  the  extreme  cold;  and  if  an  enemy 
comes  he  carries  off  what  he  finds  in  the  open,  while  he 
knows  nothing  of  all  that  is  hidden  and  buried;  or  else  it 
escapes  just  because  there  is  no  time  to  search  for  it. 

They  all  wear  for  covering  a  plaid  fastened  with  a  brooch, 
or,  in  default  of  that,  a  thorn.  Without  any  other  cloth- 
ing they  spend  whole  days  lying  on  the  hearth  before  the 
fire.  The  wealthy  are  distinguished  by  a  garment,  which 
does  not  flow  loose,  as  with  the  Sarmatians  and  Parthians, 
but  fits  close  and  shows  the  shape  of  each  limb.  They 
also  use  the  skins  of  wild  beasts.  Those  nearest  the  Rhine 
look  comfortable  in  them,  but  the  people  of  the  interior 
wear  them  with  elaborate  care,  since  they  are  not  yet 
civilized  by  commerce.  They  choose  their  animal,  skin 
it,  and  star  the  hide  with  the  speckled  fur  of  the  beasts 
found  in  the  further  ocean  and  the  unknown  sea.  The 
women  have  the  same  clothing  as  the  men,  except  that 
they  more  frequently  wear  linen  garments,  which  they 
ornament  with  purple  stripes.  The  bodice  has  no  sleeves, 
and  they  leave  the  arms  and  forearms  uncovered.  .  .  . 
Their  observance  of  the  marriage-tie  is  very  strict,  and 
there  is  no  point  in  their  manners  which  deserves  greater 
praise.  Almost  alone  among  barbarians  they  are  content 
wTith  one  wife,  with  the  exception  of  a  very  few.  .  ,  . 

V.  Family  and  Social  Relations 

The  husband  brings  a  dowry  to  the  wife,  not  the  wife 
to  the  husband.  The  parents  come  to  the  wedding  and 
inspect  the  presents.  These  are  not  designed  to  please  a 
woman's  taste,  nor  can  a  young  bride  wear  them  in  her 


Family  and  Kin  551 

hair:  they  are  oxen,  and  a  bridled  horse  or  a  shield  with 
spear  and  sword.  This  is  the  dowry  which  wins  a  wife, 
and  she  in  her  turn  brings  the  husband  some  gift  of  arms. 
This  represents  to  them  our  marriage  bond,  the  mystic 
celebrations,  and  all  the  gods  of  matrimony.  A  woman 
must  not  think  herself  exempt  from  thoughts  of  bravery 
or  the  chances  of  war.  By  the  ceremony  which  begins  her 
wedded  life  she  is  warned  that  she  comes  to  be  her  hus- 
band's partner  in  toil  and  in  danger,  to  suffer  and  to  dare 
with  him  alike  in  peace  and  war.  This  is  plainly  shown  by 
the  yoked  oxen,  the  bridled  horse,  and  the  gift  of  arms. 
Thus  she  must  live,  and  thus  she  must  die.  She  is  receiv- 
ing a  trust  which  she  must  keep  worthily  and  hand  on  to 
her  children,  a  trust  which  her  sons'  wives  may  receive  in 
turn  and  pass  on  to  their  children.  .  .  . 

The  family  are  bound  to  share  the  feuds  as  well  as  the  Blood  feud, 
friendships  of  father  or  kinsman.  But  these  feuds  are  Tac.  Germ. 
not  irreconcilable.  Even  homicide  has  its  price  in  a  fixed 
tale  of  cattle  or  sheep;  the  whole  family  receives  the  rec- 
ompense. This  is  a  good  policy  for  the  community,  since 
feuds  and  freedom  are  dangerous  side  by  side.  In  enter- 
tainment and  hospitality  no  people  are  more  profuse  or 
generous.  It  is  thought  wrong  to  refuse  shelter  to  any 
living  man.  Each  according  to  his  means  receives  his 
guests  with  a  liberal  spread.  When  his  store  fails,  the 
former  host  sets  out  with  his  guest  and  guides  him  to  an- 
other lodging.  They  proceed  to  the  next  house  without 
any  invitation.  Nor  does  this  make  any  difference;  their 
welcome  is  no  less  warm.  As  far  as  the  right  of  hospitality 
is  concerned,  no  one  makes  any  distinction  between  friend 
and  stranger.  On  a  guest's  departure,  should  he  ask  for 
anything,  their  custom  is  to  grant  it ;  and  the  guest  on  his 
part  feels  just  as  free  to  ask.    They  like  presents,  but  do 


552 


The  Northern  Barbarians 


not  reckon  them  as  a  favor,  nor  feel  under  any  obligation 
in  accepting  them. 

Immediately  they  rise  from  sleep,  which  they  frequently 
prolong  into  the  day,  they  take  a  bath,  usually  of  warm 
water,  as  is  natural  where  winter  takes  the  lion's  share 
of  the  year.  After  the  bath  they  take  a  meal.  They  have 
separate  seats  and  each  his  own  table.  Then  they  proceed 
to  business  and  often  to  feasts  in  full  armor.  No  one  is 
ashamed  to  drink  from  dawn  to  dawn.  As  is  natural 
among  drunkards,  quarrels  are  frequent,  and  their  brawls 
are  rarely  settled  without  wounds  and  bloodshed.  But 
they  also  frequently  consult  at  their  feasts  about  the  rec- 
onciliations of  feuds,  the  forming  of  family  connections, 
and  the  adoption  of  chiefs,  and  also  upon  peace  and  war. 
At  no  other  time,  they  feel,  is  the  heart  so  open  to  frank 
thoughts  or  so  well  warmed  to  great  ones.  Being  as  a 
race  without  much  cunning  or  experience,  they  still  open 
the  secrets  of  their  hearts  in  the  freedom  of  jest.  Thus  the 
mind  of  each  is  laid  bare.  On  the  morrow  they  discuss 
the  question  again,  thus  preserving  the  advantages  of 
either  state.  They  debate,  while  incapable  of  deceit,  and 
decide  when  they  cannot  be  misled. 

Their  drink  is  a  liquid  made  from  barley  or  wheat  fer- 
mented into  a  faint  resemblance  of  wine.  Their  food  is 
simple,  wild  fruits,  fresh  game,  or  curdled  milk.  They 
simply  satisfy  their  hunger  without  any  refinement  or 
preparation.  In  drinking  they  are  less  temperate.  If 
you  pander  to  their  intemperance  by  supplying  as  much 
as  they  want,  their  vices  will  conquer  them  as  effectively 
as  any  troops. 

They  have  but  one  kind  of  public  show;  in  every  gather- 
ing it  is  just  the  same.  Naked  youths  who  profess  this 
sport,  fling  themselves  in  dance  among  swords  and  levelled 


Slavery  553 

lances.  Practice  has  perfected  their  skill  and  skill  their 
grace;  yet  they  do  it  not  to  make  money  or  a  living.  Dar- 
ing as  the  game  is,  its  sole  reward  is  the  spectator's  pleas- 
ure. Gambling  with  dice,  it  is  strange  to  find,  they  reckon 
as  a  serious  occupation.  They  play  while  sober,  and 
show  such  recklessness  in  winning  and  losing  that  when 
all  else  fails,  on  the  last  throw  of  ail  they  stake  their  lib- 
erty and  person.  The  loser  goes  into  voluntary  slavery. 
Though  he  may  be  the  younger  and  stronger,  he  suffers 
himself  to  be  bound  and  sold.  This  shows  their  wrong- 
headed  obstinacy;  they  call  it  themselves  a  sense  of  honor. 
Slaves  thus  obtained  they  usually  sell  in  the  market,  to 
rid  themselves  of  the  shame  of  such  a  victory. 

Their  ordinary  slaves  are  not  employed,  as  ours  are,  Slaves, 
on  distinct  duties  in  the  establishment.  Each  has  his  jj.  25. 
own  hearth  and  home.  The  master  fixes  a  certain  measure 
of  grain  or  number  of  cattle  to  be  paid  as  a  sort  of  rent; 
this  forms  the  only  obligation.  All  the  household  obliga- 
tions are  performed  by  the  master's  wife  and  children. 
Slaves  are  very  rarely  beaten  or  condemned  to  imprison- 
ment or  taskwork.  They  are  sometimes  killed  by  their 
masters,  not,  however,  as  a  severe  act  of  discipline,  but 
simply  in  a  fit  of  passion,  just  as  one  might  kill  a  private 
enemy,  except  that  it  is  legal  to  kill  a  slave.  The  position 
of  freedmen  is  not  much  higher  than  that  of  slaves.  In 
the  household  they  rarely  have  any  influence,  in  the  state 
never,  except  in  those  tribes  which  are  ruled  by  kings. 
There  they  rise  even  above  the  free-born  and  above  the 
nobles.  In  the  other  tribes  the  inferiority  of  freedmen 
is  a  proof  of  freedom. 

The  lending  of  money  and  its  multiplication  by  interest  Economy, 
is  unknown  to  them.  Ignorance  proves  a  better  preven-  TacGerm, 
tive  than  prohibition.     The  fields  are  held  by  village- 


554 


The  Northern  Barbarians 


communities  in  proportion  to  their  numbers,  and  are 
allotted  to  individuals  according  to  rank.  The  extent  of 
the  land  makes  the  division  easy.  They  never  till  the  same 
field  two  years  in  succession,  yet  there  is  always  land  to 
spare.  They  do  not  labor  to  improve  the  richness  or  ex- 
tent of  the  soil  by  planting  orchards  enclosing  meadows 
and  irrigating  gardens;  their  sole  demand  upon  the  land 
is  corn.  Thus  they  do  not  divide  the  year  Wo  as  many 
seasons  as  we  do.  They  distinguish  winter,  spring  and 
summer,  and  give  them  names;  but  they  know  neither  the 
name  nor  the  blessings  of  autumn. 

The  funerals  are  not  ostentatious.  The  only  custom 
they  observe  is  that  of  using  certain  kinds  of  wrood  for  the 
cremation  of  famous  men.  They  do  not  load  the  pyre 
with  garments  or  perfumes.  The  dead  man's  armor  goes 
into  the  flames  and  in  some  cases  his  horse  as  well.  The 
tomb  is  built  of  turf.  They  dislike  a  tall  and  elaborate 
monument;  it  seems  an  honor  that  weighs  heavy  on  the 
dead.  They  soon  cease  from  tears  and  mourning,  but  are 
slow  to  forget  their  grief.  "Women  must  weep"  they 
sav  "and  men  remember." 


VI.  The  Huns 

They  are  certainly  in  the  shape  of  men,  however  un- 
couth, but  are  so  hardy  that  they  require  neither  fire  nor 
well-flavored  food,  but  live  on  the  roots  of  such  herbs  as 
they  get  in  the  fields,  or  on  the  half-raw-  flesh  of  any  animal, 
which  they  merely  warm  rapidly  by  placing  it  between 
their  own  thighs  and  the  backs  of  tfleir  horses. 

They  never  shelter  themselves  under  roofed  houses, 
but  avoid  them  as  people  ordinarily  avoid  sepulchres  as 
things  not  fitted  for  common  use.  Nor  is  there  even  to  be 
found  among  them  a  cabin  thatched  with  reed;  but  they 


The  Huns  555 

wander  about  roaming  over  the  mountains  and  the  woods, 
and  accustom  themselves  to  bear  frost  and  hunger  and 
thirst  from  their  very  cradles.  And  even  when  abroad 
they  never  enter  a  house  unless  under  the  compulsion  of 
some  extreme  necessity;  nor  indeed  do  they  think  people 
under  roofs  as  safe  as  others. 

They  wear  linen  clothes,  or  else  garments  made  of  the  Clothing, 
skins  of  field-mice;  nor  do  they  wear  a  different  dress  Amm. Marc, 
out  of  doors  from  that  which  they  wear  at  home;  but  xxx1'  s' 
after  a  tunic  is  once  put  around  their  necks,  however  worn 
it  becomes,  it  is  never  taken  off  or  changed  till,  from  long 
decay,  it  becomes  actually  so  ragged  as  to  fall  to  pieces. 

They  cover  their  heads  with  round  caps,  and  their 
shaggy  legs  with  the  skins  of  kids;  their  shoes  are  not  made  lb.  6. 
on  any  lasts,  but  are  so  unshapely  as  to  hinder  them  from 
walking  with  a  free  gait.  And  for  this  reason  they  are  not 
well-suited  to  infantry  battles,  but  are  nearly  always  on 
horseback,  their  horses  being  ill-shaped  but  hardy;  and 
sometimes  they  even  sit  upon  them  like  women  if  they 
want  to  do  anything  more  conveniently.  There  is  not  a 
person  in  the  whole  nation  who  cannot  remain  on  his 
horse  day  and  night.  On  horseback  they  buy  and  sell, 
they  take  their  meat  and  drink,  and  there  they  recline  on 
the  narrow  neck  of  their  steed,  and  yield  to  sleep  so  deep 
as  to  indulge  in  every  variety  of  dream. 

And  when  any  deliberation  is  to  take  place  on  any  Council, 
weighty  matter,  they  all  hold  their  common  council  on   /j.  7. 
horseback.    They  are  not  under  the  authority  of  a  king, 
but  are  contented  with  the  irregular  government  of  their 
nobles,  and  under  their  lead  they  force  their  way  through 
all  obstacle^. 

Sometimes  when  provoked,  they  fight;  and  when  they  Warfare, 
go  into  battle,  they  form  in  a  solid  body,  and  utter  all  kinds   //,.  8. 


556 


The  Northern  Barbarians 


of  terrific  yells.  They  arc  very  quick  in  their  operations, 
of  exceeding  speed,  and  fond  of  surprising  their  enemies. 
With  a  view  to  this,  they  suddenly  disperse,  then  reunite, 
and  again,  after  having  inflicted  vast  loss  upon  the  enemy, 
they  scatter  themselves  over  the  whole  plain  in  irregular 
formations;  always  avoiding  a  fort  or  an  intrenchment. 

And  in  one  respect  you  may  pronounce  them  the  most 
formidable  of  all  warriors,  for,  when  at  a  distance,  they 
use  missiles  of  various  kinds  tipped  with  sharpened  bones 
instead  of  the  usual  points  of  javelins,  and  these  bones  are 
admirably  fastened  into  the  shaft  of  the  javelin  or  arrow; 
but  when  they  are  at  close  quarters  they  fight  with  the 
sword,  without  any  regard  for  their  own  safety;  and  often 
while  their  antagonists  are  warding  off  their  blows  they 
entangle  them  with  twisted  cords,  so  that,  their  hands 
being  fettered,  they  lose  all  power  of  either  riding  or 
walking. 

None  of  them  plow,  or  even  touch  a  plow-handle; 
for  they  have  nc  settled  abode,  but  are  homeless  and 
lawless,  perpetually  wandering  with  their  wagons,  which 
they  make  their  homes;  in  fact  they  seem  to  be  people 
always  in  flight.  Their  wives  live  in  these  wagons,  and 
there  weave  their  miserable  garments.  .  .  . 

In  truces  they  are  treacherous  and  inconstant,  liable  to 
change  their  minds  at  every  breeze  of  every  fresh  hope 
which  presents  itself,  giving  themselves  up  wholly  to  the 
impulse  and  inclination  of  the  moment;  and  like  brute 
beasts,  they  are  utterly  ignorant  of  the  distinction  between 
right  and  wrong.  They  express  themselves  with  great 
ambiguity  and  obscurity;  have  no  respect  for  any  religion 
or  superstition  whatever;  are  immoderately  covetous  of 
gold;  and  are  so  fickle  and  irascible,  that  they  very  often 
on  the  same  day  that  they  quarrel  with  their  companions 


Review  557 

without   any   provocation,   again   become   reconciled    to 
them  without  any  mediator. 

STUDIES 

i.  Describe  Germany.    What  were  its  products? 

2.  Describe  the  government.  What  were  the  qualifications  for 
leadership?  What  function  had  the  priests?  What  was  the  idea  of 
punishment?  What  was  the  German  method  of  fighting?  What 
part  in  warfare  did  women  take?  Who  composed  the  council? 
What  business  came  before  it?  Describe  the  public  meetings  of  the 
warriors. 

3.  Explain  "companionship."    What  part  had  it  in  war? 

4.  How  did  the  warriors  live  in  time  of  peace?  Where  were  their 
homes  situated?    Describe  their  clothing. 

5.  Describe  their  marriage  customs.  Explain  the  blood  feud. 
How  did  they  treat  guests?  What  was  their  custom  of  eating  at 
meals  and  feasts?  To  what  vices  were  they  addicted?  What  was 
the  condition  of  their  slaves?  What  were  all  the  sources  of  their 
subsistence?    In  what  way  were  their  funerals  peculiar? 

6.  Describe  the  physique  of  the  Huns.  What  was  their  opinion 
of  houses?  What  did  they  wear?  What  use  did  they  make  of  horses? 
What  government  had  they?  Describe  their  warfare.  Compare 
them  with  the  Germans.  Who  wrote  these  selections,  and  how  did 
each  obtain  his  information? 


CHAPTER  XLV 


The  ex- 
periences of 
two  Christian 
women. 

St.  Jerome, 
Letter    cxxvii 
(written  412 
A.D.). 

The  first 
siege  men- 
tioned was 
by  Alaric  in 
408;  the  sec- 
ond siege, 
ending  in  the 
capture  of 
Rome,  was 
in  410;  An- 
cient World, 
S29  f- 

Principia  was 
a  young  lady 
in  the  house 
and  under 
the  protec- 
tion of  Mar- 
cella,  an  old 
lady.    The 
latter  soon 
died  from 
the  effects  of 
her  injuries. 


ROMAN  LIFE  UNDER  THE  LATE  EMPIRE 
MAINLY   FOURTH   AND    FIFTH    CENTURIES  A.D. 

I.  Principia  and  Marcella  in  the  Sack  of  Rome 
by  the  Goths 

Rome  had  been  besieged  and  its  citizens  had  been  forced 
to  buy  their  lives  with  gold.  Then,  thus  despoiled,  they 
had  been  besieged  again  so  as  to  lose  not  their  substance 
only  but  their  lives.  My  voice  sticks  in  my  throat;  and 
as  I  dictate,  sobs  choke  my  utterance.  The  City  which 
had  taken  the  whole  world  was  itself  taken;  nay  more, 
famine  was  beforehand  with  the  sword  and  but  few  citizens 
were  left  to  be  made  captives.  In  their  frenzy  the  starving 
people  had  recourse  to  hideous  food;  and  tore  each  other 
limb  from  limb  that  they  might  have  flesh  to  eat.  Even 
the  mother  did  not  spare  the  babe  at  her  breast.  .  .  . 

Meantime  as  was  natural  in  a  scene  of  such  confusion, 
one  of  the  blood-stained  victors  found  his  way  into  Mar- 
cella's  house.  Now  be  it  mine  to  say  what  I  have  heard, 
to  relate  what  holy  men  have  seen;  for  there  were  some 
such  present,  and  they  say  you  (Principia)  too  were  with 
her  in  the  hour  of  danger.  When  the  soldiers  entered,  she 
is  said  to  have  received  them  without  any  look  of  alarm; 
and  when  they  asked  her  for  gold,  she  pointed  to  her  coarse 
dress  to  show  them  she  had  no  buried  treasure.  They 
would  not  believe  in  her  self-chosen  poverty,  however, 

.«8 


The  Sack  of  Rome  559 

but  scourged  and  beat  her  with  cudgels.  She  is  said  to 
have  felt  no  pain,  but  to  have  thrown  herself  at  their  feet 
and  to  have  pleaded  with  tears  for  you,  that  you  might 
not  be  taken  from  her.  .  .  .  Christ  softened  their  hard 
hearts  and  even  among  blood-stained  swords  natural  affec- 
tion asserted  its  rights.  The  barbarians  conveyed  both 
you  and  her  to  the  basilica  of  the  Apostle  Paul,  that  you 
might  find  there  either  a  place  of  safety  or  if  not  that, 
at  least  a  tomb.  Hereupon  Marcella  is  said  to  have  burst 
into  great  joy  and  to  have  thanked  God  for  having  kept 
you  unharmed  in  answer  to  her  prayer.  She  said  she  was 
thankful  too  that  the  taking  of  the  City  had  found  her 
poor,  not  made  her  so,  that  she  was  now  in  want  of  her 
daily  bread,  that  Christ  satisfied  her  needs  so  that  she 
no  longer  felt  hungry,  that  she  was  able  to  say  in  word 
and  in  deed.  .  .  .  "The  Lord  gave  and  the  Lord  hath  Job  i.  21. 
taken  away;  blessed  be  the  name  of  the  Lord." 

II.  By  Fire  and  Sword 

I  shudder  when  I  think  of  the  catastrophies  of  our  time.   Calamities 
For  twenty  years  and  more  the  blood  of  Romans  has  been  by  the  in- 
shed  daily  between  Constantinople  and  the  Julian  Alps.  vaders- 
Scythia,  Thrace,  Macedonia,  Dardania,  Dacia,  Thessaly,   ^tta^lto 
Achaia,  Epirus,  Dalmatia,  the  Pannonias — each  and  all  Heliodorus; 
of  these  provinces  have  been  sacked  and  pillaged  and 
plundered  by  Goths  and  Sarmatians,  Quades  and  Alans, 
Huns   and   Vandals   and    Marcomanni.      How   many   of 
God's  matrons  and  maidens,  virtuous  and  noble  ladies, 
have  been  made  the  sport  of  these  brutes!    Bishops  have 
been  made  captive,  priests  and  those  in  minor  orders  have 
been  put  to  death.     Churches  have  been   overthrown, 
horses  have  been  stalled  by  the  altars  of  Christ,  and  relics 
of  the  martyrs  have  been  dug  up. 


560     Roman  Life  Under  the  Late  Empire 


Vergil, 
/Em  id,  ii. 

369- 

The  empire 
is  falling. 


Invasion  of 
the  Huns 
(here  called 

wolves). 


Mourning  and  fear  abound  on  every  side 

And  death  appears  in  countless  shapes  and  forms. 

The  Roman  world  is  falling;  yet  we  hold  up  our  heads 
instead  of  bowing  them.  .  .  .  The  East,  it  is  true,  seemed 
to  be  safe  from  all  such  evils;  and  if  men  were  panic-stricken 
here,  it  was  only  because  of  bad  news  from  other  parts. 
But  lo!  in  the  year  just  gone  by  the  wolves  (no  longer  of 
Arabia  but  of  the  whole  North)  were  let  loose  upon  us 
from  the  remotest  fastnesses  of  Caucasus  and  in  a  short 
time  overran  these  great  provinces.  What  a  number  of 
monasteries  they  captured !  How  many  rivers  they  caused 
to  run  red  with  blood!  They  laid  siege  to  Antioch  and  in- 
vested other  cities  on  the  Halys,  the  Cydnus,  the  Orontes, 
and  the  Euphrates.  They  carried  off  troops  of  captives. 
Arabia,  Phoenicia,  Palestine,  and  Egypt,  in  their  terror 
fancied  themselves  enslaved. 

Had  I  a  hundred  tongues,  a  hundred  lips, 
A  throat  of  iron  and  a  chest  of  brass, 
I  could  not  tell  men's  countless  sufferings. 

And  indeed  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  write  a  history;  I 
only  wish  to  shed  a  few  tears  over  your  sorrows  and  mine. 

III.  Advice  to  a  Young  Monk 
lam  told  that  your  mother  is  a  religious  woman,  a  widow 
of  many  years  standing;  and  that  when  you  were  a  child 
tdteTcxsv       she  reared  and  taught  you  herself.    Afterward  when  you 

(to  Rusticus;   hacj  Spent  some  time  in  the  flourishing  schools  of  Gaul, 
411  A.D.).  r  , 

she  sent  you  to  Rome,  sparing  no  expense  and  consoling 

herself  for  your  absence  with  the  thought  of  the  future 

that  lay  before  you.    She  hoped  to  see  the  exuberance  and 

glitter  of  your  Gallic  eloquence  toned  down  by  Roman 

sobriety,  for  she  saw  that  you  required  the  rein  more 

than  the  spur.  .  .  . 


Vergil, 
Mneid,  vi. 
625-7. 


His  mother's 
care. 


Advice  to  a  Monk  561 

If  on  your  part  you  desire  to  be  a  monk  and  not  merely  Disdain 
to  seem  one,  be  more  careful  of  your  soul  than  of  your  things, 
property;  for  in  adopting  a  religious  profession  you  have 
1  enounced  this  once  for  all.  Let  your  garments  be  squalid 
to  show  that  your  mind  is  white,  and  your  tunic  coarse 
to  prove  that  you  despise  the  world.  But  give  not  way  to 
pride  lest  your  dress  and  language  be  found  at  variance. 
Baths  stimulate  the  senses  and  must  therefore  be  avoided; 
for  to  quench  natural  heat  is  the  aim  of  chilling  fasts.  .  .  . 
A  frugal  and  temperate  diet  is  good  for  both  body  and  soul. 

See  your  mother  as  often  as  you  wish  but  not  with  other  Avoid  the 
women,  for  their  faces  may  dwell  in  your  thoughts  and  women.0 
so — "a  secret  wound  may  fester  in  your  breast."     The 
maidservants  who  attend  upon  her  you  must  regard  as 
so  many  snares  laid  to  entrap  you.  .  .  .  • 

If  I  wish  you  then  not  to  live  with  your  mother,  it  is 
for  the  reasons  above  given,  and  most  of  all  for  the  follow- 
ing: If  she  offers  you  delicacies  to  eat,  you  will  grieve  her 
by  refusing  them;  and  if  you  take  them,  you  will  add  fuel 
to  the  flame  that  already  burns  within  you.  .  .  .  Never  Keep  your 
take  your  hand  or  your  eyes  off  your  book;  learn  the  cupied  with 
psalms  word  for  word,  pray  without  ceasing,  be  always  j^'reifeion 
on  the  alert,  and  let  no  vain  thoughts  lay  hold  upon  you. 
Direct  both  body  and  mind  to  the  Lord,  overcome  wrath 
with  patience,  love  the  knowledge  of  the  scripture,  and 
you  will  no  longer  love  the  sins  of  the  flesh.  Do  not  let 
your  mind  become  a  prey  to  excitement,  for  if  this  effects 
a  lodgment  in  your  breast,  it  will  have  dominion  over  you 
and  will  lead  you  into  the  great  transgression.  Always 
have  some  work  on  hand,  that  the  Devil  may  find  you 
busy.  .  .  . 

Make  creels  of,  reeds  or  weave  baskets  of  pliant  osier. 
Hoe  your  ground;  mark  out  your  garden  into  even  plots; 


562     Roman  Life  Under  the  Late  Empire 


Do  the  fol-     and  when  you  have  sown  your  cabbages  or  set  your  plants, 

lowing  kinds  ,  .  .    .  .  .., 

of  manual       convey  water  to  them  in  conduits;  that  you  may  see  with 
your  own  eyes  the  lovely  vision  of  the  poet: 


Vergil, 

Geo r flics,  i. 
10S-10. 


Proverbs  xiii. 
4- 


Art  draws  fresh  water  from  the  hilltop  near, 
Till  I  he  stream,  plashing  down  among  the  rocks, 
Cools  the  parched  meadows  and  allays  their  thirst. 

Graft  unfruitful  stocks  with  buds  and  slips  that  you 
may  shortly  be  rewarded  for  your  toil  by  plucking  sweet 
apples  from  them.  Build  also  hives  for  bees,  for  to  these 
creatures  the  proverbs  of  Solomon  send  you,  and  you  may 
learn  from  the  tiny  creatures  how  to  order  a  monastery 
and  to  discipline  a  kingdom.  Twist  lines  too  for  catching 
fish,  and  copy  books,  that  your  hand  may  earn  your  food 
and  your  mind  be  ever  satisfied  with  reading.  For  "  every- 
one that  is  idle  is  a  prey  to  vain  desires."  In  Egypt  the 
monasteries  make  it  a  rule  to  receive  none  who  are  not 
willing  to  work;  for  they  regard  labor  as  necessary  not 
only  for  the  support  of  the  body  but  also  for  the  salvation 
of  the  soul. 


On  the  duty 
of  labor. 

The  editors 
gratefully 
acknowledge 
the  use  of 
Ogg,  Source 
Book,  88  f., 
for  this 
selection. 

Ancient 

World,  547  f. 


IV.  From  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict 

Idleness  is  the  enemy  of  the  soul.  And,  therefore,  at 
fixed  times  the  brothers  ought  to  be  occupied  in  manual 
labor;  and  again  at  fixed  times  in  sacred  reading.  There- 
fore we  believe  that  both  seasons  ought  to  be  arranged 
after  this  manner, — so  that,  from  Easter  until  the  first 
of  October,  going  out  early  from  the  first  until  the  fourth 
hour  they  shall  do  what  labor  may  be  necessary.  From 
the  fourth  hour  until  about  the  sixth,  they  shall  be  free 
for  reading.  After  the  meal  of  the  sixth  hour,  rising  from 
the  table,  they  shall  rest  in  their  beds  with  all  silence;  or 
perchance  he  that  wishes  to  read  may  read  to  himself  ir» 


Rule  of  St.  Benedict  563 

such  a  way  as  not  to  disturb  another.  And  the  nona  (the 
second  meal)  shall  be  gone  through  with  more  moderately 
about  the  middle  of  the  eighth  hour;  and  again,  they  shall 
work  at  what  is  to  be  done  until  Vespers.  But  if  the  emer- 
gency or  poverty  of  the  place  demands  that  they  be  occu- 
pied in  picking  fruits,  they  shall  not  be  grieved;  for  they 
are  truly  monks  if  they  live  by  the  labors  of  their  hands, 
as  did  also  our  fathers  and  the  apostles.  Let  all  things  be 
done  with  moderation,  however,  on  account  of  the  faint- 
hearted. 

In  days  of  Lent  they  shall  all  receive  separate  books  Regulations 

as  to  read- 
from  the  library,  which  they  shall  read  entirely  through  ing. 

in  order.    These  books  are  to  be  given  out  on  the  first  day 

of  Lent.    Above  all  there  shall  be  appointed  without  fail 

one  or  two  elders,  who  shall  go  round  the  monastery  at  the 

hours  in  which  the  brothers  are  engaged  in  reading,  and 

see  to  it  that  no  troublesome  brother  be  found  who  is 

given  to  idleness  and  trifling,  and  is  not  intent  on  his 

reading,  being  not  only  of  no  use  to  himself,  but  also 

stirring  up  others.    If  such  a  one  (may  it  not  happen)  be 

found,  he  shall  be  reproved  once  and  a  second  time.     If 

he  do  not  amend,  he  shall  be  subject  under  the  rule  to 

such  punishment  that  the  others  may  have  fear.     Nor 

shall  brother  join  brother  at  unsuitable  hours.    Moreover, 

on  Sunday  all  shall  engage  in  reading,  excepting  those 

who  are  assigned  to  various  duties.     But  if  any  one  be 

so  negligent  and  lazy  that  he  will  not  or  can  not  read, 

some  task  shall  be  imposed  upon  him  which  he  can  do, 

so  that  he  be  not  idle.    On  feeble  and  delicate  brothers 

such  a  task  or  art  is  to  be  imposed,  that  they  shall  neither 

be  idle  nor  so  oppressed  by  the  violence  of  labor  as  to  be 

driven  to  take  flight.    Their  weakness  is  to  be  taken  into 

consideration  by  the  abbot. 


564     Roman  Life  Under  the  Late  Empire 


Advice  to  a 
father 
concerning 
an  infant 
daughter. 

St.  Jerome, 
Letter  exxviii. 


Letter  cvii. 


In  the 
monastery. 
Letter  cxlvii. 


V.  The  Training  of  a  Nun 

A  girl  should  associate  only  with  girls,  she  should  know 
nothing  of  boys  and  should  dread  even  playing  with 
them.  .  .  .  Her  mother's  nod  should  be  to  her  as  much 
a  command  as  a  spoken  injunction.  She  should  love  her 
as  a  parent,  obey  her  as  a  mistress,  and  reverence  her  as 
her  teacher.  .  .  .  She  should  until  she  is  grown  up  com- 
mit to  memory  the  psalter  and  the  books  of  Solomon;  the 
gospels,  the  apostles,  and  the  prophets  should  be  the 
treasure  of  her  heart.  She  should  not  appear  in  public 
too  freely  or  too  frequently  attend  crowded  churches.  All 
her  pleasure  should  be  in  her  chamber.  She  must  never 
look  at  young  men  or  turn  her  eyes  upon  curled  fops;  and 
the  wanton  songs  of  sweet-voiced  girls,  which  wound  the 
soul  through  the  ears,  must  be  kept  from  her.  The  more 
freedom  of  access  such  persons  possess,  the  harder  it  is  to 
avoid  them  when  they  come;  and  what  they  have  once 
learned  themselves  they  will  secretly  teach  her  and  will 
thus  contaminate  our  secluded  Dana;  by  the  talk  of  the 
crowd.  Give  her  for  guardian  and  companion  a  mistress 
and  governess,  one  not  addicted  to  much  wine  or  in  the 
Apostle's  word  idle  and  a  tattler,  but  sober,  grave,  indus- 
trious in  spinning  wool,  and  one  whose  words  will  form 
her  childish  mind  to  the  practice  of  virtue.  .  .  . 

Let  her  not  converse  with  people  of  the  world.  .  .  . 
Let  her  not  be  present  at  the  weddings  of  your  slaves 
and  let  her  take  no  part  in  the  noisy  games  of  the  house- 
hold. ...  By  vigils  and  fasts  she  mortifies  her  body 
and  brings  it  into  subjection.  .  .  .  And  by  a  deliberate 
squalor  she  makes  haste  to  spoil  her  natural  good  looks. 

It  is  usual  in  the  monasteries  of  Egypt  and  Syria  for 
maidens  and  widows  who  have  vowed  themselves  to  God 


Oft-Wedded  565 

and  have  renounced  the  world  and  have  trodden  its  pleas- 
ures under  foot,  to  ask  the  mothers  of  their  communities 
to  cut  their  hair;  not  that  afterward  they  go  about  with 
heads  uncovered  in  defiance  of  the  Apostle's  command, 
for  they  wear  a  close-fitting  cap  and  veil.  No  one  knows 
of  this  in  any  single  case  except  the  shearers  and  the  shorn ; 
but  as  the  practice  is  universal,  it  is  almost  universally 
known.    The  custom  has  in  fact  become  a  second  nature. 

VI.  A  Much  Married  Couple 

The  story  I  am  about  to  relate  is  incredible;  yet  it  is  Twenty- 
vouched  for  by  many  witnesses.     Many  years  ago  when  and  twenty- 
I  was  helping  Damasus,  bishop  of  Rome,  with  his  eccle-  ^^  nus" 
siastical  correspondence,  and  writins;  his  answers  to  the  0    T 

0  St.  Jerome, 

questions  referred  to  him  by  the  Councils  of  the  East  and  Letter  cxxiii. 

West,  I  saw  a  married  couple,  both  of  whom  were  sprung  St.  Jerome 

from  the  very  dregs  of  the  people.    The  man  had  already  demnf Lc-°n 

buried  twenty  wives  and  the  woman  had  had  twentv-two  °.nd  mar- 

,  nages. 

husbands.  Now  they  were  united  to  each  other,  as  each 
believed,  for  the  last  time.  The  greatest  curiosity  pre- 
vailed among  both  men  and  women  to  see  which  of  these 
two  veterans  would  live  to  bury  the  other.  The  husband 
triumphed  and  walked  before  the  bier  of  his  oft-married 
wife,  amid  a  great  concourse  of  people  from  all  quarters, 
with  garland  and  palm-branch,  scattering  spelt  as  he 
went  along  among  an  approving  crowd. 

VII.  The  Pagan  Gods  are  Immoral 

Hence  it  proceedeth  that  those  gods  never  had  care  of  They  are 
the  lives  and  manners  of  such  cities  and  nations  as  gave  fvery  kind 
them  divine  honors;  but  contrary  wise  gave  free  permission   ^f0Qbomina 
to  such  horrible  and  abominable  evils,  to  enter,  not  upon 
their  lands,  vines,  houses,  or   treasures,   no  nor  upon  the 


566     Roman  Life  Under  the  Late  Empire 

St. Augustine,  body  (which  serves  the  mind)  but  upon  the  mind  itself. 
ii * 6. "  the  ruler  of  all  the  flesh,  and  of  all  the  rest;  this  they  ever 

Ancient  allowed   without  any   prohibition   at   all.  ...     I   know 

World,  530.  their  followers  will  talk  of  certain  secret  traditions  and, 
1  know  not  what,  some  closely  muttered  instructions, 
tending  to  the  bettering  of  man's  life;  but  let  them  show 
wherever  they  had  any  public  places  ordained  to  hear  such 
lectures  (wherein  the  players  did  not  present  their  filthy 
gestures  and  speeches:  nor  where  the  Fugalia  were  kept 
with  all  licentiousness,  fitly  called  Fugalia,  as  the  chasers 
away  of  all  chastity  and  honesty);  but  where  the  people 
might  come  and  hear  their  gods'  doctrine  concerning  the 
restraint  of  covetousness,  the  suppression  of  ambition, 
and  the  bridling  of  luxury  and  riot.  .  .  .  Let  them  show 
where  these  lessons  of  their  instructing  gods  were  ever 
read  or  rehearsed;  whether  ever  their  worshippers  were 
used  to  hear  of  any  such  matters,  as  we  used  to  do  con- 
tinually in  our  churches,  erected  for  this  purpose  in  all 
places  wheresoever  the  religion  of  Christ  is  diffused. 

VIII.  Angels 

Their  Worthily  are  those  blessed  immortals  placed  in  those 

humanity.       celestial  habitations,  rejoicing  in  the  participation  of  their 

St.  Aukus-       Creator,  being  firm,  certain,  and  holy  by  His  eternity, 

rnd  k %  °^     truth,  and  bounty;  because  they  love  us  mortal  wretches 

with  a  zealous  pity  and  desire  to  have  us  immortally  blessed 

also,  and  will  not  have  us  sacrifice  to  them,  but  to  Him 

to  whom  they  know  both  us  and  themselves  to  be  sacrifices. 

For  we  both  are  inhabitants  of  that  in  the  Psalm:  "  Glorious 

things  are  spoken  of  thee,  thou  City  of  God:"  part  whereof 

is  pilgrim  yet  with  us  and  part  assists  us  with  them.    From 

that  eternal  city  where  God's  unchanging  will  is  all  their 


Angels;   Miracles  567 

law:  and  from  that  supernal  court  (for  there  we  are  cared 
for)  by  the  ministry  of  the  holy  angels  was  that  Holy 
Scripture  brought  down  unto  us,  which  says,  "He  that 
sacrifices  to  any  but  God  alone,  shall  be  rooted  out." 
This  scripture,  this  precept  is  confirmed  unto  us  by  so 
many  miracles,  that  it  is  plain  enough,  to  whom  the  blessed 
immortals,  so  loving  us,  and  wishing  as  themselves,  would 
have  us  to  offer  sacrifice. 


DC.  Miracles 

But  all  miracles  (done  by  angels  or  whatever  divine  Not  to  be 
power),  confirming  the  true  adoration  of  one  God  unto  us 
(in  whom  only  we  are  blessed),  we  believe  truly  are  done   tine  c^y'of 
by  God's  power  working  in  these  immortals  that  love  us  God> lv 12- 
in  true  piety.    Hear  not  those  that  deny  that  the  invisible 
God  works  visible  miracles:  is  not  the  world  a  miracle? 
Yet  visible,  and  of  His  making.     Nay,  all  the  miracles 
done  in  this  world  are  less  than  the  world  itself,  the  heaven 
and  the  earth  and  all  therein,  yet  God  made  them  all, 
and  after  a  manner  that  man  cannot  conceive  nor  com- 
prehend.     For   though   these  visible  miracles  of  nature 
be  now  no  more  admired,  yet  ponder  them  wisely,  and 
they  are  more  admirable  than  the  strangest:  for  man  is  a 
greater  miracle  than  all  that  he  can  work.     Wherefore 
God  that  made  heaven  and  earth  (both  miracles)  scorns 
not  as  yet  to  work  miracles  in  heav<  n  and  earth,  to  draw 
men's  souls  that  yet  affect  visibilities,  unto  the  worship 
of  His  invisible  essence.     But   where  and   when   He  will 
do  this,  His  unchangeable  will  can  only  d 
disposing  all  t;me  past  n,  and  future  time  is.    He 

moves  all  things  in  time,  but  time  moves  not  Him,  nor 
knows  the  future  effects  otherwise  than  present.     Nor 


568     Roman  Life  Under  the  Late  Empire 

hears  he  our  prayers  otherwise  than  He  forsees  them  ere 
we  pray;  for  when  His  angels  hear  them,  He  hears  in  them. 


Criminal 
charge 
before  the 
governor  of 
Egypt. 

The  trial 
about  400 
A.D. 

A  papyrus. 

Interesting 
for  the  re- 
ligious belief 
of  the  age. 


X.  A  Case  of  Grave  Robbery 

You  have  dug  up  the  body  of  the  dead  which  the  city, 
pursuant  to  a  decree  of  the  people,  has  buried  and  mourned. 
You  seem  to  me  to  have  the  heart  of  a  beast,  not  of  a 
man — and  really  not  even  of  a  beast.  For  beasts  assail 
indeed  living  men  but  spare  the  dead.  You  however  have 
plotted  against  a  corpse  which  has  separated  itself  from 
the  race  of  men.  Whence  got  you  the  effrontery  to  rob 
of  his  last  hopes  the  person  laid  to  rest?  Truly,  by  Zeus, 
these  were  the  last  adornments  allowed  by  the  laws:  they 
were  the  gifts  of  the  state  to  the  dead  body;  they  were 
offerings  of  purification  (which  you  have  stolen).  You 
will  atone  for  this  deed  with  your  head. 


Heresies 
forbidden. 

Theodosian 
Code  xvi.  s,  5. 


379  A.D. 


XI.  Edict  of  Theodosius  Against  Heretics 

Let  all  heresies  forbidden  both  by  divine  and  imperial 
laws  forthwith  cease.  Whatsoever  profane  person  lowers, 
by  acts  worthy  of  punishment,  the  opinion  of  God,  let 
him  entertain  ideas  destined  to  be  hurtful  to  himself  alone, 
let  him  not  publish  what  will  be  a  hindrance  to  others. 
Whoever  causes  wasting  disease  to  bodies,  redeemed  by 
venerable  baptism,  ...  let  him  not  ruin  others  by  wicked 
instruction.  And  all  teachers  and  ministers  of  that  per- 
verse superstition, — whether  by  assuming  sacred  office 
they  defile  the  name  of  bishop  or  falsify  religion  with  the 
title  of  presbyter,  or  call  themselves  deacons  when  they 
are  not  even  held  to  be  Christians, — let  them  abstain 
from  meetings  devoted  to  an  opinion  long  ago  condemned. 
Finally  let  the  Rescript  recently  published  at  Sirmium 


Heresies;  Education  569 

be  cancelled  and  let  those  things  only  abide  with  Universal  Rescript  was 

a  letter  by 

(Catholic)  observance,  which  our  ever  memorable  father   the  emperor 
and  we  ourselves  have  ordered  as  destined  to  live  forever  f^uenT 
with  equally  specific  command.  [orm, of. 

XII.  Miseries  of  the  Schoolboy 

O  God,  my  God,  what  miseries  I  suffered  there,  and  how  The 

I  was  made  a  subject  of  mockery,  seeing  that  the  end  set  iS  painful, 

before  my  boyhood  was  to  obey  my  teachers  that  I  might  St  Augus- 

prosper  in  the  world,  by  learning  to  excel  in  those  wordy  t[Pe'  Confes- 

r        "  '      J  °  /     sions,  1. 9,  14. 

arts  which  lead  to  honor  among  men,  and  serve  to  gain 
those  riches  which  are  not  true  wealth.  To  that  end  I 
was  put  to  school  that  I  might  learn  my  letters,  in  which 
I,  poor  wretch,  could  see  no  manner  of  use.  But  if  I  was 
slow  in  learning  them  I  was  whipped.  For  this  was  the 
way  approved  by  our  ancestors.  For  many,  going  through 
this  life  before  us,  had  built  up  the  toilsome  ways  through 
which  we  were  compelled  to  pass  with  the  labor  and  pain 
which  have  been  multiplied  upon  the  sons  of  Adam.  Mean- 
while I  came  in  contact  with  some  who  prayed  to  Thee, 
and  I  learned  something  from  them,  and  thought  of  Thee 
as  best  I  could,  as  some  great  One,  who  though  we  could 
not  see  or  touch  Thee,  couldst  hear  and  help  us.  As  a 
boy  accordingly  I  began  to  pray  to  Thee,  who  art  my 
refuge  and  my  help.  I  taught  my  stammering  tongue 
to  cry  to  Thee,  and  besought  Thee,  small  as  I  was,  with 
no  little  earnestness  that  I  might  not  be  whipped  at  school. 
And  when  Thou  didst  not  answer  my  prayer— though 
it  was  not  Thy  purpose  to  put  me  to  confusion — my 
whippings  were  matter  for  mirth  to  my  seniors,  even  to 
my  parents,  who  certainly  wished  no  ill  to  befall  me, 
though  these  punishments  were  a  great  and  grave  ill  to 
me.  .  .  . 


570     Roman  Life  Under  the  Late  Empire 


Learning 

under 

compulsion. 

lb.  i.  12,  19. 


Through 
the  reading 
of  Cicero. 

St.  Augustine, 
Confessions, 
i.  4,  7  f- 


The  Borten- 
sius  has  not 
been  pre- 
served. 


In  my  boyhood,  for  which  my  mother  had  less  fear  than 
for  my  youth,  I  loved  not  my  lessons,  and  I  loved  not  to 
be  made  learn  them.  But  I  was  made  learn  them,  and 
that  was  good;  yet  was  I  not  doing  good  in  learning  them- 
for  I  would  not  have  learned  them  had  I  not  been  driver 
to  it,  and  no  one  is  doing  good  whose  will  is  not  in  what 
he  does,  even  though  the  thing  he  does  is  good.  Nor  were 
they  who  made  me  learn  doing  good,  but  Thou,  O  God, 
wast  doing  good  to  me  through  them.  .  .  . 

XIII.  Converted  to  Philosophy 

I  was  studying  books  which  taught  eloquence,  in  which 
I  desired  to  excel,  seeking  by  means  of  the  satisfaction  of 
human  vanity  an  end  that  was  itself  evil  and  vain,  when 
in  the  usual  course  of  reading  I  came  to  a  book  of  one 
Cicero,  whose  eloquence,  though  not  his  character,  is 
almost  universally  admired.  This  book  of  his  is  called 
the  Hortensius,  and  contains  an  exhortation  to  the  study 
of  philosophy.  That  book  changed  my  whole  attitude, 
changed  the  prayers  which  I  offered  to  Thee,  and  made 
all  my  desires  and  aspirations  different  from  what  they 
had  been.  All  at  once  every  hope  that  was  set  on  vanity 
seemed  worthless,  and  I  desired  with  an  incredible  in- 
tensity of  emotion  the  immortality  with  which  philosophy 
is  concerned,  and  I  began  to  rise  up  that  I  might  return 
unto  thee.  For  it  was  not  to  the  polishing  of  my  speech 
that  I  used  it,  which  was  what  I  was  ostensibly  buying 
with  the  funds  provided  by  my  mother — for  my  father 
had  died  two  years  before  and  I  was  now  in  my  nineteenth 
year.  It  was  not  to  the  polishing  of  my  speech  that  I 
used  it,  and  what  impressed  me  was  not  the  style  but  the 
subject-matter. 

How  I  burned,  O  my  God,  how  I  burned  to  flee  from 


M- 


Teaching  571 

things  earthly  unto  Thee,  and  I  knew  not  Thou  wast 
dealing  with  me.  For  with  Thee  is  wisdom;  and  the  love 
of  wisdom  has  in  Greek  the  name  ''philosophy" — to  the 
pursuit  of  which  that  work  inflamed  me.  .  .  . 

XIV.  The  Sorrows  of  a  Schoolmaster 

I  decided  to  depart  to  Rome  and  to  teach  there  rather  The  stu- 
than  in  Carthage.  And  how  I  was  brought  to  this  decision  Carthage  are 
I  will  not  omit  to  confess  unto  Thee,  seeing  that  even  in  turbulent- 
such  things  Thy  deep  ways  with  us  and  Thy  most  present  ^^cwL- 
mercy  toward  us  are  to  be  meditated  and  declared  to  sions>  v-  8> 
others.  My  reason  for  wishing  to  go  to  Rome  was  not 
that  I  was  promised,  by  my  friends  who  urged  this  course 
on  me,  larger  gains  and  greater  dignity,  though  doubtless 
these  things  also  weighed  with  me  in  the  state  of  my  mind 
at  the  time.  The  chief  and  almost  the  sole  cause  was  that 
I  had  heard  that  the  students  there  were  less  turbulent, 
and  were  restrained  by  a  stricter  discipline,  and  were  not 
permitted  to  break  in  rudely,  at  their  pleasure,  into  the 
class  room  of  a  teacher  whose  lectures  they  wTere  not  at- 
tending; and  indeed  were  not  admitted  at  all  unless  he 
chose.  In  Carthage,  on  the  other  hand,  the  students  en- 
joy an  excessive  and  disgraceful  licence.  They  break  in 
rudely  and  disturb  almost  violently  the  order  which  a 
teacher  has  established  for  the  advantage  of  his  pupils. 
And  they  inflict  much  injury  upon  others  with  an  amazing 
recklessness,  which  deserves  to  be  punished  by  law,  were 
it  not  sanctioned  by  custom.  They  are  indeed  the  more 
miserable  in  that  they  do  by  a  kind  of  licence  that  which 
Thy  laws  will  never  legitimate,  and  they  think  they  are 
doing  it  with  impunity,  when  the  very  blindness  with 
which  they  do  it  is  itself  punishment.  So  I  was  obliged 
as  a  teacher  to  suffer  from  others  the  kind  of  conduct  I 


572     Roman  Life  Under  the  Late  Empire 

had  avoided  as  a  student,  and  therefore  it  was  that  I 

wished  to  go  wThere  those  who  knew  told  me  that  such 

things  were  not  done.  .  .  . 

Those  of  I  had  however  eagerly  begun  to  do  that  for  which  I 

cHshonest        ^ad  come  hither,  namely  to  teach  in  Rome  the  rhetorical 

rogues.  art,  and  as  a  beginning  I  gathered  in  my  own  house  a  few 

lb.  v.  12, 22.     pupils  to  whom  and  through  whom  I  was  beginning  to 

get  known.     When  lo,  I  found  that  things  were  done  in 

Rome  which  I  had  not  suffered  in  Africa!    It  is  true,  the 

violent  disturbances  there  caused  by  the  wild  set  were 

not  here  customary;  but  "all  at  once,"  I  was  told,  "in 

order  to  avoid  paying  their  fees,  a  number  of  youths  agree 

to  transfer  themselves  to  another  teacher,  traitors  to  their 

pledge,  holding  money  dear  and  justice  cheap."     These 

I  hated  in  truth  from  my  heart,  but  not  with  a  "perfect 

hatred"  for  I  hated  more  the  loss  I  was  to  suffer  from 

them  than  the  fact  of  their  doing  these  iniquities  to  any 

one  at  all.  .  .  . 

STUDIES 

i.  What  was  the  condition  of  Rome  described  in  this  selection? 
Tell  the  story  of  Principia  and  Marcella. 

2.  How  did  the  invading  barbarians  treat  the  country  and  the 
people?    What  parts  of  the  empire  suffered  most? 

3.  How  did  this  young  monk  get  his  education?  What  course  of 
life  does  St.  Jerome  recommend  to  him?  What  should  be  his  studies? 
In  what  manual  labor  should  he  engage? 

4.  What  labors  does  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  prescribe?  What 
attention  should  be  given  to  study? 

5.  What  training  should  a  girl  receive  who  was  to  enter  a  convent? 
What  should  she  study? 

6.  What  was  St.  Jerome's  opinion  of  second  marriages?  What 
strange  case  does  he  comment  on? 

7.  In  St.  Augustine's  opinion  did  the  gods  of  Rome  help  or  hinder 
morality? 

8.  What  part  did  he  think  the  angels  take  in  human  affairs? 


Review  573 


9.  What  view  of  miracles  does  he  hold? 

10.  What  idea  of  death  is  contained  in  this  document?  What  is 
the  tone  of  this  address  to  the  accused. 

11.  Give  the  terms  of  the  imperial  edict  against  heresies. 

12.  What  did  St.  Augustine  study  in  school?  What  was  his  feel- 
ing toward  his  work?  What  religious  experience  had  he  as  a  child? 
Why,  in  his  opinion,  was  he  accomplishing  no  good  in  his  studies? 

13.  What  was  the  object  of  his  later  study?  How  was  he  converted 
to  philosophy?  What  opinion  of  Cicero  does  he  express?  How  old 
was  he  at  this  time,  and  on  whom  did  he  depend  for  his  education? 

14.  From  this  selection  write  all  you  can  concerning  the  schools, 
pupils,  and  teachers  of  this  period. 


CHAPTER  XLV1 

THE  MOHAMMEDANS   AND  THE   FRANKISH 
POWER 


God. 

The  Koran. 

Man. 

lb. 

Ancient 
World,  552  f. 


Fight  for 
the  true 
faith! 

lb. 


All  who  were 
not  of  the 
Mohamme- 
dan faith 
were  termed 
infidels  ("the 
unfaithful"). 


I.  Mohammedan  Religion 

Say,  God  is  one  God;  the  eternal  God;  he  begetteth 
not,  neither  is  he  begotten:  and  there  is  not  any  one  like 
unto  him. 

By  the  fig  and  the  olive;  and  by  Mount  Sinai,  and  this 
territory  of  security;  verily  we  created  man  of  a  most  ex- 
cellent fabric;  afterward  we  rendered  him  the  vilest  of 
the  vile:  except  those  who  believe,  and  work  righteous- 
ness; for  they  shall  receive  an  endless  reward.  What, 
therefore,  shall  cause  thee  to  deny  the  day  of  judgment 
after  this?    Is  not  God  the  most  wise  judge? 

And  fight  for  the  religion  of  God  against  those  who 
fight  against  you;  but  transgress  not  by  attacking  them 
first,  for  God  loveth  not  transgressors.  And  kill  them 
wherever  ye  find  them,  and  turn  them  out  of  that  whereof 
they  have  dispossessed  you;  for  temptation  to  idolatry  is 
more  grievous  than  slaughter;  yet  fight  not  against  them 
in  the  holy  temple,  until  they  attack  you  therein;  but  if 
they  attack  you,  slay  them  there.  This  shall  be  the  re- 
ward of  infidels.  But  if  they  desist,  God  is  gracious  and 
merciful.  Fight  therefore  against  them,  until  there  be 
no  temptation  to  idolatry,  and  the  religion  be  God's;  but 
if  they  desist,  then  let  there  be  no  hostility,  except  against 
the  ungodly. 

These  shall  be  near  unto  God  in  the  gardens  of  delight, — 
574 


Future  Life  575 

a  crowd  of  the  former  generations  and  a  few  of  the  latter  The  reward 
generations,  upon  inwrought  couches,  reclining  thereon,  faithful, 
face  to  face.  Youths  ever-young  shall  go  unto  them  jb. 
round  about  with  goblets  and  ewers  and  a  cup  of  flowing 
wine.  Their  heads  shall  ache  not  with  it,  neither  shall 
they  be  drunken ;  and  with  the  fruits  of  the  sorts  they  shall 
choose,  and  the  flesh  of  the  birds  of  the  kinds  they  shall  de- 
sire. And  damsels  with  eyes  of  pearls  laid  up  we  will  give 
them  as  reward  for  that  which  they  have  done.  Therein 
shall  they  hear  no  vain  discourse  or  accusation  of  sin,  but 
only  the  saying,  "Peace!  Peace!"  and  the  people  of  the 
right  hand — what  shall  be  the  people  of  the  right  hand? 
They  shall  dwell  among  lote-trees  without  thorns,  and 
bananas  loaded  with  fruit,  and  a  shade  ever-spread,  and 
water  ever-flowing,  and  fruits  abundant  unstayed  and 
unforbidden,  and  couches  raised.  .  .  . 

They  (the  wicked)  shall  dwell  amidst  burning  wind  and  Punishment 
scalding  water,  and  a  shade  of  blackest  smoke,  not  cool  wicked, 
and  not  grateful.     For  before  this  they  were  blest  with  jb. 
wordly  goods,  and  they  persisted  in  heinous  sin,  and  said, 
''When  we  shall  have  died  and  become  dust  and  bones, 
shall  we  indeed  be  raised  to  life,  and  our  fathers  the  former 
generations?"     Say,   verily   the   former   and   the   latter 
generations  shall  be  gathered  together  for  the  appointed 
time  of  a  known  day.    Then  ye,  O  ye  erring,  lying  people, 
shall  surely  eat  of  the  tree  of  bitter  fruit,  and  fill  therewith 
your  stomachs,  and  drink  thereon  boiling  water,  and  ye 
shall  drink  as  thirsty  camels  drink.     This  shall  be  their 
entertainment  on  the  day  of  retribution. 

II.  The  Do-Nothing  Kings 

Although  the  line  of  the  Merwings  actually  ended  with 
Hilderic,  it  had   nevertheless  for  some   time   previously 


576 


The   Frankish   Power 


Decline  of 
the  Mero- 
vingians 
(Merwings). 

Eginhard, 
Life  of  A'jr/ 
the  Great,  i  f . 

Ancient 

World,  55 1  f. 


Charles 
M artel 

(Karl,  father 
of  Pippin). 

A ncient 
World,  552- 


been  so  utterly  wanting  in  power  that  it  had  been  able 
to  show  no  mark  of  royalty  except  the  empty  kingly  title. 
All  the  resources  and  power  of  the  Kingdom  had  passed 
into  the  hands  of  the  prefects  of  the  palace,  who  were 
called  the  "Mayors  of  the  Palace,"  and  by  them  the 
supreme  government  was  administered.  Nothing  was 
left  to  the  King.  He  had  to  content  himself  with  his  royal 
title,  long  hair,  and  hanging  beard-.  Seated  in  a  chair  of 
state,  he  used  to  display  an  appearance  of  power  by  receiv- 
ing ambassadors  on  their  arrival,  and  by  giving  them 
on  their  departure,  as  if  on  his  own  authority,  those 
answers  which  he  had  been  taught  or  commanded  to 
give.  ... 

Whenever  he  went  anywhere  he  used  to  travel  in  a  wagon 
drawn  by  a  yoke  of  oxen,  with  a  rustic  oxherd  for  chari- 
teer.    In  this  manner  he  proceeded  to  the  palace,  and  to 
he  public  assemblies  of  the  people  held  every  year  for  the 
espatch  of  the  business  of  the  kingdom,  and  he  returned 
home  again  in  the  same  sort  of  state.    The  administration 
of  the  kingdom,  and  every  matter  which  had  to  be  under- 
taken and  carried   through,  at  home  and  abroad,   was 
managed  by  the  Mayor  of  the  Palace. 

At  the  time  of  the  deposition  of  Hilderic  the  office  of 
Mayor  was  filled  by  Pippin,  the  father  of  King  Karl.  The 
office  seemed  now  to  be  almost  hereditary;  for  Pippin's 
father,  Karl,  had  also  held  it,  and  with  great  renown,  since 
he  had  quelled  throughout  all  Frank-land  those  usurpers 
who  had  tried  to  assume  independent  authority.  He  had 
also  utterly  defeated  the  Saracens,  who  were  at  that  time 
attempting  to  establish  themselves  in  Gaul,  in  two  great 
battles,  the  first  in  Aquitaine,  near  the  city  of  Poitiers, 
and  the  second  near  Narbonne  on  the  river  Birra,  and 
had  compelled  them  to  retire  into  Spain.  .  .  . 


Charles  the  Great  577 


III.  Charlemagne:  War  and  Diplomacy 

Great  and  powerful  as  was  the  realm  of  the  Franks,   Conquests. 
which  Karl  had  received  from  his  father  Pippin,  he  never-  Eginhard, 
theless  so  splendidly  enlarged  it  by  these  wars  that  he  Grelt ^is. 
almost  doubled  it. 

For  previously  the  Eastern  Franks  had  only  inhabited  The  Karl 
that  part  of  Gaul  which  lies  between  the  Rhine  and  the  here^referred 
Loire,  the  ocean  and  Balearic  Sea,  and  that  part  of  Ger-  to  1S  charle- 

^  magne. 

many  situated  between  Saxony  and  the  Danube,  the  Rhine    .    . 

Ancient 

and  the  Saal,  which  latter  river  divides  the  Thuringi  from  World,  554-9. 
the  Sorabi.  The  Alemanni  and  Bavarians  also  belonged 
to  the  Frankish  confederation.  But  Karl,  by  the  wars 
which  have  been  mentioned,  conquered  and  made  tribu- 
tary first,  Aquitania  and  Gascony,  and  the  whole  range 
of  the  Pyrenees  mountains,  as  far  as  the  river  Ebro,  which, 
rising  in  Navarre  and  flowing  through  the  most  fertile 
lands  of  Spain,  mingles  its  waters  with  the  Balearic  Sea 
beneath  the  walls  of  Tortosa;  then  the  whole  of  Italy, 
from  Aosta  to  lower  Calabria,  where  are  the  boundaries 
of  the  Greeks  and  Beneventines,  an  extent  of  more  than 
a  thousand  miles  in  length,  then  Saxony,  which  is  indeed 
no  small  portion  of  Germany,  and  is  thought  to  be  twice 
as  wide  as  the  part  where  the  Franks  dwell,  and  equal 
to  it  in  length;  then  both  Pannonias,  and  Dacia  which 
lies  on  the  other  bank  of  the  Danube;  also  Istria,  Liburnia, 
and  Dalmatia,  with  the  exception  of  the  maritime  towns, 
which  for  friendship's  sake  and  on  account  of  a  treaty  he 
allowed  the  Emperor  at  Constantinople  to  hold;  lastly,  all 
the  wild  and  barbarous  nations  which  inhabit  Germany 
between  the  Rhine  and  the  Vistula,  the  ocean  and  the 
Danube,  who  speak  a  very  similar  language,  but  are 
widely  different  in  manners  and  dress.    Chief  among  these 


578 


The  Prankish  Power 


Alliances. 

Eginhard, 

Karl  the 
Great,  16. 


Relations 
with  Persia. 


The  eastern 
emperor. 


were  the  Welatabi,  Sorabi,  Abodriti,  and  Biemanni,  for 
with  these  there  was  fighting;  but  the  rest,  who  were  more 
numerous,  quietly  surrendered. 

The  renown  of  his  Kingdom  was  also  much  increased 
by  the  friendly  alliances  he  cultivated  with  different  kings 
and  nations.  Alfonso,  king  of  Gallicia  and  Asturias,  was 
so  bound  to  him  by  the  ties  of  friendship  that,  when  he 
sent  him  letters  or  messengers,  he  used  to  command  that 
he  should  be  spoken  of  as  being  Karl's  man.  The  Kings 
of  the  Scots,  too,  were  by  his  munificence  so  devoted  to 
his  will,  that  they  ever  spoke  of  him  as  their  Lord,  and  of 
themselves  as  his  lieges  and  servants.  Letters  are  still 
extant  from  them  to  him  which  show  that  this  sort  of 
relationship  existed  between  them. 

Haroun,  King  of  the  Persians,  who,  with  the  exception 
of  India,  ruled  over  nearly  all  the  East,  was  held  by  the 
King  in  such  hearty  friendship  that  he  valued  Karl's 
esteem  above  all  other  Kings  and  princes  of  the  world,  and 
thought  that  he  alone  was  worthy  to  be  honored  by  his 
regard  and  munificence.  When  the  officers  sent  by  King 
Karl  with  offerings  to  the  most  sacred  sepulchre  and  place 
of  the  resurrection  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  came  to  Haroun 
and  announced  the  pleasure  of  their  master,  he  not  only 
gave  them  permission  to  do  as  they  desired,  but  granted 
that  that  revered  and  sacred  spot  should  be  considered 
as  belonging  to  King  Karl.  When  the  ambassadors  set 
out  on  their  return,  he  sent  with  them  his  own  envoys,  who 
conveyed  to  the  King  strange  and  curious  gifts,  with 
garments  and  spices  and  other  rich  products  of  the  East, 
just  as  he  had  sent  him  a  few  years  before,  upon  his 
request,  the  only  elephant  he  then  possessed. 

The  Emperors  at  Constantinople,  Nicephorus,  Michael, 
and  Leo,  of  their  own  accord,  also  sought  his  friendship 


His  Activity;   Personal  Appearance    579 

and  alliance,  and  sent  to  him  several  embassies ;  and  since 
by  assuming  the  Imperial  title  he  had  laid  himself  open 
to  the  grave  suspicion  of  wishing  to  deprive  them  of  Em- 
pire, he  made  with  them  the  most  binding  treaty  possible, 
that  there  might  be  no  occasion  of  offence  between  them. 
But  the  Romans  and  Greeks  always  viewed  with  distrust 
the  power  of  the  Franks;  hence  arose  the  Greek  proverb 
"Have  a  Frank  for  a  friend  but  not  for  a  neighbor." 

Illustrious  as  the  King  was  in  the  work  of  enlarging  Buildings, 
his  kingdom  and  in  conquering  foreign  nations,  and  though  Eginhard, 
so  constantly  occupied  with  such  affairs,  he  nevertheless  G^att  I7. 
began  in  several  places  very  many  works  for  the  advantage 
and  beautifying  of  his  Kingdom.     Some  of  these  he  was 
able  to  finish.    Chief  among  them  may  be  mentioned,  as 
deserving  of  notice,  the  Basilica  of  the  Holy  Mother  of 
God,  built  at  Aachen,  a  marvel  of  workmanship;  and  the 
bridge  over  the  Rhine  at  Mainz,  five  hundred  paces  in 
length,  so  broad  is  the  river  at  that  place.  .  .  . 

IV.  Personal  Appearance  and  Habits 

The  person  of  Karl  was  large  and  robust,  and  of  com-  His  ap- 
manding  stature,  though  not  exceeding  good  proportions,   peai 
for  it  appears  that  he  measured  seven  feet  in  height.    The   ^  )}''.  ' 
top  of  his  head  was  round,  his  eyes  large  and  animated,   ("v,">  "• 
his  nose  somewhat  long,  his  hair  white,  and  his  face  bright 
and  pleasant;  so  that,  whether  standing  or  sitting,  he 
showed  very  great  presence  and  dignity.     Although  his 
neck  was  thick  and  rather  short   .  .  .  still  the  fair  pro- 
portions of  his  limbs  concealed  these  defects.     Mis  walk 
was  firm,  and  the  whcle  carriage  of  his  body  was  manly. 
His  voice  was  clear,  but  not  so  strong  as  his  frame  would 
have  led  one  to  expect.     His  health  was  good  until  the 
last  four  years  of  his  life,  when  he  w.i     attacked   with 


580  The  Frankish  Power 

frequent  fevers,  and  latterly  walked  lame  on  one  foot. 
Even  in  illness  he  leaned  more  on  his  own  judgment  than 
on  the  advice  of  physicians,  whom  he  greatly  disliked, 
because  they  used  to  recommend  him  to  leave  off  roasted 
meats,  which  he  preferred,  and  to  accustom  himself  to 
boiled. 

He  took  constant  exercise  in  riding  and  hunting,  which 
was  natural  for  a  Frank,  since  scarcely  any  nation  can 
be  found  equal  to  them  in  these  pursuits.  He  also  de- 
lighted in  the  natural  warm  baths,  frequently  exercising 
himself  by  swimming,  in  which  he  was  very  skilful,  no 
one  being  able  to  outstrip  him.  It  was  on  account  of  the 
warm  baths  there  that  he  built  the  palace  at  Aachen, 
living  there  constantly  during  the  last  years  of  his  life 
and  until  his  death.  He  not  only  invited  his  sons  to  bathe 
with  him,  but  also  his  chief  men  and  friends,  and  occa- 
sionally even  a  crowd  of  his  attendants  and  guards,  so 
that  at  times  one  hundred  men  or  more  would  be  bathing 
together. 
Dress.  He  wore  the  dress  of  his  native  country — that  is  the 

lb.  23.  Frankish;  on  his  body  a  linen  shirt  and  linen  drawers; 

then  a  tunic  with  a  silver  border  and  stockings.  He 
bound  his  legs  with  garters  and  wore  shoes  on  his  feet. 
In  the  winter  he  protected  his  shoulders  and  chest  with  a 
vest  made  of  the  skins  of  otters  and  sable.  He  wore  a 
blue  cloak,  and  was  always  girt  with  his  sword,  the  hilt 
and  belt  being  of  gold  and  silver.  Sometimes  he  wore  a 
jewelled  sword  but  only  on  great  festivals,  or  when  re- 
ceiving foreign  ambassadors.  He  thoroughly  disliked  the 
dress  of  foreigners,  however  fine,  and  he  never  put  it  on 
except  at  Rome,— once  at  the  request  of  Pope  Adrian, 
and  again  a  second  time,  to  please  his  successor,  Pope  Leo. 
He  then  wore  a  long  tunic,  chlamys  and  shoes  made  after 


His  Education  581 

the  Roman  fashion.  On  festivals  he  used  to  walk  in  pro- 
cessions clad  in  a  garment  woven  with  gold,  and  shoes 
studded  with  jewels,  his  cloak  fastened  with  a  golden 
clasp,  and  wearing  a  crown  of  gold  set  with  precious  stones. 
At  other  times  his  dress  differed  little  from  that  of  a  private 
person. 

V.  Education  and  Religion 

He  was  ready  and  fluent  in  speaking,  and  able  to  ex-  Ability  to 
press  himself  with  great  clearness.  He  did  not  confine 
himself  to  his  native  tongue,  but  took  pains  to  learn  foreign  A-^."  j£e  ' 
languages,  acquiring  such  knowledge  of  Latin  that  he  Great>  2S- 
used  to  repeat  his  prayers  in  that  language  as  well  as  in 
his  own.  Greek  he  could  better  understand  than  pro- 
nounce. In  speaking  he  was  so  voluble  that  he  almost 
gave  one  the  impression  of  a  chatterer.  He  was  an  ardent 
admirer  of  the  liberal  arts,  and  greatly  revered  their  pro- 
fessors, whom  he  promoted  to  high  honors.  In  order  to 
learn  grammar,  he  attended  the  lectures  of  the  aged  Peter 
of  Pisa,  a  deacon;  and  for  other  instruction  he  chose  as 
his  preceptor  Albinus,  otherwise  called  Alcuin,  also  a 
deacon — a  Saxon  by  race,  from  Britain,  the  most  learned 
man  of  his  day,  with  whom  the  King  spent  much  time  in 
learning  rhetoric  and  logic,  and  more  especially  astronomy. 
He  learned  the  art  of  computation,  and  with  deep  thought 
and  skill  very  carefully  calculated  the  courses  of  the 
planets. 

Karl  also  tried  to  write,  and  used  to  keep  his  tablets  Je  ^jjd 
and   writing  books  under  the  pillow  of  his  couch,  that 
when  he  had  leisure  he  might  practice  his  hand  in  forming 
letters;  but  he  made  little  progress  in  a  task  too  long  de- 
ferred, and  begun  too  late  in  life. 

The  Christian  religion,  in  which  he  had  been  brought 


5§2 


The  Frankish  Power 


His  religion. 
lb.  26. 


Reverence 
for  the 
Church  of 
St.  Peter. 

Eginhard, 
Karl  the 
Great,  27. 


Crowned 
Emperor 
by  the  pope. 

Eginhard, 
Karl  the 
Great,  28. 


up  from  infancy,  was  held  by  Karl  as  most  sacred,  and  he 
worshipped  in  it  with  the  greatest  piety.  For  this  reason 
he  built  at  Aachen  a  most  beautiful  church,  which  he  en- 
riched with  gold  and  silver  and  candlesticks,  and  also 
with  lattices  and  doors  of  solid  brass.  When  columns  and 
marbles  for  the  building  could  not  be  obtained  from  else- 
where, he  had  them  brought  from  Rome  and  Ravenna.  .  .  . 

VI.  His  Relations  with  the  Pope 

He  held  the  Church  of  the  blessed  Peter  the  Apostle, 
at  Rome,  in  far  higher  regard  than  any  other  place  of 
sanctity  and  veneration,  and  he  enriched  its  treasury  with 
a  great  quantity  of  gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones. 

To  the  Pope  he  made  many  and  rich  presents;  and 
nothing  lay  nearer  his  heart  during  his  whole  reign  than 
that  the  city  of  Rome  should  attain  to  its  ancient  im- 
portance by  his  zeal  and  patronage,  and  that  the  church  of 
St.  Peter  should,  through  him,  not  only  be  in  safe  keeping 
and  protection,  but  should  also  by  his  wealth  be  ennobled 
and  enriched  beyond  all  other  churches.  Although  he 
thought  so  much  of  this,  it  was  only  four  times,  during  the 
forty-seven  years  of  his  reign,  that  he  had  leisure  to  go  to 
Rome  for  prayer  and  supplication. 

The  last  visit  he  paid  to  Rome  was  not  only  for  the 
above  reasons,  but  also  because  the  Romans  had  driven 
Pope  Leo  to  ask  his  assistance — for  they  had  grievously 
ill  treated  him;  indeed,  his  eyes  had  been  plucked  out,  and 
his  tongue  cut  off. 

Karl  therefore  went  to  Rome,  and  stayed  there  the  whole 
winter  in  order  to  reform  and  quiet  the  Church,  which 
was  in  a  most  disturbed  state.  It  was  at  this  time  that  he 
received  the  title  of  Emperor  and  Augustus,  to  which  at 
first  he  was  so  averse  that  he  remarked  that  had  he  known 


Crowned  Emperor  583 

the  intention  of  the  Pope,  he  would  not  have  entered  the 
church  on  that  day,  great  festival  though  it  was. 

He  bore  very  quietly  the  displeasure  of  the  Roman   Reference 

J     ^  J  .  here  is  to  tfee 

Emperors,  who  were  exceedingly  indignant  at  his  assump-   emperors  at 
tion  of  the  Imperial  title,  and  overcame  their  sullenness  nople*"1'" 
by  his  great  magnanimity,  in  which,  without  doubt,  he 
greatly  excelled  them,  sending  them  frequent  embassies, 
and  styling  them  his  brothers  in  his  letters  to  them. 

STUDIES 

1.  What  is  the  Koran?  What  is  the  Mohammedan  idea  of  God? 
What  is  the  command  of  the  Koran  as  to  unbelievers?  What  idea 
of  heaven  does  it  present? 

2.  Describe  the  "Do-Nothing"  kings. 

3.  Summarize  the  conquests  of  Charlemagne.  What  were  his  re- 
lations with  other  states?  What  seems  to  have  been  the  political 
condition  of  the  world  at  this  time?  What  public  works  did  Charle- 
magne build? 

4.  Describe  his  appearance  and  habits. 

5.  What  was  the  extent  of  his  education?  What  was  his  religious 
character? 

6.  Give  an  account  of  his  relations  with  Rome  and  the  Pope. 
What  were  the  circumstances  of  his  coronation?  Why  should  the 
eastern  emperors  be  indignant  at  this  event?  Who  was  the  author 
of  this  selection,  and  how  did  he  get  his  information? 


INDEX 


Achaean,  league,   297-301;  war, 

392-6 
Achilles,  shield  of,  81-4 
Acrocorinthus,  290 
Acropolis,  163 
Actium,  battle  of,  455  f. 
Admetus,  233-5 
jEdiles,  450 
jEneid,  317 
iEscHYLUS,  69;  selections,  169- 

74 
Alcleus,  69;  selections,  143  f. 
Alcestis,  233-5 
Alcibiades,    223-7;    family    and 

person,   223  f.;  character  and 

education,     224-6;    marriage, 

226;  peculiarities,  226  f. 
Alcinous,  palace  of,  85-7 
Alexander,       contrasted       with 

Philip,  273;  empire  of,  276-82; 

character  of,  280-2;  burial  of, 

306 
Alexandria,  303-6 
Allia,  battle  of,  362  f. 
Ammianus   Marcellinus,   322; 

selection,  554-7 
Amon,  Ammon,  hymn  to,  12  f. 
Amphictyony,  95 
Anaxagoras,  181 
Angels,  566  f. 
Annalists,  Roman,  314 
Antigonus,  299 
Antium,  373 
Antony,  M.,  455-7 


Apollo,  temple  at  Delphi,  94  f.; 

prayer  to,  194 
Apollonidas,  speech  of,  300 
Apostles  of  Jesus,  522 
Appian,   321;   selections,  379  f., 

417-21,    425-31,    434 1-,    438, 

442,  446-8,  455  f. 
Appius  Claudius,  376 
Arabia,  products  of,  22 
Aratus,  299 
Archaeology,  67 
Aristagoras,  at  Sparta,  153-6;  ac 

Athens,  156  f. 
Aristides,  176  f. 
Aristophanes,     70;    selections, 

196-202,  228-33 
Aristotle,  72  f.;  selections,  97- 

101,  116  f.,  123-139,  176,  178, 

294-6 
Armenia,  251  f. 
Army,  Roman,  374  f. 
Arrian,  75,  321;  selection,  280  f. 
Artaphernes,  162 
Assembly,  Athenian,  196-200;  of 

Pel.  allies,   228;  curiate,  336; 

centuriate,  344 
Assyria,  31-3 
Astronomy,      Babylonian,      39; 

Greek,  306  f. 
Allans,     under     kings,     123  f.; 

timocracy,     124  f.;     tyranny, 

130-0;    democracy    "f    Cleis- 

thenes,  137-40;  Aristagoras  at , 

156  1  ,    affo  ted     by    fall    of 


S85 


586 


Index 


Miletus,  160;  in  war  with 
Persia,  162-74;  and  Delian 
confederacy,  175-9;  under  Per- 
icles, 180-210;  in  Pelop.  war, 
211-40;  under  Spartan  su- 
premacy, 247-57;  at  war  -'ith 
Philip,  266-9;  "fe  m>  283-96 

Attalus,  303 

Augustan  Age,  316,  464-74 

Augustine,  St.,  323;  selections, 
566-8,  569-72 

Augustus,  464-75 

Aurelian,  526 

Aurelius,   M.,  321;   selections, 

510-3 
Avesta,  3;  selections,  63-5 

Babylon,  33 

Babylonia,  27-41 

Barbarians,  northern,  544-57 

Battle,  of  Marathon,  165-7; 
Salamis,  169-74;  Mantinea, 
261-4;  Issus,  276  f.;  Allia, 
362  f.;  Heraclea,  367;  Lake 
Trasimene,  383-6;  Actium, 
455  f.;  Milvian  Bridge,  533  f. 

Beka,  epitaph  of,  20-2 

Benedict,  St.,  rule  of,  562  f. 

Bible,  selections,  45-54,  5  21 

Blood  feud,  551  f. 

Britain,  490  f. 

Brutus,  447 

Burial  society,  516  f. 

Cesar,  Julius,  314;  selections, 
444  f.,  450-4;  consulship,  442  f. 
campaigns  in  Gaul,  443-6;  as 
dictator,  446-50;  death,  447- 
9;  municipal  law  of,  45°-4 


Calendar,  farmer's,  404 

Callimachus,  163-7 

Callinus,  selection,  141 

Camillus,  364  f. 

Campania,  330  f.,  372-4 

Campus  Martius,  472  f. 

Canuleian  Law,  354  f. 

Capua,  330 

Carians,  77 

Carthage,  at  war  with  Greeks, 
241-3;  with  Rome,  379-88; 
treaty  of,  with  Rome,  361  f.; 
moral  condition  of,  542  f. 

Cassiterides  Islands,  43 

Cassius,  Spurius,  349,  447 

Catiline,  437-42 

Cato,  314;  manner  of  life,  411  f. ; 
maxims,  412-4;  political  life, 
414;  selections,  405-9 

Catullus,3I5  f.;  selection, 461  f. 

Censors,  355  f.;  discipline  of, 
377  i- 

Census,  342-4,  453  f- 

Cephalus  and  Socrates,  290-4 

Chalcis,  charter  of,  194-6 

Chariot  race,  189-91 

Charlemagne,  577-83 

Charles  Martel,  576 

Cheirisophus,  254  f. 
Cheops,  6 

Choral  songs,  229-31 
Christ,  521;  monogram  of,  533  f. 
Christianity,  writers  on,  322  f.; 
early,  521-6;  persecuted  by 
Diocletian,  531-3;  under  Con- 
stantine,  534-6;  in  late  em- 
pire, 558-73;  of  Charlemagne, 

581-3 
Cicero,  315;  opposes  Catiline, 


Index 


587 


437-9;  selections,  348-50,  439~ 
42 

Cineas,  368 

City-state,  97-102 

Classes,  laboring,  in  Egypt,  22- 
6;  social,  in  Rome,  335;  cen- 
sus, 342-4 

Claudius,  368  f.,  480-2 

Claudius  Marcellus,  473  f. 

Cleisthenes,  137-9 

Cleon,  213-7 

Cleopatra,  455-7 

Clients,  335  f. 

Colonization,  Greek,  103-9;  Ro- 
man, 337,  372-4 

Comitia  Curiata,  350  f. 

Constantine,  533-6 

Constantius,  528-30 

Consuls,  348  f.,  397  f. 

Contract,  of  marriage,  308  f.;  of 
apprenticeship,  495  f. 

Corcyra,  218 

Corinth,  council  at,  271  f.;  sack 

of,  395  i- 
Council,    at    Sparta,    116  f.;    of 

Areopagus,     128  f.;     Hellenic, 

167  f.;   at   Corinth,    271  f.;   of 

Huns,  555 
Crete,  civilization  of,  77-80 
Critolaus,  392-4 
Curiae,  334  f. 

Darius,  empire  of,  55—7;  achieve- 
ments of,  57-9;  invades  Hel- 
las, 162-74. 

Datis,  162 

Decius,     persecutes     Christians, 

525  f- 
Decline  of  Rome,  537~43 


Delos,  212;  confederacy  of,  175-9 

Deluge,  Chaldean  account  of, 
33-8 

Demes  and  tribes,  138  f. 

Demetrius,  246 

Demosthenes,  the  orator,  72; 
selections,  266-9;  tne  general, 
221  f. 

Denarius,  375  f. 

Diaeus,  395 

Dictator,  349  f.;  Sulla  as,  431; 
Caesar  as,  446-54 

Dio  Cassius,  321;  selections, 
358  f.,  446-74 

Dio  Chrysostom,  320;  selec- 
tion, 540 

Diocletian,  527-32,  537-9 

Diodorus,  73  f.,  315;  selections, 
44  f.,  78,  88  f.,  241-3,  277-80, 
328  f.,  376 

Diogenes  Laertius,  75;  selec- 
tions, 147-9 

Dionysius       I,      of      Syracuse, 

241-3 

Dionysius,  the  writer,  316;  se- 
lections, 332,  334-8,  349-53, 
362  f. 

Domitian,  490  f. 

Draco,  124  f. 

Druids,  444-6 

Ebed-Tob,  47  f. 

Economy,  Greek,  103-6 

Education,  of  girls  and  women 
at  Sparta,  112  f.;  of  youths  at 
Sparta,  113  f.;  "Good  Old 
Education,"  231-3;  public, 
294;  branches  of,  205;  late 
Roman,  563,  569-72 


588 


Index 


EGINHARD,  324;  selections,  576- 

83 
Egypt,  5~26.  303 
Epaminondas,  258-64 
Epic  Age,  81-7 
Epictetus,      320  f.;      selection, 

513-6 
Ercte,  Mt.,  380-2 
Erectheum,  239 
Eryx,  Mt.,  381  f. 
Etruscans,  328 

Euboea,  depopulation  of,  540  f. 
Eumenes,  299  f. 

Euripides,  70;  selections,  233-6 
Eusebius,  323,  535  f. 

EUTROPIUS,  321 

Fabius  Pictor,  313  f.,  344 
Farming,  among  Greeks,  103-5; 

scientific,    405-8;    in    Roman 

empire,  541 
Fasti,  317 
Festus,  372 

Flamen  of  Jupiter,  339  f. 
Florus,  321;  selection,  436 
Forum,  473 

Freedman,  rise  of,  491-3 
Funeral,  351;  orations,  401-3;  of 

Germans,  554 

Galienus,  528-30 

Games,  secular,  468-71 

Gauls,  sack  Rome,  362-5;  con- 
quered by  Caesar,  443  f.;  cus- 
toms of,  444-6;  given  right  to 
offices,  480-2 

Gellius,  Aulus,  320;  selections, 
339,  356,  37i  i-,  377  i-,  409, 
424  f. 


Geography,  Greek,  306-8 

Germany,  country  and  people, 
544  f.;  government,  545~7; 
companionship,  547-9;  dress, 
550;  society,  550-4 

Gladiatorial  shows,  483 

Golden  House,  482  f. 

Goths,  558-60 

Gracchus,  Tiberius,  417-21; 
Gaius,  421-5 

Greece,  sources  for,  67-76; 
Cretan  and  Mycenaean  civili- 
zations, 77-80;  epic  age,  81-7; 
myth  and  religion,  88-96; 
constitutional  growth,  97-102; 
economy  and  colonization, 
103-10;  early  poets  and  phil- 
osophers, 141-51;  during  Ionic 
revolt,  152-61;  in  war  with 
Persia,  162-74;  from  Persian 
to  Pelop.  war,  175-210;  in 
Pelop.  war,  211-40;  during 
fourth  century,  241-96;  Hel- 
lenistic, 297-311 

Guilds,  339 

Gylippus,  221 

Gymnasium,  at  Alexandria,  306 

Hades,  descent  of  Ishtar  to,  38: 

Odysseus  visits,  89-94 
Hadrian,  505-10 
Hamilcar  Barca,  380-2 
Hammurabi,  28-31 
Hannibal,  383-7 
Hebrews,  48-54 
Hecateus,  152 
Hellas,  see  Greece 
Hellenistic  Age,  297-311 
Helots,  1 14-6 


Index 


5§9 


Heraclea,  battle  of,  367  f. 
Heretics,  edict  against,  568  f. 
Herodian,  321,  541 
Herodotus,  i,  70  f.;  selections, 

6-8,  40  f.,  45,  59-63,  74,  117- 

20,  152-60,  162-9 
Hesiod,  68  f.;  selections,  103-6 
Hippias  and  Hipparchus,  134-7 
Hipponicus,  226 
Hittites,  8-10,  12 
Homer,     68;    selections,     81-7, 

89-94 
Horace,  317;  selection,  470  f. 
Hortensian  law,  358-60 
Huns,  554-7 

Husband  and  wife,  partners,  285 
Hymn    to    Apollo    and    Diana, 

470-2 

Iliad,  68;  selections,  81-5 

Inscriptions,  Greek,  194-6;  Ro- 
man, 45°~4,  494  f-,  5°5,  5l6  *• 

Ionic  Revolt,  152-61 

Ischomachus  and  Socrates,  283- 
96 

Italy  and  her  people,  326-33 

Jerome,    St.,    323;    selections, 

558  f.,  560  f.,  564  f- 
Jerusalem,  siege  of,  485-7 
Jesus,  521 
Jews,  destroy  themselves,  485-7; 

see  Hebrews 
Joshphus,   318;   selection    from, 

485-7 
Jurors,  Athenian,  200-2 
Justin,  selections,  270-4 
i       ENAL,    318;    selection,    498- 

500 


Karl  (Charlemagne),  conquests, 
577  f-;  buildings,  579;  per- 
sonal appearance,  579-81;  ed- 
ucation and  religion,  581  f.;  re- 
lations with  Pope,  582  f. 

Kings,  see  Monarchy 

Koran,  574  f. 

Lacedaemonian  confederacy,  212 

Lactantius,  322;  selections, 
521  f.,  525,  531-5,  537-9 

Latium,  329  f.,  372 

Laws,  of  Hammurabi,  29-31;  of 
Solon,  127-9;  of  Twelve  Ta- 
bles, 351  f.;  Valerian-Hora- 
tian,  353;  Canuleian,  354  f.; 
Licinian,  356-8;  Ogulnian, 
358;  Hortensian,  358-60; 
of  Caesar,  450-4. 

Letters,  Epicurus  to  a  child,  309; 
Isias  to  Hephaestion,  309  f.;  of 
introduction,  495;  to  a  young 
man,  497;  to  a  dilatory  son, 
497;  invitation,  497;  petition 
regarding  robbery,  517  f.;  a 
soldier  to  his  father,  518;  a  boy 
to  his  father,  519;  of  Eusebius, 
535  f.;  of  St.  Jerome,  558-60. 

Licinian  laws,  356-8 

Licinius  Crassus,  435  f. 

Livy,  316;  selections,  338-46, 
348-50,  354-60,  372-5,  383-6 

Lucretius,  315;  selections,  457- 
61 

Lycurgus,  n  1-3 

Lysander,  228  f. 

M;n  cilon,  rise  <>f,  266-75;  under 

Alexander,  -'70  0'. 


59° 


Index 


Mantinca,  battle  of,  261-4 

Marathon,  battle  of,  165-7 

Marcella,  558  f. 

Marius,  Gaius,  425-8 

Marriage  contract,  308  f.,  565 

Massalia  (Marseilles),  107  f. 

Mausoleum  of  Augustus,  473 

Maximianus,  528-30 

Mayors  of  the  Palace,  576 

Media,  55-8 

Merovingians,  575  f. 

Miletus,  destruction  of,  159  f. 

Military  rule  at  Rome,  417-31; 
in  conflict  with  republic,  433- 
56 

Military  tribunes,  355 

Miltiades,  163-7 

Milvian  Bridge,  battle  of,  533  f. 

Minos,  77  f. 

Miracles,  567  f. 

Mithra,  64  f. 

Mohammedans,  574-83 

Monarchy,  Oriental,  6-12,  27- 
33,  5o-3,  5S-9J  Greek,  83, 
85-7,  100  f.,  117-9,  123  f.; 
Macedonian,  266-82;  early 
Roman,  334-47;  irom  Prin" 
cipate  to,  480-501;  Good  Em- 
perors, 502-20;  absolute,  527- 

36 
Money,      375  f.;      making      by 

Greeks,  294 
Monk,  advice  to,  560-2 
Mummius,  394-6 
Municipia,  371  f. 
Murdia,  eulogy  on,  494  f. 
Museum  at  Alexandria,  305 
Music,   288-90;  instruments  of, 

224  f.;  decline  of,  289  f.;  Ro- 


man taste  for,  409-1 1 ;  earliest, 

460 
Mycenae,  civilization  of,  77-80 
Mytilenaeans,  213-7 

Natural  History,  318 

Navigation,  Phoenician,  43-7; 
Greek,  105  f. 

Nebuchadnezzar,  palace  of,  32  f. 

Nepos,  74,  315;  selection,  258-61 

Nero,  his  tastes,  482  f.;  his  ad- 
ministration, 483  f.;  persecutes 
Christians,  522  f. 

Nicene  creed,  535  f. 

Nicias,  221  f. 

Nile,  5  f.;  hymn  to,  13-5 

Numa  Pompilius,  338-42 

Nun,  training  of,  564  f. 

Octavius  (Augustus),  454-74 

Odeum,  188  f. 

Odysseus,  85,  89-94 

Odyssey,    68;    selections,    85-7, 

90-4,  307 
Ogulnian  law,  358 
Oracle,  94  f.,  159 
Orestes,  189-91 
Osiris,  17 
Ostia,  329  f. 
Ovid,  317;  selection,  340 

Psean,  220 

Painting,  early  Italic,  376  f. 

Palace  of  Alcinous,  85-7;  at 
Persepolis,  278-80;  at  Alex- 
andria, 305;  Nero's,  482  f. 

Pan,  shrine  of,  163 

Papyri,  Greek,  309  f.,  495-7, 
517-9,  525  f- 


Index 


59i 


Parilia,  334 

P  ATERCU  LUS ,       VELLEIUS ,       3 1 7  J 

selection,  475 
Paphlagonians,  oath  of,  467  f. 
Patricians,  335 
Pausanias,  75 ;  selections,  239  f., 

394-6 
Peiraeus,      building      of,      175; 

Thrasybulus  at,  248  f. 
Peisistratus,  130-4 
Peloponnesian    league,    111-21, 
297  f.;  constitution  of,  119-21 
war,  211-40 
Pericles,  age  of,  180-209;  family 
and  education,  180  f.;  states- 
manship, 181-5;  public  works, 
185-9;  on  Athenian  character, 
206-9 

Perioeci,  114-6 

Persepolis,  sack  of,  277 

Persia,  59;  empire,  55-65;  cus- 
toms, 59-64;  war  with  Greece, 
162-74;  conquered  by  Alex- 
ander, 276-80;  and  Charle- 
magne, 578 

Petronius,  318;  selection,  49I_3 

Pheidias,  188 

Pheidippides  (Philippides),  162  f. 

Philip,  master  of  Greece,  266-70; 
organizes  supremacy,  270-3; 
achievements,  273-5 

Philosophers,  141-51;  Thales, 
147-9;  Pythagoras,  149  f.;  So- 
crates, 225,  290-4;  Plato,  288- 
90;  banished  from  Rome,  409; 
see  Aurelius,  Epictetus 

Phoenicians,  42-7 

Phyle,  247-51 

Pindar,  69;  selection,  146  f. 


Plato,  72;  selections,  109,  236-9, 

288-94 
Plebeians,  335;  win  rights,  350  f., 

353-6o 
Plethrum,  305 
Pliny  the  Elder,  318;  selection, 

375  f- 

Pliny  the  Younger,  320;  selec- 
tions, 488-90,  502-5,  523-5 

Plutarch,  74;  selections,  m-3> 
114-6,  175  f.,  180-9,  223-8, 
243-6,  276  f.,  339  f.,  363-9. 
411-5,  417  f.,  421-3,  426-31, 
433-7,  443-9 

Plutocracy,  growth  of,  397-41 S> 
at  Rome,  417-31 

Poets,  141-51;  Callinus,  141; 
Tyrtaeus,  141-3;  Alcasus,  143  f. 
Sappho,  145  f.;  Pindar,  146  f.; 
Horace,  317;  Ovid,  317;  Ver- 
gil, 3i7 

Polemarchus  and  Socrates,  291  f. 

Polybius,  73,  314;  selections, 
297-303,  326  t-,  330,  361  f-, 
380-3,  387,  389-94,  397-404, 
410  f. 

Polycrates,  254 

Pompey,  433~7 

Pope  Leo,  582  f. 

Po  Valley,  326 

Prayer,  193  f.,  290;  of  Augustus, 
468  f.;  of  matrons,  469  f. 

Precepts,  Egyptian,  15-20 

Priene,  302  f. 

Principate,  founding  of,  464-79; 
to  monarchy,  480-500 

Principia,  558  f. 

Propylsea,  189 

Proscriptions,  of  Sulla,  429-31 


592 


Index 


Ptolemy,  301 
Publicola,  348 
Punic  wars,  379-88 
Pyramids,  6-8 
Pyrrhus,  365-70 
Pythagoras,  149  f. 

Quirites,  469 

Rameses  II,  8-1 2 

Regulus,  379  f. 

Religion,  Egyptian,  10-15;  Baby- 
lonian and  Assyrian,  33-40; 
Hebrew,  48-54;  Persian,  59- 
61,  63-5;  Greek,  88-96;  early 
Roman,  337-42,  349;  later, 
401-4;  origin  of,  457-9;  under 
Augustus,  467-71;  under  Ti- 
berius, 478;  Mohammedan, 
574  f. ;  Christian,  see  Chris- 
tians. 

Republic,  early  Roman,  348-78; 
during  Punic  wars,  379-416; 
transformation   to  principate, 

417-63 

Rex  Sacrorum,  349 

Rhetoricians,  banished  from 
Rome,  409 

Rhodes,  302 

Rome,  331  f.;  under  kings,  334- 
7;  becomes  supreme  in  Italy, 
361-78;  during  Punic  wars, 
379-416;  from  republic  to 
principate,  417-63;  under  prin- 
cipate, 464-501;  under  Good 
Emperors,  502-20;  under 
absolute  monarchy,  527-36; 
decline  of,  537-43;  late, 558-72 

Romulus,  334-8 


Salamis,  battle  of,  169-74 
Sallust,  314;  selection,  426 
Salvianus,  324;  selections,  539, 

542  f. 
Sappho,  69;  selections,  145  f. 
Sardis,  taken  by  Greeks,  157  f.; 

Greek  spies  at,  168  f. 
Sargon,  27  f. 

Schoolboy,  miseries  of,  569  f. 
Schoolmaster,  sorrows  of,  571  f. 
Senate,  Roman,  336,  349,  398  f., 

480-2 
Seneca,  318 

Sermon  on  the  Mount,  521 
Sertorius,  434 
Servants,     training    of,     287  f.; 

funerals,  517;  of  Germans,  553 
Servile  war,  434-6 
Servius  Tullius,  342-6 
Sextius,  357  f. 
Shipbuilding,  242  f. 
Sicily,    expedition    to,    218-40; 

tyrant  and  liberator  of,  241-6 
Sicyon,  299 
Sidon,  42  f. 
Socrates,  and  Alcibiades,  225  f.; 

defense  of,  236;  dialogue  with 

Ischomachus,      283-8;     visits 

Cephalus,  290-4 
Solomon's  Temple,  50-3 
Solon,  69;  social  conditions  be- 
fore,  123  f.;   elegy  of,   125  f.; 

laws  of,  1 27-9;  journey  abroad, 

129  f. 
Sophocles,  70;  selections,  T89- 

94 
Sources,  introduction  to,  oriental, 
1-4;    Greek,    67-76;    Roman, 
3J3-26 


Index 


593 


Sparta,  rise  of,  111-21;  Arista- 
goras  at,  153-6;  supremacy  of, 

247-57 
Spartacus,  434-6 
Spartianus,      322;      selections, 

505-10 
Stadium,  308 

Stone  quarries  of  Syracuse,  222  f. 
Strabo,  1,  74,  316  f.;  selections 

from,  5  f.,  33,  42,  43.  55,  94-6, 

107-9,  149,  281,  303-7,  327  f., 

328-32,  472-4 
Suetonius,  320;  selections,  442  f. 

449,    454,    464  f.,    47S,    480, 

482  f.,  484  f. 
Sulla,  428-31 

Syracuse,  220  f.;  tyrant  of,  241-6 
Syria,  42-54 

Tacitus,  318  f.;  selections,  474, 
476-8,  480-4,  490,  522  f.,  544- 

55 
Tarentum,  106  f.,  365  f. 
Tarquinius,  L.,  346 
Temple,  Erechtheum,  239  f.;  of 

Capitoline      Jupiter,      345  f.; 

Olympian  Jupiter,  at  Athens, 

508 
"Ten    Thousand,"    retreat    of, 

251-5 

Thales,  147-9 

Thebes,  attempt  to  gain  su- 
premacy, 258-64;  and  Philip, 
271 

Themistocles,  175 

Theodosius,  541,  568  f. 

Theramenes,  228  f. 

Thessaly,  267 

"Thirty,"  247-51 


Thrasybulus,  247-51 

Thucydides,  71;  selections, 
78  f.,  120  f.,  176,  177,  206-9, 
211-23 

Tiberius,  princeps,  475-9 

Tiglath-Pileser  I,  31  f. 

Timoleon,  243-6 

Titus  Lartius,  349 

Titus,  princeps,  488-90 

Tombs,  spoliation  of,  15,  568; 
decoration  of,  340  f. 

Trajan,  correspondence  with 
Pliny,  502-5,  523-5 

Trasimene,  battle  of  lake, 
383-6 

Treaty,  earliest  recorded,  8-10; 
between  Eleians  and  Heraeans, 
121;  with  Ptolemy,  301;  be- 
tween Rome  and  Carthage, 
361  f. 

Tribes,  334  f. 

Tribunes  of  plebs,  350  f. 

Tyrant,  of  Athens,  130-7;  of 
Syracuse,  241-6 

Tyrt',  42  f.,  45-7 

Tyrt^us,  69 

Valens,  321 

Valerian-Horatian  laws,  353 
Valerius  Flaccus,  411  f. 
Velleius    Paterculus,    317  f. ; 

selection,  475 
Vergil,  317;  selections,  474,  560, 

562-4 
Vespasian,  484  f. 
Vestal  Virgins,  340;  election  of, 

477 
Vesuvius,  eruption  of,  488-90 

Via  Appia,  276 


594 


Index 


Victor,  Aurelius,  321  f.;  selec- 
tions, 527-31 

War,  Oriental,  27  f.,  31  f.,  56  f.; 
of  Ionic  revolt,  152-61;  be- 
tween Greece  and  Persia,  162- 
74;  Peloponnesian,  211-40; 
between  Alexander  and  Da- 
rius,    276-82;      Punic,     379- 


88;    Achaean,    392-6;    servile, 
434-6 
Women,  Greek,  283-8;  Roman, 
378;  German,  546  £. 

Xenophon,  71  f.,  251-5;  selec- 
tions, 113  f.,  228  f.,  247-57, 
261-4,  283-8 

Xerxes,  167-9 


This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below 


r  jun  2      1939 


DEC 


x  0  W« 


194 
HAY  2  0  1952 

DISCHARGE 

£pR     4  1978 
NOV  "  9  1979 


Form  L-9-10wi-5,'28 


■i  or  re  e-book   of  an- 


1158  00170  5416 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


AA    000  831288    6 


